The concept of social capital (SC) has gained wide acceptance & usage in social sciences, particularly in sociology, political science & institutional economics. This paper reconsiders the dynamics of social capital in Croatia presented in a previous article (Stulhofer, 2001). Using data from the two cross-national social science research projects (World Values Survey -- Croatia 1995 & South East European Social Survey, 2003), the author analyses changes in generalized trust, trust in institutions, & membership in civic associations during the 1995 2003 period. The findings point to a decrease in SC, which can not be solely attributed to the situational effects of war present in 1995. The strongest predictor of the negative dynamics of SC in Croatia remains the perception of corruption within state institutions. 6 Tables, 33 References. Adapted from the source document.
U ovome se radu Udruženje umjetnika Zemlja (1929. – 1935.) – organizirana skupina slikara, kipara i arhitekata s lijevom političkom orijentacijom i društveno angažiranom motivacijom – sagledava kao društvenu mrežu. Bipartitna mrežna analiza i pripadajuće vizualizacije pružaju mogućnost identificiranja umjetnika koji u toj mreži imaju najvažniju ulogu, odnosno središnji položaj, kao i izložaba koje se – kao događaji koji te umjetnike povezuju – pojavljuju kao ključne. Takav pristup – temeljen na podacima o broju izloženih radova svih izlagača na Zemljinim izložbama te analizi četiriju mjera centralnosti – omogućuje nove uvide u položaj i važnost pojedinih umjetnika i izložaba u mreži, služi kao potvrda postojećih povijesnoumjetničkih tumačenja, ali i otvara neka nova istraživačka pitanja. Također, pružit će se i sažet osvrt na "geografiju Zemlje", koja se pokazuje široko položenom – od Londona na zapadu, do Sofije na istoku Europe. ; This paper analyses the Association of Artists Zemlja (1929–1935) – the organized group of left-wing and socially engaged painters, sculptors and architects – as a social network. The two-mode network analysis and the accompanying visualizations provide an opportunity to identify the artists who have played the most important role in this network, that is, who have occupied its central position, as well as the exhibitions – the events connecting the artists – which have emerged as key network constituents. Such an approach – based on the number of exhibited works by all participating artists at the Zemlja exhibitions and the analysis of four centrality measures – enables new insights into the position and importance of individual artists and exhibitions within the network and serves as a confirmation of the existing art historical interpretations, as well as raises some new research questions. In addition, this paper also offers a succinct overview of Zemlja's wide-reaching "geography" – from London in the West, to Sofia in the East of Europe.
When it comes to ethics and fair play in sport, it mostly refers to training process and com-petition through respecting the game rules, opponents, organizers, managers and referees, through the implementation of standards related to means, equipment and kits used in com-petitions and avoidance and prevention from using illegal stimulants, i.e. doping.Th e following question arises: is the sports system itself in its core established fairly and mor-ally? Is there inequality and discrimination among certain sports associations, federations, clubs or athletes? Th is refers to the sports system in general, hierarchy of sports, i.e. federa-tions within the whole sports community in local and regional government and on national level and within international sports federations and presentation of those sports to a wider community through diff erent activities, programs and media coverage. We must not forget the economic side of sport as an activity which directly or indirectly ensures existence of a large number of people. Sports system is not fair and it is also often cruel. Discrimination can be seen through many factors: sports federations, media coverage of sports, division into "great" and "small" sports, Croatian Olympic Committee, money.Establishment of sports system based on those foundations results in reduced number of young athletes, use of illegal stimulants, more violence, bigger health problems of young population, their lack of sociality and communication. ; Pod pojmom morala, etike i ferpleja u sportu, obično se misli na provedbu trenažnog proce-sa i natjecanja kroz poštovanje pravila igre, suparnika, organizatora, voditelja i sudaca, kroz primjenu standarda korištenih sredstava, sprava i pribora koji se koriste u natjecanjima te izbjegavanje i sprječavanje upotrebe nedozvoljenih stimulativnih sredstava, odnosno dopinga. No, postavlja se pitanje je li sam sustav sporta u startu postavljen pravedno i moralno. Pojav-ljuje li se neravnopravnost i diskriminacija pojedinih sportskih asocijacija, saveza, klubova ili sportaša? Pri tome mislim uopće na sustav sporta, dakle organizaciju pojedinih sportova, od-nosno saveza unutar cjelokupne sportske zajednice jedinice lokalne ili područne samouprave i države, međunarodnih sportskih asocijacija te prezentaciju tih sportova široj društvenoj za-jednici. Također treba u obzir uzeti i ekonomsku stranu sporta, odnosno sport kao djelatnost kojom se direktno ili indirektno osigurava egzistencija velikog broja ljudi. Sustav sporta nije pravedan, a nerijetko je i okrutan. Diskriminacija se može vidjeti kroz čitav niz čimbenika: sportske saveze, medijsku pokrivenost sportova, podjelu na "velike" i "male" sportove, Hrvat-ski olimpijski odbor, politiku, Zakon o sportu, novac. Konstrukcija sustava sporta na takvim temeljima rezultira smanjenim brojem mladih sportaša, upotrebom nedozvoljenih stimulativ-nih sredstava, sve češćim nasiljem koje se povezuje sa sportom, odnosno većim zdravstvenim problemima mlađe populacije, njihovom asocijalnošću i nekomunikativnošću.
