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Gerardo L. Munck. University of Southern California (USC)@GerardoMunckSocial scientists have not discovered laws similar to those in the physical sciences. But they undersell what their disciplines have accomplished. That is why I like Josep Colomer's claim that 30 important propositions in political science should be treated as "things we know."  Nov 25, 2022252. Retweets.       16. Quote Tweets.      1,043. LikesTo convey a sense of Colomer's claim, I copy verbatim the 30 propositions. Sources: Josep Colomer, The Science of Politics: An Introduction (2011), Oxford University Press, pp. xxi -xxv.  - https://www.researchgate.net/publication/259760896_The_Science_of_Politics_An_IntroductionCiencia de la politica (2010, 2017), Editorial Ariel.  - https://www.amazon.com/-/es/Josep-Maria-Colomer/dp/8434425289?asin=B06WD4Z1N7&revisionId=d87f6ef8&format=1&depth=1·1.PUBLIC GOODS. In contrast to private goods, public goods are indivisible & cannot be satisfactorily provided by the market or other private initiatives. The provision of public goods requires cooperation or coercion, whether by means of collective action or effective government2. GOVERNMENT SIZE. The demand for public goods and the relative levels of public expenditure by governments tend to increase with economic prosperity, institutional stability, and democracy.3. COLLECTIVE ACTION. Members of small, concentrated, and homogeneous communities or interest groups have more incentives to cooperate and participate in collective action than members of large, dispersed, and heterogeneous groups. /13. COLLECTIVE ACTION. In the public arena, small groups tend to have relatively more access to public resources at the expense of large groups. /24. VOICE VERSUS EXIT. Collective action for the advancement of collective interests, or "voice," weakens and may fail if the rival action of "exit," in search for an alternative provider, is less costly and more likely to give access to public goods.5. PRISONER'S DILEMMA. The "Prisoner's Dilemma," which is the most famous model in game theory, can represent the basic structure of collective action problems for the provision of public goods. /15. PRISONER'S DILEMMA. In this game, each actor has incentives not to cooperate, which may lead to an inefficient outcome in which all the participants are worse off than if all cooperated. /26. SUSTAINED COOPERATION. In interactions of the Prisoner's Dilemma type, sustained cooperation can emerge if actors apply the strategy of cooperating and doing unto others as they do unto yourself—also called "Tit for Tat." /16. SUSTAINED COOPERATION. Mutual cooperation is more likely the greater the uncertainty as to the length of the collective relationship and the higher the number of interactions you may be involved in. /27. LEADERSHIP. Collective action of communities and interest groups can develop thanks to leadership. Leaders distribute the costs of action among group members to provide public and private goods, /17. LEADERSHIP. while, in exchange, followers give the leaders votes or support and allow them to enjoy the benefits of power, fame, income, and a political career. /28. SMALL IS DEMOCRATIC. Small communities, which tend to be relatively harmonious in economic and ethnic terms, are comparatively advantageous for soft, democratic forms of government. /18. SMALL IS DEMOCRATIC. In recent times, small independent countries and self-governed communities have proliferated, thus making the average country size decrease. /29. MULTILEVEL GOVERNANCE. Multiple levels of government, including local, state, and global, are necessary for an efficient provision of public goods at diverse territorial scales.10. FEDERATION NEEDS MANY UNITS. Local democratic self-government and large-scale provision of public goods can be compatible by means of federalism. Many-unit federations, in which no unit is sufficiently large to dominate, tend to survive and endure. /110. FEDERATION NEEDS MANY UNITS. In contrast, two-unit-only federations tend to fail, leading to either absorption of the smaller unit by the larger one or secession of the small, likely dominated unit. /211. DICTATORSHIPS FAIL AND FALL. Dictatorships have self-appointed rulers holding on to power by coercive and violent means. They can survive on the basis of repression and their "substantive" performance, whether economic or other. /111. DICTATORSHIPS FAIL AND FALL. But they also tend to fall as a consequence of their failures, including military defeats, economic crises, or