The text deals with Hegel's theory of political representation which is founded on the estate-corporative representation of major interests of civil society in the political state. Such a form of representation is contrary to the modern concept of representation; according to the latter, the object of representation is always the people as community of free and equal citizens which the representative is yet to shape into a unique subject capable of activity. In order to value adequately Hegel's theory of representation and its potential in contemporary representative democracies, the text begins by analyzing Hegel's idea of the constitution as a wider institutional mechanism of mediation between the social and political spheres. This is followed by an overview of Hegel's criticism of representative democracy, which he perceived as a form of representation inadequate for the modern state. Namely, in Hegel's judgment, representative democracy, with its starting point of the people as a community of free and equal citizens and its reduction of their political activity to voting in the elections, excludes representation of particular social interests and true participation of citizens in political affairs, which is why it results in a formalistic determination of the state. The basic insight that enables Hegel to overcome those contradictions of representative democracy is the insight regarding modern civil society as the locus of historical emancipation of man. Thus precisely the "estates" -- formations resulting from the division of labour -- and "corporations" -- interest associations of individuals -- become the instrument of mediation between the social and political spheres in The Philosophy of Right. This very insight, however, is the core problem in Hegel's theory of representation, since it makes Hegel overlook entirely the political potential of democratic establishment of state authority. Still, Hegel's "interest" representation is not inapplicable to contemporary representative democracies -- indeed, it is a necessary functional corrective to the modern concept of representation, the element which equally belongs to the reality of the modern state. The final part of the text strives to show that it plays such a role precisely if observed from the viewpoint of Hegel's teachings on the constitution. In Hegel, namely, the estate assembly does not occupy the place which, in modern representative systems, belongs to the parliament -- in Hegel's constitutional model, that place is occupied by the monarch -- but is instead conceived as a mediatory organ positioned between the supreme state authority and the people. In other words, the estate assembly is the second instance of representation in which the plurality of civil society and the subjective freedom of individuals come into political prominence. Adapted from the source document.
Rast gradskog stanovništva utječe na održivost i razvoj pametnih regija. Međunarodni standardi mogu pružiti dobre prakse u širokim područjima koja se odnose na ekološke, sigurnosne i društvene aspekte koji doprinose postizanju gospodarskog i održivog rasta, dobrobiti i sigurnosti okoliša. Cilj ove studije je istražiti postoji li povezanost između razine pametnih gradova u različitim regijama i broja certifikata koji bi mogli pokrenuti daljnji razvoj pametnih i održivih gradova. Analizirali smo standarde koji podržavaju razvoj održivih i pametnih gradova iz različitih zemalja i istražili njihov utjecaj na razinu pametnih i održivih gradova. Za mjerenje uspješnosti gradova koristili smo UN-ovu inicijativu za prosperitet grada (CPI) i njezinih šest dimenzija: produktivnost, razvoj infrastrukture, kvalitetu života, jednakost i društvenu uključenost, održivost okoliša i urbano upravljanje i zakonodavstvo. Za analiziranje utjecaja međunarodnih standarda na inicijativu pametnih regija i gradova proveli smo SEM analizu. Rezultati istraživanja potvrđuju da postoji značajna razlika između razine pametnih gradova u različitim regijama i broja certifikata koji bi mogli pokrenuti daljnji razvoj pametnih i održivih gradova. Nadalje, potvrđen je pozitivan utjecaj međunarodnih standarda na razvoj pametnih regija i gradova. Vjerujemo da predstavljeni pristup može pružiti dodatni uvid u čimbenike koji utječu na razvoj pametnih regija i gradova i pokrenuti daljnja istraživanja o toj temi. ; The growth of city population has consequences on the sustainability and development of smart regions. International standards can provide good practices in wide areas related to environmental, security and social aspects that contribute to the achievement of economic and sustainable growth, well-being, and safe environment. The aim of this study is to explore if there is an association between the level of smart cities in different regions and the number of certificates that could initiate further development of smart and sustainable cities. We analysed standards that support the development of sustainable and smart cities from different countries and explored their influence on the level of smart and sustainable cities. To measure the performance of cities we used the UN-habitat City Prosperity Initiative (CPI) and its six dimensions: Productivity, Infrastructure Development, Quality of Life, Equity and Social Inclusion, Environmental Sustainability, and Urban Governance and Legislation. To analyse the influence of international standards on smart regions and cities initiative we conducted SEM analysis. The results of the research have proved that there is a significant difference between the level of smart cities in different regions and the number of certificates that could initiate further development of smart and sustainable cities. Additionally, a positive impact of international standards on the development of smart regions and cities is confirmed. We believe that the presented approach might provide additional insights into the factors which impact the development of smart regions and cities and initiate further studies on the topic.
Predmet istraživanja ovog rada su modernizacijski razvojni procesi u gradu Splitu i uloga ekoloških stavova i percepcija urbanog okoliša u tim procesima. Rad je utemeljen na kombiniranom pristupu proizašlom iz sociologije okoliša i modernizacijskih teorija. Osnovni je postulat suvremene ekološke sociologije, proizašao iz tradicije "nove ekološke paradigme", da se društvo i okoliš ispituju u interakciji, s povratnim vezama između obje razine. Istraživanje se djelomično temeljilo na ovom pristupu, s obzirom da mu je cilj ispitati na koji se način odnose sociokulturne determinante ekoloških stavova i kvaliteta urbanog okoliša. Ovako orijentirano istraživanje ne zadovoljava strogi Durkheimov postulat o tumačenju društvenih činjenica (isključivo) drugim društvenim činjenicama, ali je usklađen s proširenom istraživačkom paradigmom sociologije okoliša koja teži eksplikaciji međusobnih odnosa društvene i okolišne razine. Drugi dio konceptualnog utemeljenja rada odnosi se na teorijske pristupe koji ekološke orijentacije smještaju u širu sociokulturnu matricu društvenih odnosa. U ovoj su tradiciji posebno prominentna tri pristupa: teorija društva rizika, teorija refleksivne modernizacije i Inglehartova teorija modernizacije. Iz ovih su pristupa proizašle brojne studije o odnosu bogatstva, postmaterijalističkih vrijednosnih orijentacija i okolišnih stavova, koje su se odvijale ili na makro razini nacionalnih država ili na mikro razini individualnih stavova. U posljednjih desetak godina istraživanja proizašla iz ove tradicije bilježe veliki napredak zbog konceptualnih poboljšanja, uz koje slijede i važne metodološke inovacije. U skladu s odgovarajućim nacrtima, istraživanja se provode na individualnoj razini, ali se analiziraju i na individualnoj i na agregiranoj razini, što je urodilo sadržajno bogatijim zaključcima nego studije koje su se zadržale na (odvojenoj) mikro ili makro jedinici analize. U radu opisano istraživanje potaknuto je idejom da se istraživanja odnosa okoliša i stavova moraju baviti i entitetima koji se nalaze između ovih dviju razina. Kao odgovarajuća prostorna mezo-razina nametnuo se prostor opsega srednje velikog grada, a kao reprezentativni primjer ovakvog područja izabran je grad Split. Kvaliteta urbanog okoliša je identificirana kao čimbenik koji je od neposrednog značaja za svakodnevni život stanovnika Splita te se očekuje da će imati moderirajući utjecaj na ekološke stavove, uz prije spomenute sociokulturne čimbenike koji proizlaze iz teorija modernizacije. Cilj je istraživanja bio na odgovarajući način izmjeriti kvalitetu urbanog okoliša i potom utvrditi postoji li interakcija između ekoloških stavova, postmaterijalizma i kvalitete okoliša na individualnoj razini, razini gradske četvrti i razini grada Splita. Istraživanjem provedenim na uzorku građanki i građana Splita utvrđeno je da nema empirijske podrške za tezu o prevlasti sociokulturnih determinanti ekoloških stavova u razvijenim društvima. Raširenost ekoloških orijentacija može se bolje objasniti tezom o njihovom općem prihvaćanju među stanovnicima Splita, u skladu s hipotezom o globalizaciji brige za okoliš. Empirijski uočene varijacije u ekološkim stavovima su više povezane sa sociodemografskim karakteristikama i partikularnim elementima modernizacijskog procesa poput političkog sudjelovanja nego sa širokim konceptom postmaterijalizma. Vezu između ekoloških stavova i modernizacijskih tendencija u gradu Splitu moderira kvaliteta okoliša, čiji je utjecaj na navedenu povezanost analiziran na razini gradskih zona. Istraživanje je pokazalo da u različitim zonama grada postoje bitno različiti obrasci povezanosti percepcije okoliša i ekoloških stavova. U pojedinim je dijelovima grada ova povezanost negativna, a u nekim pozitivna, što implicira da se s razlikama u kvaliteti okoliša pojedinih dijelova grada fundamentalno mijenja i struktura ekoloških stavova. Znanstveni je doprinos provedenog istraživanja detaljni opis strukture ekoloških stavova te utvrđivanje obrazaca veza između ekoloških stavova i (post)modernizacijskih vrijednosti, sociodemografskih varijabli i dodatnih čimbenika poput političke participacije na razini grada Splita. Nalaz da u pojedinim dijelovima grada na ekološke stavove djeluju percepcije okoliša u različitim smjerovima i intenzitetima ne bi bilo moguće utvrditi korištenjem samo uobičajenih - mikro ili makro - analitičkih razina i bez ciljanog prikupljanja podataka na razini urbane cjeline. ; Subject of this thesis are the modernization processes in the city of Split, in the context of environmental attitudes and the perception of urban environment in those processes. The thesis is based on the hybrid approach stemming from the environmental sociology and the modernization theories. Furthermore, it is based on the basic assumption of the modern environmental sociology, that society and the environment should be researched interactively, taking into account the links among both levels. The research was partly based on such approach, as its goal was to describe the links between sociocultural determinants of the environmental attitudes and the urban environmental quality. Such research does not fulfill the strict Durkheim's proposal on the explanations of the social facts using (exclusively) other social facts. It is in line, however, with the extended research paradigm of the environmental sociology which aims to make explicit the interrelations between the social and the environmental aspects. The second part of the conceptualization deals with the theoretical approaches which place the ecological orientations into the wider matrix of the social relations. In this tradition, we find three especially prominent approaches: risk society theory, reflexive modernization theory and Ronald Inglehart's version of modernization theory. Many studies analyzing the interrelations between wealth, postmaterialist values and environmental attitudes were based upon these approaches; they were however based either on the macro level of nation states or the micro level of individuals. In the last ten years, conceptual and methodological advances have been made in the environmental attitudes research. In accordance with the appropriate research designs, data has been collected at the individual level, but they are analyzed simultaneously both on the individual and the aggregated level. This has led to the richer conclusions than have been possible in the studies which dealt with the data analyzed separately on the micro and the macro level. The research design described in the following thesis has been motivated by the need to study entities beyond micro and macro levels. Thus, meso level unit in the form of a middle-sized city of Split was chosen. Urban environmental quality was identified as an important factor in the day-to-day lives of the citizens of Split. It is expected that the environmental quality will have a moderating effect in the link between the sociocultural factors and environmental attitudes. Research goal was thus to measure appropriately urban environmental quality and then determine the extent of the interaction between the environmental attitudes, postmaterialism and environmental quality on the 3 levels: individual-, neighborhood- and city-level. Research results, based on the sample of citizens of Split, indicate that there is no empirical support for the hypothesis of sociocultural factors being the most important predictor of environmental attitudes in the developed societies. Variations in environmental orientations are better explained using the globalization hypothesis. In other words, those variations are more closely linked with sociodemographic variables and some particular modernization elements such as political participation, than with a broad postmaterialism concept. The association between the environmental attitudes and the modernization tendencies in Split is moderated by the environmental quality, which was analyzed at the city-zones level. Study results show that there are markedly different patterns of association among the environmental quality perception and the environmental attitudes. The association is negative in some parts of the city, while it is positive in others, implying that differences in environmental quality fundamentally change the structure of environmental attitudes. Scientific contribution of the study is twofold. First, the structure of environmental attitudes is described in detail. Second, the associations in the city of Split among the environmental attitudes, (post)modernization values, sociodemographic variables and additional factors like political participation are disentangled. The main finding - that the perception of environmental quality affects environmental attitudes differently in various city zones - could not be established using only traditional (micro and macro) levels of analysis and without data gathered at the level of the urban settlement.