the dictator's death. /212. DEVELOPMENT FAVORS DEMOCRACY. Democracy is based on freedom and regular elections of rulers. Economic development favors the viability of democratic regimes because it tends to reduce income and social polarization and lower the intensity of redistributive conflicts.13. DEMOCRACY FAVORS DEVELOPMENT. Democracy can favor economic development because it is strongly associated with the rule of law and is more competent in the provision of public goods.14. DEMOCRATIC PEACE. Democratic states are less likely to fight one another and engage in wars than dictatorships.15. PARTY OLIGARCHY. Political parties are organizations that present policy proposals and compete for political power. A political organization tends to become an "oligarchy," ie, it tends to be dominated by political leaders or professional politicians seeking votes & offices.16. EXTREME ACTIVISTS. Voluntary political activists hold more "extreme" policy or ideological positions than party voters and even party leadership.17.MEDIAN VOTER. In elections in which only 2 major parties compete, they may have incentives to approach each other and converge in their policy positions. Once they converge around the median voter's preference, neither party has electoral incentives to move away from the other party18. INCUMBENT ADVANTAGE. Electoral competition is asymmetric between the government and the opposition. The incumbent party in government can gain advantage in electoral competition by providing or hiding information on its record to obtain credibility.19. ISSUE OWNERSHIP. In spite of parties' convergence in their policy positions on some issues, a party can keep advantage and "own" an issue if its past record in government has given it credit for policy making on that issue.20. NON-DEBATE CAMPAIGNS. In electoral campaigns, rival parties and candidates tend to choose or emphasize different policy issues according to different issue ownership and the parties' or candidates' expected relative advantage.21. POLICY CONSENSUS. In the long term, broad policy consensus can be accumulated on an increasing number of issues. But in the short term, mediocre policies and incumbent parties with no good performance in government may survive for lack of a sufficiently popular alternative.22. CONSENSUAL PLURALISM. There is an inverse correlation between the number of political parties in a system and the degree of party polarization in electoral competition. /122. CONSENSUAL PLURALISM. High fragmentation of the party system is associated with a high number of issues on the policy agenda, which generates low polarization of political competition and more opportunities for consensus. /2123. MAJORITY BIPARTISM. Presidential and other one-office elections by plurality rule tend to be associated with single-party dominance or a balance between two parties.24. MORE SEATS, MORE PARTIES. In assembly and parliamentary elections, large size of the assembly and a high number of seats in each district and proportional representation are associated with a high number of political parties.25. MICRO-MEGA RULE. When choosing electoral rules, large parties prefer small assemblies and small districts by plurality rule, while small parties prefer large assemblies and large districts with proportional representation.26. SMALL ASSEMBLIES, LARGE DISTRICTS. The development of multiple parties favors the adoption of large multi-seat districts with proportional representation rules. In the long term, proportional representation rules have been increasingly adopted. /126. SMALL ASSEMBLIES, LARGE DISTRICTS. But in very large countries, a large federal assembly can be elected with different electoral rules, including small single-seat districts. /227.INSTITUTIONAL "DEADLOCK." Single-party government promotes a high concentration of power, which may foster effectiveness in decision-making. In contrast, separate elections for different offices & divisions of power may produce divided government, "deadlock," & policy stability.28.MINIMUMCOALITIONS.Parties in parliament tend to form minimum-size winning coalitions & prefer partners located in contiguous policy & ideology positions. The distribution of cabinet portfolios among coalition parties tends to be proportional to the N of seats controlled by each party.29. CABINET DURATION. Single-party majority cabinets tend to last longer than multiparty coalition or minority cabinets.30. TWO-PARTY STALEMATE. In a system with separation of powers between the presidency and the congress, policy change is relatively more viable if there are multiple parties or individual members of congress are not strongly tied to party votes.30. TWO-PARTY STALEMATE. In contrast, a two-party system with strong party discipline may prop up confrontation and inter-institutional stalemate. /2