Predmet istraživanja ovog rada su modernizacijski razvojni procesi u gradu Splitu i uloga ekoloških stavova i percepcija urbanog okoliša u tim procesima. Rad je utemeljen na kombiniranom pristupu proizašlom iz sociologije okoliša i modernizacijskih teorija. Osnovni je postulat suvremene ekološke sociologije, proizašao iz tradicije "nove ekološke paradigme", da se društvo i okoliš ispituju u interakciji, s povratnim vezama između obje razine. Istraživanje se djelomično temeljilo na ovom pristupu, s obzirom da mu je cilj ispitati na koji se način odnose sociokulturne determinante ekoloških stavova i kvaliteta urbanog okoliša. Ovako orijentirano istraživanje ne zadovoljava strogi Durkheimov postulat o tumačenju društvenih činjenica (isključivo) drugim društvenim činjenicama, ali je usklađen s proširenom istraživačkom paradigmom sociologije okoliša koja teži eksplikaciji međusobnih odnosa društvene i okolišne razine. Drugi dio konceptualnog utemeljenja rada odnosi se na teorijske pristupe koji ekološke orijentacije smještaju u širu sociokulturnu matricu društvenih odnosa. U ovoj su tradiciji posebno prominentna tri pristupa: teorija društva rizika, teorija refleksivne modernizacije i Inglehartova teorija modernizacije. Iz ovih su pristupa proizašle brojne studije o odnosu bogatstva, postmaterijalističkih vrijednosnih orijentacija i okolišnih stavova, koje su se odvijale ili na makro razini nacionalnih država ili na mikro razini individualnih stavova. U posljednjih desetak godina istraživanja proizašla iz ove tradicije bilježe veliki napredak zbog konceptualnih poboljšanja, uz koje slijede i važne metodološke inovacije. U skladu s odgovarajućim nacrtima, istraživanja se provode na individualnoj razini, ali se analiziraju i na individualnoj i na agregiranoj razini, što je urodilo sadržajno bogatijim zaključcima nego studije koje su se zadržale na (odvojenoj) mikro ili makro jedinici analize. U radu opisano istraživanje potaknuto je idejom da se istraživanja odnosa okoliša i stavova moraju baviti i entitetima koji se nalaze između ovih dviju razina. Kao odgovarajuća prostorna mezo-razina nametnuo se prostor opsega srednje velikog grada, a kao reprezentativni primjer ovakvog područja izabran je grad Split. Kvaliteta urbanog okoliša je identificirana kao čimbenik koji je od neposrednog značaja za svakodnevni život stanovnika Splita te se očekuje da će imati moderirajući utjecaj na ekološke stavove, uz prije spomenute sociokulturne čimbenike koji proizlaze iz teorija modernizacije. Cilj je istraživanja bio na odgovarajući način izmjeriti kvalitetu urbanog okoliša i potom utvrditi postoji li interakcija između ekoloških stavova, postmaterijalizma i kvalitete okoliša na individualnoj razini, razini gradske četvrti i razini grada Splita. Istraživanjem provedenim na uzorku građanki i građana Splita utvrđeno je da nema empirijske podrške za tezu o prevlasti sociokulturnih determinanti ekoloških stavova u razvijenim društvima. Raširenost ekoloških orijentacija može se bolje objasniti tezom o njihovom općem prihvaćanju među stanovnicima Splita, u skladu s hipotezom o globalizaciji brige za okoliš. Empirijski uočene varijacije u ekološkim stavovima su više povezane sa sociodemografskim karakteristikama i partikularnim elementima modernizacijskog procesa poput političkog sudjelovanja nego sa širokim konceptom postmaterijalizma. Vezu između ekoloških stavova i modernizacijskih tendencija u gradu Splitu moderira kvaliteta okoliša, čiji je utjecaj na navedenu povezanost analiziran na razini gradskih zona. Istraživanje je pokazalo da u različitim zonama grada postoje bitno različiti obrasci povezanosti percepcije okoliša i ekoloških stavova. U pojedinim je dijelovima grada ova povezanost negativna, a u nekim pozitivna, što implicira da se s razlikama u kvaliteti okoliša pojedinih dijelova grada fundamentalno mijenja i struktura ekoloških stavova. Znanstveni je doprinos provedenog istraživanja detaljni opis strukture ekoloških stavova te utvrđivanje obrazaca veza između ekoloških stavova i (post)modernizacijskih vrijednosti, sociodemografskih varijabli i dodatnih čimbenika poput političke participacije na razini grada Splita. Nalaz da u pojedinim dijelovima grada na ekološke stavove djeluju percepcije okoliša u različitim smjerovima i intenzitetima ne bi bilo moguće utvrditi korištenjem samo uobičajenih - mikro ili makro - analitičkih razina i bez ciljanog prikupljanja podataka na razini urbane cjeline. ; Subject of this thesis are the modernization processes in the city of Split, in the context of environmental attitudes and the perception of urban environment in those processes. The thesis is based on the hybrid approach stemming from the environmental sociology and the modernization theories. Furthermore, it is based on the basic assumption of the modern environmental sociology, that society and the environment should be researched interactively, taking into account the links among both levels. The research was partly based on such approach, as its goal was to describe the links between sociocultural determinants of the environmental attitudes and the urban environmental quality. Such research does not fulfill the strict Durkheim's proposal on the explanations of the social facts using (exclusively) other social facts. It is in line, however, with the extended research paradigm of the environmental sociology which aims to make explicit the interrelations between the social and the environmental aspects. The second part of the conceptualization deals with the theoretical approaches which place the ecological orientations into the wider matrix of the social relations. In this tradition, we find three especially prominent approaches: risk society theory, reflexive modernization theory and Ronald Inglehart's version of modernization theory. Many studies analyzing the interrelations between wealth, postmaterialist values and environmental attitudes were based upon these approaches; they were however based either on the macro level of nation states or the micro level of individuals. In the last ten years, conceptual and methodological advances have been made in the environmental attitudes research. In accordance with the appropriate research designs, data has been collected at the individual level, but they are analyzed simultaneously both on the individual and the aggregated level. This has led to the richer conclusions than have been possible in the studies which dealt with the data analyzed separately on the micro and the macro level. The research design described in the following thesis has been motivated by the need to study entities beyond micro and macro levels. Thus, meso level unit in the form of a middle-sized city of Split was chosen. Urban environmental quality was identified as an important factor in the day-to-day lives of the citizens of Split. It is expected that the environmental quality will have a moderating effect in the link between the sociocultural factors and environmental attitudes. Research goal was thus to measure appropriately urban environmental quality and then determine the extent of the interaction between the environmental attitudes, postmaterialism and environmental quality on the 3 levels: individual-, neighborhood- and city-level. Research results, based on the sample of citizens of Split, indicate that there is no empirical support for the hypothesis of sociocultural factors being the most important predictor of environmental attitudes in the developed societies. Variations in environmental orientations are better explained using the globalization hypothesis. In other words, those variations are more closely linked with sociodemographic variables and some particular modernization elements such as political participation, than with a broad postmaterialism concept. The association between the environmental attitudes and the modernization tendencies in Split is moderated by the environmental quality, which was analyzed at the city-zones level. Study results show that there are markedly different patterns of association among the environmental quality perception and the environmental attitudes. The association is negative in some parts of the city, while it is positive in others, implying that differences in environmental quality fundamentally change the structure of environmental attitudes. Scientific contribution of the study is twofold. First, the structure of environmental attitudes is described in detail. Second, the associations in the city of Split among the environmental attitudes, (post)modernization values, sociodemographic variables and additional factors like political participation are disentangled. The main finding - that the perception of environmental quality affects environmental attitudes differently in various city zones - could not be established using only traditional (micro and macro) levels of analysis and without data gathered at the level of the urban settlement.
Tijekom jedanaest godina rada Hrvatski memorijalno-dokumentacijski centar Domovinskog rata prikupio je veliku količinu arhivskoga gradiva nastalog djelovanjem pojedinaca, odnosno javnog arhivskoga gradiva nastalog tijekom Domovinskog rata, a koje je završilo u posjedu privatnih osoba ili raznih udruga te kao takvo ustupljeno Centru. Riječ je o raznolikom gradivu, konvencionalnog i nekonvencionalnog karaktera, vojne i civilne provenijencije, čiji su stvaratelji bili pripadnici hrvatskih snaga, snaga Jugoslavenske narodne armije i pobunjenih Srba, civilne osobe, državni i vojni dužnosnici ili zainteresirani pojedinci. U radu će se prikazati osnovne značajke i vrste takvoga gradiva, načini akvizicije, postupak vrednovanja i pohrane te njegova dostupnost, historiografska vrijednost te sumirati stečena iskustva. ; For different reasons the important records from the period of the Homeland War were also kept or are still kept by the private holders, whether these records were created by institutions or individuals, associations and organizations. By acknowledging the importance of such records and the sensitivity in its acquiring the Croatian Memorial-Documentation Centre of the Homeland War has started to collect them ever since it was established in 2005. By establishing the Centre as the central institution for archival and scientific research of the Homeland War, the Centre is recognised in the public as a trustworthy institution to which everyone interested to hand over the records can turn to. The private holders of the archives from the Homeland War can be divided into those who are the creators of archives and those who in various ways became possessors of public archives. The Centre can acquire records of private holders in two ways; mostly through donations, and partly by purchasing records that are particularly valuable and that were created as someone's authorship. After acquiring, the records are registered, appraised and classified, after which they form individual fonds or they supplement existing fonds and collections. Among the conventional archives, besides military documentation, the Centre acquired various newspapers, magazines and official papers, military maps, political and military posters, caricatures etc. The majority of the acquired records were digitized, due to a more efficient storage and keeping, as well as the desire of holders to keep the originals. The majority of archives from private holders are unconventional records (photographs, video and audio clips), i.e. the re-recorded and digitized conventional records. The archives acquired from individual private holders were in terms of subject and quantity appraised as a rounded off whole and after the archival processing it was decided to form personal papers. By the end of 2016 the Centre had ten of them. Besides these, the Centre also stores memoirist records of private holders, whether it concerns records created by structured interviews or written entries of the direct participants of the Homeland War. The Centre published part of these in 17 books as part of its publishing activity. Also, several photo-monographs were published based on the received or bought photographs from the private holders. Among the private holders from which the Centre got the archives are also the historians-researchers who gave or deposited in the Centre the materials they used, after finishing a certain research or a book. The majority of the acquired and processed archives of private holders are available to researchers through fonds and collections of the Centre. The basic problem regarding the acquiring of the records of private holders pertains to certain indistinctness in the Act on the Archives and the ignorance of holders regarding their obligations prescribed by the law which entails relinquishing of the public archives to the Centre. Besides ignorance, some of the holders advertently kept these records in their keeping mostly out of fear of misuse and the negative perception of the activity of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. However, after the acquittal of the generals Gotovina and Markač in late 2012 and the greater public recognisability of the Centre, the inflow of archives from public holders has been increased. Another problem in acquiring records of this kind is the parallel activity of certain individuals and associations with similar archival activities. As far as arranging is concerned, due to the large quantities of acquired records and their stockpiling in the future it will be necessary to pay greater attention to their appraisal and disposal. Still, it could be said that the archives of the private holders prominently features in the Centre's professional archival policy and that so far the important amount of such records had been acquired. Despite certain difficulties concerning their processing, these records are an important source for archivists, researchers and historians, particularly for subjects that are wider than the more usual political and military ones.