Structures, actors and processes make up the unifying thread of the diversity of themes specific work on the articles that make up this issue of the magazine. Several texts point to federalism as a structuring dimension of the Argentine state in its three jurisdictional levels and the tensions that arise between the level national jurisdictional and sub-national levels. Niembro, Aristimuño and Del Bello subject to scrutiny the effective scope of the federalization objective in income to the career of scientific and technological researcher at CONICET; prove the uneven achievement of the same and the risks of a return to academicism that marked moments precedents of the organism. Fernando Rubino compares two experiences of associativism intermunicipal in the Metropolitan Area of Buenos Aires and its effectiveness as management tool. Piana and Patiño Jaramillo focus on the organizational structures of the Public Administration of the province of Buenos Aires during the government of María Eugenia Vidal (2015-19), highlight the contrast between the official privatization discourse, anti-political, downsizing of the state and cutting expenses, the reality of growth of the resources and responsibilities of the agencies taken into account and the increase in political positions without specific functional involvement. The effective validity of the policy glacier protection in the provinces of Santa Cruz and Tierra del Fuego allows Ana Paula Lucero to identify and explain the tensions that arise between a federal political norm of universal application and the provincial interests derived from their specific endowment of resources and their own development strategies. The coupling between federal political institutions and processes and provincial regimes is explicit in the analysis of the electoral coalition building strategy of the UCR in the province of Santa Fe ahead of the 2019 elections, carried out by Ariadna Gallo and Carolina Pérez Roux. Since the 1980s, organizations of unemployed workers and residents of precarious communities have witnessed rapid growth in magnitude organizational, assertive effectiveness and formulation of public policy proposals; they relativized the formal quasi monopoly of the articulation of interests by political parties and the trade union movement, contributed to reformulate the conventional articulation between state and civil society. Julia Nesprias explores the evolution of the villero movement in the City of Buenos Aires in its articulation with the predominant institutional policies. The article by Maneiro and Núñez describes the process of struggle of the organizations of workers of the popular economy around the Social Emergency law of 2016, their strategies for building alliances with a wide range of society and the system political, in an institutional political environment of ruling neoliberalism. Finally Feldman and Girolimo analyze the promotion policies of Industry 4.0 in a context of accelerated technological change, taking as a reference the experiences recent developments in Mexico, Argentina and Brazil in digitization and automation of Productive processes; draw attention to the need for peripheral economies and the need to face these challenges so as not to deepen the existing gaps with respect to to the core countries. An analysis of political and administrative capacities is published in the Documents section of the state, from the perspective of the State and Public Administration Commission of the Homeland. This document is included as a contribution to the political-academic debate around the role of the public sector in promoting development with social equity. With this number the RPPP reaches its first decade of existence. In these ten years 150 articles and 42 reviews were accepted and published, of the more than 600 originals received. 69 articles published are by female authorship (46%), 68 by authorship masculine (45%) and 13 of authorship gender sharing; one sixth comes from authors affiliated with academic institutions abroad. The variety of your content, according to the breadth of its call and the wide field of analysis of the State and public policies, combines academic quality according to standards with the commitment to the substantive values that inspire and guide the National University of Lanús. ; Estructuras, actores y procesos conforman el hilo unificador de la diversidad de temas específicos trabajados por los artículos que integran el presente número de la revista. Varios textos apuntan al federalismo como dimensión estructurante del estado argentino en sus tres niveles jurisdiccionales y a las tensiones que se suscitan entre el nivel jurisdiccional nacional y los niveles subnacionales. Niembro, Aristimuño y Del Bello someten a escrutinio el efectivo alcance del objetivo de federalización en los ingresos a la carrera de investigador científico y tecnológico del CONICET; demuestran el desigual logro del mismo y los riesgos de un retorno al academicismo que signó momentos precedentes del organismo. Fernando Rubino compara dos experiencias de asociativismo intermunicipal en el Área Metropolitana de Buenos Aires y su eficacia como herramienta de gestión. Piana y Patiño Jaramillo enfocan las estructuras organizativas de la Administración Pública de la provincia de Buenos Aires durante la gobernación de María Eugenia Vidal (2015-19), destacan el contraste entre el discurso oficial privatizador, antipolítico, de achicamiento del estado y recorte de gastos, la realidad de crecimiento de los recursos e incumbencias de los organismos tomados en cuenta y el incremento de los cargos políticos sin afectación funcional específica. La efectiva vigencia de la política nacional de protección de glaciares en las provincias de Santa Cruz y Tierra del Fuego permite a Ana Paula Lucero identificar y explicar las tensiones que se suscitan entre una norma política federal de aplicación universal y los intereses provinciales derivados de su dotación específica de recursos y sus propias estrategias de desarrollo. El complejo acople entre instituciones y procesos políticos federales y regímenes provinciales se explicita en el análisis de la estrategia de construcción de coaliciones electorales de la UCR en la provincia de Santa Fe de cara a los comicios de 2019, llevado a cabo por Ariadna Gallo y Carolina Pérez Roux. Desde la década de 1980, las organizaciones de trabajadores desocupados y habitantes de comunidades precarizadas han dado testimonio de un acelerado crecimiento en magnitud organizativa, eficacia reivindicativa y formulación de propuestas de política pública; relativizaron el cuasi monopolio formal de articulación de intereses por los partidos políticos y el movimiento sindical, contribuyeron a reformular la convencional articulación entre estado y sociedad civil. Julia Nesprias explora la evolución del movimiento villero en la Ciudad de Buenos Aires en su articulación con las políticas institucionales predominantes. El artículo de Maneiro y Núñez describe el proceso de lucha de las organizaciones de trabajadores de la economía popular en torno a la ley de Emergencia Social de 2016, sus estrategias de construcción de alianzas con un amplio arco de la sociedad y del sistema político, en un ambiente político institucional de neoliberalismo gobernante. Finalmente Feldman y Girolimo analizan las políticas de promoción de la industria 4.0 en un contexto de cambio tecnológico acelerado, tomando como referencia las experiencias recientes de México, Argentina y Brasil en digitalización y automatización de procesos productivos; llaman la atención sobre la necesidad de las economías periféricas y la necesidad de afrontar estos desafíos para no profundizar las brechas existentes respecto a los países centrales. En la sección Documentos se publica un análisis de las capacidades políticas y administrativas del estado, desde la perspectiva de la Comisión Estado y Administración Pública del Instituto Patria. Se incluye este documento como un aporte al debate político-académico en torno al rol del sector público en la promoción del desarrollo con equidad social. Con este número la RPPP alcanza su primera década de existencia. En estos diez años fueron aceptados y publicados 150 artículos y 42 reseñas, de los más de 600 originales recibidos. 69 artículos publicados son de autoría femenina (46%), 68 de autoría masculina (45%) y 13 de compartición autoral de género; una sexta parte proviene de autoras y autores afiliados a instituciones académicas del exterior. La variedad de su contenido, acorde a la amplitud de su convocatoria y al amplio campo de análisis del Estado y las políticas públicas, conjuga la calidad académica de acuerdo a los estándares convencionales con el compromiso a los valores sustantivos que inspiran y orientan a la Universidad Nacional de Lanús. Carlos Vilas.