Obrtnici su znatno doprinosili gospodarskom razvoju Bjelovara i gradova u okviru današnje malene, a nekad velike Bjelovarsko-križevačke županije. Budući da je sjedište Varaždinske vojne krajine, koja je prva započela s razvojačenjem 1871. g., bilo u Bjelovaru, to su Bjelovar i njegovi gradovi Koprivnica i Križevci, a na prijelazu stoljeća i Daruvar imali najveće koristi od privrednog razvoja. Obrtnici su pratili taj privredni razvoj od 1871. do 1941. g. svojom mnogostrukom djelatnošću. Ograničen na proizvodnju obiteljskog karaktera rad obrtnika bio je vrlo nesiguran i kratak i bez udruživanja ne bi se mogao ni održati jer se od doba Khuena Héderváryja obrtu posvećivala malo pažnje u korist industrije i trgovaca. Obrtnici su poslovali po istom – hrvatskim obrtnicima nepodesnom – Obrtnom zakonu od 1884. do 1931. g., a onda su opet po Zakonu o radnjama od 1932. g. morali promijeniti čak i ime svog posla te su se zvali zanatlije i bili udruženi u Zanatskoj komori u Zagrebu i Osijeku, odnosno Zanatskoj komori Jugoslavije. Obrtnici Bjelovara i gradova Daruvar, Grubišno Polje, Garešnica i Čazma imali su sličnu povijest a otvarali su svoje radnje za potrebe lokalnih stanovnika, ali je samo grad Bjelovar imao obrtnike gotovo svih struka već 1891. g. udovoljavajući i potrebama ostalih manjih trgovišta i općina pa i pripadajućih gradova, osim Koprivnice i Križevaca, koji su bili u županiji do 1918. g., ali su se razvijali paralelno s Bjelovarom zbog svojeg položaja na pruzi. Obrtnici su naslijedili u ranom kapitalizmu cehove i preuzeli njihovu ulogu između trgovine i industrije. No u razvijenom monopolističkom kapitalizmu oni su postali višak jer se tipizirana roba proizvedena u tvornicama prodaje u velikim trgovinama te su obrtnici postali višak koji je eventualno školovao stručnu radnu snagu za trgovine i tvornice. Propast obrtnika bila je ucrtana u samu bit njihovih propisa i ovisna o uredbama koje je donosio režim. ; In the past, craftspeople contributed to a great extent to the economic development of Bjelovar and the towns in the today small, but once rather large county, which included wider areas of Bjelovar and Križevci. Since Bjelovar was the centre of the Varaždin Military Border, which first started with the demilitarisation in 1871, Bjelovar and its accompanying towns of Koprivnica and Križevci, as well as Daruvar at the turn of the century, benefited the most from economic development. Craftspeople were through their multifold activities a part of this development in the period 1871–1941. Limited to family business, livelihood from crafts was very insecure and of brief duration. Without joining in an association, they could not have survived at all, since as of the rule of Khuen Héderváry, the attitude towards craftpeople was rather inferior in comparison with industry and tradespeople. In the period 1884–1931, Croatian craftspeople had to operate pursuant to the Crafts Act, which was infavourable to them. Subsequently, as of 1932, pursuant to the Trades Act of that year, they even had to change the name of their profession to tradespeople. They were joined within the Chamber of Trades in Zagreb and Osijek, or rather within Yugoslav Chamber of Trades. Though craftspeople from Bjelovar, Daruvar, Grubišno Polje, Garešnica and Čazma shared a similar history and opened their shops to meet the needs of the local population, it was only the town of Bjelovar that as early as in 1891 had craftspeople of nearly all professions. It thereby met the needs of other smaller fair centres, municipalities, and towns as well, except for Koprivnica and Križevci, which were included in the county until 1918, but developed parallel with Bjelovar thanks to their position on the railway line. In early capitalism, craftspeople succeeded the guilds and took over their role in between trade and industry. However, in developed monopolistic capitalism, they became a surplus, as standardised goods produced in factories were sold by wholesale. Craftspeople thus became a surplus that only educated workpower for shops and factories. The ruin of craftspeople had been cut to the very core of the regulations and dependent on executive orders of the regime.
Baski, manjinski narod sa svojim zasebnim jezikom i kulturom, stoljećima je podijeljen između Španjolske i Francuske. U Francuskoj Baski nemaju status manjine ni institucionalnu autonomiju. U Španjolskoj, međutim, nakon teškog razdoblja Francove diktature i preustrojstva Španjolske 1978. na kvazifederalnom načelu, španjolski Baski dobivaju priznanje nacionalne posebnosti te znatnu institucionalnu autonomiju kroz tzv. Autonomnu zajednicu (AZ) Baskiju. Unatoč zadovoljavanju većine aspiracija Baska u Španjolskoj, u španjolskoj Baskiji i dalje je prisutan secesionizam, dok taj fenomen u francuskom dijelu Baskije gotovo da i ne postoji. Cilj disertacije bio je, binarnom studijom i dizajnom najsličnijih slučajeva, koristeći se kvalitativno-kvantitativnom metodom, istražiti je li autonomija, umjesto zadovoljavanja španjolskih Baska statusom u okviru Španjolske, pridonijela jačanju njihova nacionalizma i secesionizma. Ovi fenomeni obrađeni su kroz tri prizme: izgradnju subdržavnih institucija, izgradnju subdržavnih identiteta i izgradnju lokalnih elita. Uočeno je da je autonomija u španjolskoj Baskiji pridonijela izgradnji protodržave, od demokratski izabranog Parlamenta, preko izvršne vlasti, do djelomično izgrađenog sigurnosnog aparata. Iako usporen rascjepima u baskijskom društvu uslijed demografske heterogenosti, na djelu je proces izgradnje subdržavne baskijske nacije. Autonomija je omogućila i izgradnju lokalnih elita, dolazak baskijskih nacionalista na vlast, kao i stranačko nadmetanje u baskijskom nacionalizmu. Sve to omogućilo je i da AZ Baskija krene izrazito "baskijskim" smjerom. Ona je potencijalno samo korak do pune neovisnosti, kojoj nedostaje još "prozor mogućnosti", koji se dogodio npr. raspadom bivših komunističkih federacija. U francuskoj Baskiji ne postoji teritorijalna, odnosno institucionalna autonomija. Ne dajući im "prozor mogućnosti" za razvoj i jačanje, građanska i unitarna država u Francuskoj odigrale su značajnu ulogu u ublažavanju baskijskog nacionalizma i secesionizma. Slučajevi španjolske i francuske Baskije pokazali su kako (ne)postojanje autonomije znatno utječe na periferni nacionalizam i secesionizam, kao i na potencijal za secesiju. ; In the last couple of years, the rise of secessionism in several democratic, Western European countries - from the United Kingdom (Scotland) and Belgium (Flanders) to Spain (Catalonia and the Basque Country) has been noted. All of them have something in common. In addition to having a heterogeneous ethnic structure, that is, the existence of distinct historical ethnic communities, all of these states have also, in the last couple of decades, gone through dramatic administrative and structural changes. From unitary states they had once been, they have transformed in a way which resulted in the introduction of either a certain degree of devolution or even in