The European Union is a space o f continuous negotiations and an arena hosting the clashes of diverse integration options and concepts represented by EU member states and institutions. Furthermore, the disintegration of the EU (which dates back to the Maastricht Treaty) is becoming more and more visible. It is reflected directly by the presence in the European debate concerning multi-speed Europe and the current actions taken by the Eurozone states aimed at escalating the integration among selected states. Poland is also taking part in the debate concerning the future o f the European Union. The author of this paper attempted to examine Poland's place in the political and economic space o f the European Union by referring to the theory of integration. The research objective o f the paper is to analyse the Polish integration policy between late 1989 and 2012 within the context o f the international and European integration theory. The advanced research reflection in this scope in relation to Poland as the selected and important EU member state fits into the debate on the relevance of the European Union uniting concepts. The author posed the following research hypotheses in the dissertation: 1 .Considering the current stage o f development of the European Union, the Polish integration policy does not firmly support strictly one international or European integration concept. The Polish integration policy does not have a cohesive and stable integration policy concept and it is largely dependent on the policy and objectives of the current government (this is not only typical o f Poland) and the integration level. 2.Poland is strongly fixed in western structures, which makes the integration policy a vital component of development. What is more, the outlook on the European Union continues to evolve in the Polish political and social space. Poland sees the European Union as the main point o f reference in many political, economic, and social areas. 3.The organisation of the European Union does not only see Poland affect the form of the integration process, but also sees member states and EU organisations affect the functioning of Poland. The influence of a given state on the form o f the European Union mostly depends on the state's strength and significance in the EU community. This premise sees the place o f a given state in the system conditioned by the current factors, for example the European Union expansion process. Therefore, the interests o f Poland do not always correspond to the interests of the European Union, and the other way around. This deepens the EU's intergovernmental dimension. 4.Member states constitute the most important element o f the European Union. It is a union of states and nations supported by community institutions. This structure covers the convergence o f its methods, theories, and areas. This makes it impossible to profile the structure only from the perspective of the specified international integration theory. 5.The current stage o f the European Union's development, its challenges, and its problems show that the integration process continues to evolve and its result is impossible to foresee. 6.The current economic crisis influences the perception and management o f the European Union. The expectations include the intensification of intergovemmentalism and the establishment of multi-speed Union. If Poland remains outside of the Eurozone, it will find itself on the periphery o f the integration process, which is rather far from its very centre. Based on these research findings, Polish politics with regard to and, later, as part o f the EU can be divided into several principal periods. Period 1: (1989-1997) a time of consolidating Polish independence and security. This time was associated with the choice of a principal direction of the Polish foreign policy after 1989, i.e. Western Europe and declaration of Poland's will to take part in the process of its integration, without having any concrete vision for further course of those processes. This approach was often marked by a claiming attitude, both among political elites (marked by high instability) and the society (a simplified attitude, no social debate or knowledge about integration processes). During that period, Polish politics with regard to the EU cannot be ascribed to any specific model, since that policy was in statu nascendi at the time and was targeted at the EU membership, an objective in its own right. Period 2: (1998-2004) a time of negotiating Poland's accession to the EU, and the candidate's becoming accustomed to the rules o f EU's workings. There was still no vision o f integration processes from the Polish perspective and related opinions were expressed in a very cautious way. The primary aim was membership in the EU, such that was available at a given moment. At the same time, we should stress an important moment in the process of changes: the breakthrough o f the years 1999/2000. The interest in issues related to Poland's integration with the EU grew more intense then. The Polish government began to address this issue not only from the local perspective (a balance o f benefits and losses), but also expressed opinions on the reformation of the EU as a whole. Poland came as a difficult candidate for an EU member state (Polish support for US activities in Iraq and Afghanistan). This "difficulty" also emerged in the government's seeking to secure Poland's financial interests in connection with the accession. It was a period of preparations for membership, marked by a high level o f uncertainty (no clear vision, conflicting views: strong Union or preservation of independence, Common Foreign and Security Policy or working with the USA). Period 3: (2005-2007) a process aimed at building a vision of "Europe of Solidary Nations" in the EU by the government o f K. Marcinkiewicz and J. Kaczyński. Decisive, though not quite stable, support for international liberalism in the Polish integration policy. This manifested itself in reinforcing the Euro-realistic stance, both within Poland and abroad, by many considered, in fact, Eurosceptic. Period 4: (since 2008 to this day) a period of an integration vision being developed by D. Tusk's government, especially the Minister o f Foreign Affairs, R. Sikorski. It is a time of big changes and evolution in the Polish integration policy. An important issue at this time was a real sense of benefits coming from Poland's integration with the EU and the Polish government's pro-European attitude. The integration policy being developed shows a more flexible approach to the concept of independence (emergence o f collective independence) and thinking about the Polish foreign policy from the EU perspective. Additionally, we observed a return to constructing strategic partnership between Poland and Germany, rationalisation of partnership with the USA, Poland's active contribution to solving EU problems (e.g. the economic crisis), working towards a better "Eastern policy" as part of the EU. R. Sikorski was the first Polish Minister o f Foreign Affairs to have officially used the concept of federalism and vow his support for it in integration processes, mindful of Polish experiences and historical heritage in this respect. The Polish government expresses a firm objection to the idea of "multi-speed" Europe and builds an image o f Poland as an active member state (presidency at the EU Council), enjoying a good economic situation and having a society with an enthusiastic approach to the integration processes and strong Europe, and seeking to be as close to the "epicentre" o f countries behind this process.The analysis o f the integrative concepts presented in this paper shows that the different periods of the Polish integration policy (establishment and execution) saw and continue to see various levels in the majority of the international integration theory elements (of course, this is not just a Polish characteristic in the European Union, but rather a predominant trend in the Union's integration process). This has been and continues to be conditioned in large part by the foreign policy objectives of the given government, as well as by the current challenges and problems Poland is facing. In the case of the Polish integration policy, as in most other EU member states, we can observe an aggregation of interests, concepts and attitudes. This research project seeks to systematise them.

Nation und Nationalstaatlichkeit galten bis vor kurzem als etwas, das in einer globalisierten und postnationalen Konstellation immer weiter an Bedeutung verlieren würde. In jüngerer Zeit findet dieser Themenkomplex jedoch wieder deutlich mehr Beachtung. Der Sammelband setzt sich mit den entsprechenden Gründen, Problemen und Ausdrucksformen auseinander.

Sudan has the potential to become a dynamic economy and a bread basket for the Arab world and East-Central Africa. However, resource endowment is not sufficient to bring about sustainable growth and prosperity. Sudans macroeconomic conditions remain weak since the secession of South Sudan in 2011, despite some improvements. The repercussions of the secession of South Sudan present enormous challenges for Sudan with respect to managing the macro-fiscal adjustment and promoting a structural re-orientation of the economy. The signing in March 2013 of the implementation matrix of the agreement between Sudan and South Sudan provides some fresh financial relief to Sudan and creates a great opportunity for further policy reforms to address the post-secession challenges. Sudans growth strategy should involve policies aimed at improving the investment climate and broadening private sector-led growth, and diversifying the economy toward non-oil sectors such as agriculture, industry, export, and local trade.