federalization. Consequently, historical ethnic communities have achieved a certain degree of autonomy, ranging from a partial and asymmetric decentralization ("devolution") as in the case of Scotland, to an extensive autonomy of the so-called autonomous communities of Spain. The intention of the central state and the legislator has been, inter alia, to safeguard the state unity and strengthen the state by accommodating the grievances of ethnic communities and their elites. The final outcome, however, has often been adverse to initial intentions. In the newly formed administrative units, "proto-states" of the ethnic minorities, there has been a rise in nationalism and secessionism. The purpose of this dissertation is to tackle this phenomenon and explore the causal relationship of autonomy and nationalism/secessionism. That is, the idea whether the autonomy itself strengthened nationalism and secessionism in the autonomous territories, thus acting as "subversive institutions" towards the central State, has been examined. In order to test the hypothesis and the arguments of the theory of subversive institutions, a dual comparison of two cases, Spanish and French Basque Country, and the most similar systems design have been used. The most similar systems design holds that the two cases share many common features and differ in only one. For instance, French and Spanish Basque Country are situated in the same region, share common language and ethnic origins; they are both parts of wider nation-states, face situation of diglossia etc. A differing feature, in this case, autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country – Autonomous Community of the Basque Country –Euskadi, is held responsible for the different outcome (stronger peripheral nationalism and secessionism). The choice of these two cases has been prompted by the fact that they may be considered the most similar cases in extremis, given that it is the same people on the two sides of the state border.The Basques, minority group with their own language and culture, for centuries have been divided among Spain and France. In France of today the Basques enjoy neither status of a national minority nor an institutional autonomy. In Spain, however, after a difficult period of Franco's dictatorship and the country's restructuring in 1978 on a quasi-federal principle, the Spanish Basques got acknowledgement of their national uniqueness (through a status of a nationality), and the Basque Country gained a significant institutional autonomy through so-called Autonomous Community of the Basque Country. In spite of the accommodation of most of the Spanish Basques' grievances, both on a tangible level (economic, political and cultural) and on a symbolic level (national and state symbols), the Spanish Basque Country still faces secessionism, while that phenomenon is hardly visible in its French counterpart. The dissertation explores whether the autonomy, instead of accommodating the Spanish Basques in the framework of the Spanish State, has contributed to the growth of their nationalism and secessionism. Conversely, the dissertation explores also whether the French civic state has contributed to attenuation of the peripheral, in this case, Basque nationalism. In France there are no "autonomic" institutions, but as a result of political and societal changes in France and external pressure from the South, i.e. from the Spanish Basque Country (spill over effect or Galton's problem), a "new governance" with specially designed institutions has been developed to partially accommodate the Basque grievances. Deprived of any substantial competences, executive or financial, they are a pale shadow of their Spanish counterparts. However, precisely for that, they serve as a good example to make comparative research in order to show the immense difference the autonomy per se can make. The research relies on the Valerie Bunce' s theory of "subversive institutions", which she tested on the cases of the former communist federations Soviet Union (USSR), Czechoslovakia (CSFR) and Yugoslavia (SFRY). Valerie Bunce (1999), explaining the collapse of former communist federations USSR, CSFR and SFRY, put forward a thesis that their design created preconditions for creating states within state. Consequently, the structure itself brought about the collapse of the communist bloc, and within it, of the federations USSR, CSFR and SFRY. Therefore, Bunce holds that the federalism created nations at the republican level or, if they had already been "defined", the federalism strengthened them. In other words, federal structure where the autonomous/federal units enjoyed relatively wide autonomy, in the long term acted centrifugally and finally led to the collapse of states (federations). With the advent of Gorbatchev and perestroika, consequent abandoning of the Brezhnev doctrine, and array of events that brought upon the collapse of communism and of federations, federal units – new "nations-in-the-making", took advantage of the situation ("window of opportunity") and proclaimed their independence.Bunce's theory and arguments have been applied on the situation in Spain. In the second case of the French Basque Country, and especially in the following comparative analysis, the situation in Spain can be/ is compared with the situation in France. It is thus possible to test the hypothesis on subversive institutions and to note the differences produced by the existence of autonomy in Spain. Bunce's theory has been tested on Spain (Spanish Basque Country) particularly for its quasi-federal structure of so-called autonomous communities (comunidades autónomas), or in Spanish jargon, Autonomías. Spanish autonomías provide a certain framework of a proto-state, nation-state, "state-in-waiting", and strengthen the centrifugal forces and local nationalism in a way, maybe to a lesser extent, but similarly as former republics of the ex-socialist federations. There comes the idea to test the theory of subversive institutions on Spain, i.e. Spanish Basque Country. In the introductory chapters of the dissertation, the phenomena of identity and nationalism have been tackled, followed by the theory of subversive institutions, as well as other supportive theories of the official nationalism (Anderson, 1990), path dependency (Krasner, 1984) and logic of appropriateness (March and Olsen, 2009). Finally, the three main arguments of the theory of subversive institutions have been elaborated, as well as the fourth, "counter argument". The two case studies follow, of the Spanish and the French Basque Country, structured in the same or very similar way. Firstly, the phenomenon of the Basque identity, its formation and its specifics for each of the two cases, has been elaborated. Secondly, the relation of the State towards the Basques and their identity has been examined in more depth. Within that framework, process of state building and other "counter-subversive action" of the state, with the aim of diminishing the peripheral nationalism and