The article is an extended and revised version of the report published in April 2020 in Russian: E. Puchkov, N. Knyaginina, I. Novoselov, Sz. Jankiewicz, Covid-19 and GIA-2020: strategies for conducting final exams in foreign and Russian universities // Modern Education Analytics. Express edition No. 4. April 20, 2020. URL: https://ioe.hse.ru/mirror/pubs/share/359132748 (15.06.2020). ; COVID-19 pandemic has changed the functioning of all levels of education systems. Schools and universities had to quickly adapt and change their procedures according to conditions created by the epidemic. Long perceived as additional and backup solutions, different distance learning technologies, particularly internet-based, became the main solution for the continuation of education on all levels. Several issues have stood out particularly with this seismic change – one of those is the issue of final examinations in universities. This issue is especially crucial in Russia, where the successful passing of a state final examination, which combines majority of the topics from the study program, is a prerequisite for graduation. This paper aims to analyze and present different strategies which were used for final university examinations in different countries and universities of the world and compare it with the Russian practices. ; Evgenii Puchkov: epuchkov@hse.ru ; Nadezhda Knyaginina: nknyaginina@hse.ru ; Ivan Novoselov: inovoselov@hse.ru ; Szymon Jankiewicz: syankevich@hse.ru ; Evgenii Puchkov – analityk Laboratorium Prawa Edukacji Instytutu Edukacji Wyższej Szkoły Ekonomicznej w Moskwie (Rosja), doktorant w Instytucie Edukacji Wyższej Szkoły Ekonomicznej. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują zagadnienia relacji pomiędzy polityką edukacyjną a prawodawstwem w zakresie zrównoważonego rozwoju, umiędzynarodowienie edukacji oraz badania porównawcze prawodawstwa edukacyjnego. ; Evgenii Puchkov – Analyst of the Education Law Laboratory of the Institute of Education, Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russia, Ph.D. student in the Institute of Education of Higher School of Economics. His research interests include issues of relationship between educational policy and legislation with sustainable development, internationalization of education and comparative study of educational legislation. ; Nadezhda Knyaginina – pracownik badawczy Laboratorium Prawa Edukacji Instytutu Edukacji w Wyższej Szkole Ekonomicznej w Moskwie (Rosja). Posiada tytuł specjalisty w dziedzinie prawa na Wydziale Prawa Wyższej Szkoły Ekonomicznej. Jej zainteresowania badawcze obejmują zagadnienia prawa edukacyjnego, praw językowych, polityki językowej w działalności edukacyjnej, federalizmu w edukacji, jakości edukacji, standardów edukacyjnych i regulacji zapewniania jakości edukacji. ; Nadezhda Knyaginina – Research Fellow of the Education Law Laboratory of the Institute of Education, Higher School of Economics, Moscowholding Specialist Degree in Law from Faculty of Law of Higher School of Economics. Her research interests include issues of educational law, language rights, language policy in educational activities, federalism in education, quality of education, education standards and regulation of quality assurance of education. ; Ivan Novoselov – asystent badawczy Laboratorium Prawa Edukacji Instytutu Edukacji w Wyższej Szkole Ekonomicznej w Moskwie (Rosja). Posiada tytuł magistra prawa finansowego, podatkowego i celnego, uzyskany na Wydziale Prawa Wyższej Szkoły Ekonomicznej. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują zagadnienia z zakresu prawa edukacyjnego, finansowego i budżetowego oraz studiów porównawczych z zakresu prawa edukacyjnego i finansowego. ; Ivan Novoselov – Research Assistant of the Education Law Laboratory of the Institute of Education, Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russiaholding Master Degree in Financial, Tax and Customs Law from Faculty of Law of Higher School of Economics. His research interests include issues of educational law, financial and budgetary law and comparative studies of educational and financial legislation. ; Szymon Jankiewicz – doktor, prodziekan Wydziału Prawa, kierownik Laboratorium Prawa Edukacji Instytutu Edukacji w Wyższej Szkole Ekonomicznej w Moskwie (Rosja), doktor (kandydat nauk) prawa finansowego Instytutu Prawodawstwa i Prawa Porównawczego przy Rządzie Federacji Rosyjskiej oraz magister prawa finansowego, podatkowego i celnego na Wydziale Prawa Wyższej Szkoły Ekonomicznej. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują zagadnienia prawa edukacyjnego, prawa finansowego, regulacji finansowych i budżetowych działalności edukacyjnej i instytucji edukacyjnych oraz regulacji zapewniania jakości kształcenia. ; Szymon Jankiewicz – Ph.D. Deputy Dean of the Faculty of Law, Head of the Education Law Laboratory of the Institute of Education, Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russia with Ph.D. (Candidate of Sciences) in Financial Law from The Institute of Legislation and Comparative Law under the Government of the Russian Federation as well as Master Degree in Financial, Tax and Customs Law from Faculty of Law of Higher School of Economics. His research interests include issues of educational law, financial law, financial and budgetary regulation of educational activities and educational institutions and regulation of quality assurance of education. ; Evgenii Puchkov - Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russia ; Nadezhda Knyaginina - Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russia ; Ivan Novoselov - Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russia ; Szymon Jankiewicz - Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russia ; 7News. Coronavirus in Australia: Several universities won't record students' failed units during crisis, https://7news.com.au/lifestyle/health-wellbeing/coronavirus-in-australia-several-universities-wont-record-students-failed-units-during-crisis-c-949545. ; Bristol University. Assessment Options When Teaching Online. https://www.bristol.ac.uk/digital-education/guides/coronavirus/assessment/. ; Catholic University of Leuven. Exams 2020 General Guidelines https://admin.kuleuven.be/td/examens2020/en/general-guidelines. ; Examus, https://ru.examus.net. ; Federal Law No. 273-FZ of December 29, 2012 "On Education in the Russian Federation". ; Free University of Brussels. Back to Campus, https://www.vub.be/en/backtocampus#home. ; Harvard Crimson, Harvard Courses Turn to Monitored Exams, Open-Book Assessments, and Faith in Students As Classes Move Online, https://www.thecrimson.com/article/2020/3/27/harvard-coronavirus-online-exams-academic-integrity/. ; Harvard Crimson. Harvard Law School Shifts to Mandatory Credit-Fail Grading System. https://www.thecrimson.com/article/2020/3/21/harvard-coronavirus-law-school-credit-fail/. ; HSE University. Proctoring, https://elearning.hse.ru/proctoring2/. ; Interfax. Moscow State University will hold State Exams and Theses Defense Online, https://www.interfax.ru/russia/703559. ; Interfax. 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Government of Australia ; Kenya's new constitution marks a critical juncture in the nation's history. It is widely perceived, by Kenyans from all walks of life, as a new beginning. Indeed, many feel that post- independence Kenya has been characterized by centralization of political and economic power in the hands of a few, resulting in an uneven and unfair distribution of resources and corresponding access to social services; the opposite of an inclusive state. Born of the political opportunity created by the 2008 post-election violence, the constitution finally adopted, after almost a decade of unsuccessful reform attempts, presages far-reaching changes. Its vision encompasses a dramatic transformation of the Kenyan state through new accountable and transparent institutions, inclusive approaches to government and a firm focus on equitable service delivery for all Kenyans through the newly established county governments. Devolution is at the heart of the new constitution and a key vehicle for addressing spatial inequities. A more decentralized government makes eminent sense, given Kenya's diversity and experience with political use of central power. Decentralization has been increasingly seen and adopted worldwide as a guarantee against discretionary use of power by central elites as well as a way to enhance the efficiency of social service provision, by allowing for a closer match between public policies and the desires and needs of local constituencies. Kenya's constitution entrenches devolved government by guaranteeing a minimum unconditional transfer to counties under the new dispensation. The devolution train has already left the station: the challenge is to make sure it arrives at destination, safely and on time. The politics of devolution explain the high intensity of hopes and expectations that have been pinned to it. It also means there are high risks if they are disappointed. There are great opportunities and enormous challenges waiting for Kenya, in a critical election year, which will determine the fate of the country, politically and economically for years to come. This report takes a snapshot look at the critical issues facing Kenya's policy makers today. It does not argue for or against devolution (a decision that belongs solely to Kenyans), but presents suggestions and recommendations on how best to navigate the tough choices ahead. It's main focus in on helping Kenya manage a delicate transition.

Albania provides a small amount of social assistance to nearly 20 percent of its population through a system that allows some community discretion in determining distribution. This study investigates how well this social assistance program is targeted to the poor. Relative to other safety net programs in low-income countries, social assistance in Albania is fairly well targeted. Nevertheless, the system is hampered by the absence of a clear, objective criterion to determine the size of the grants from the central government to communes as well as limited information that could be used to implement this criterion. Substantial gains in targeting could be achieved if the central government better allocated transfers to local governments, even holding local targeting at base levels.