secessionism, has been tackled. Separate chapters have been dedicated to the transition to autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (and to the Spanish Estado de las Autonomías /State of Autonomies) Bunce's theory and arguments have been applied on the situation in Spain. In the second case of the French Basque Country, and especially in the following comparative analysis, the situation in Spain can be/ is compared with the situation in France. It is thus possible to test the hypothesis on subversive institutions and to note the differences produced by the existence of autonomy in Spain. Bunce's theory has been tested on Spain (Spanish Basque Country) particularly for its quasi-federal structure of so-called autonomous communities (comunidades autónomas), or in Spanish jargon, Autonomías. Spanish autonomías provide a certain framework of a proto-state, nation-state, "state-in-waiting", and strengthen the centrifugal forces and local nationalism in a way, maybe to a lesser extent, but similarly as former republics of the ex-socialist federations. There comes the idea to test the theory of subversive institutions on Spain, i.e. Spanish Basque Country. In the introductory chapters of the dissertation, the phenomena of identity and nationalism have been tackled, followed by the theory of subversive institutions, as well as other supportive theories of the official nationalism (Anderson, 1990), path dependency (Krasner, 1984) and logic of appropriateness (March and Olsen, 2009). Finally, the three main arguments of the theory of subversive institutions have been elaborated, as well as the fourth, "counter argument". The two case studies follow, of the Spanish and the French Basque Country, structured in the same or very similar way. Firstly, the phenomenon of the Basque identity, its formation and its specifics for each of the two cases, has been elaborated. Secondly, the relation of the State towards the Basques and their identity has been examined in more depth. Within that framework, process of state building and other "counter-subversive action" of the state, with the aim of diminishing the peripheral nationalism and secessionism, has been tackled. Separate chapters have been dedicated to the transition to autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (and to the Spanish Estado de las Autonomías /State of Autonomies) after the 1978 Constitution, possess almost the entire state administration. One of the 17 autonomous communities, Autonomous Community of the Basque Country - Euskadi has a clearly defined territory, a democratically elected Parliament (officially called the Basque Parliament), a Government, officially called the Basque Government, ministries (called departamentos, departments, headed by consejeros, counselors), a Prime Minister, Lehendakari, with some prerogatives of a President, including state honours and palace. His office includes a mini Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Acción Exterior – External Action), with its delegations abroad. Thus, the Basque Government can project its image abroad. The autonomous administration has some 60 000 employees, to which one has to add the 30 000 employees of the provincial and communal administration, and disposes of a 10.6 billion € budget. At the same time, the central state administration in the Basque Country counts only 15 000 employees. Euskadi disposes of its own police forces Ertzaintza. As mentioned before, several authors argue that with such a developed administrative apparatus, a "segment-state", in our case the Spanish Autonomous Community of the Basque Country- Euskadi, has been in power for most of the post-1978 Constitution period. Its institutions are consequently able to act as centrifugal ("subversive") institutions, transmitting nationalist messages through media, education system, and regional institutions. But their nationalist message is not of Spanish, but of peripheral, in this case, Basque nationalism. Given the specific, unfavourable linguistic situation of diglossia, and the importance of language for national (and Basque) identity, the Basque Governments took it as a mission to restore to the Basque language a status of a full-fledged official and education language, in a sense of Gellner's "language of high culture" (1998). (Re)Introducing the Basque language, not only in schools and universities, but literary everywhere, rebasquisating Euskadi, a Basque identity has been (re)enforced. Nowadays almost all institutions under the competence of local, autonomous institutions in the Spanish Basque Country are obliged to adopt Action plans or Five-year plans on the language normalization, that is, reinforced use of the Basque language. The Basque Government, in that way projects certain ideology and builds up and strengthens the Basque national identity. A new, Basque nation is being built.The statistics speak for themselves. Before the autonomy, that is, before 1978/1980, education language was 100% Spanish. Nowadays, only a tiny 0.5% of students study exclusively in Spanish (so called Model X), and 15.3% in Model A, with education in Spanish, and Basque language as one of the subjects. 18.9% study in bilingual schools (Model B) and the high 65.3% study in Basque schools (Model D), with Spanish language as one of the subjects. The presence of the Basque language is enforced in other areas as well. For instance, in public administration the targeted percentage of Basque speakers should be 48.46% and it should increase with the rise of knowledge of the Basque language in general population. Moreover, the presence of the Basque language is checked regularly in yearly evaluation reports. In the Parliament, in 2005-2009 legislature, 56% of deputies spoke Basque, while in 2013 the percentage rose to 68,5%. At the University of the Basque Country, in Academic year 1995/1996, 27.2% of the students studied in Basque, while in 2013/2014 the percentage rose to 64.3%. The number of bilingual professors (Basque and Spanish) rose from 35.1% in 2006 to 47.8% in 2013. Similar processes can be followed everywhere.As far as identity is concerned, the 35% of the interviewees in the opinion polls conducted by the University of the Basque Country declare themselves as "only Basques", 21% as "more Basque than Spanish", 35% "equally Basque and Spanish", 3% "more Spanish" and 3% "only Spanish". As it can be noted, Basque identity prevails, with a significant percentage of dual identity. Spanish identity (more or exclusively Spanish) is quite low. Opinion polls also testify of the presence of a strong local (Basque) patriotism, and at the same time, mistrust in Spanish State institutions. For example, 62% of the interviewees show trust in the Basque Government, 61% in the Basque Parliament and Basque police Ertzaintza, while only 39% in the King, 15% in the Spanish Cortes and 11% in the Spanish Government. Trust in the Basque Prime Minister is 56%, while in the Spanish Prime Minister it is only 7%. Regarding the attitude towards secessionism, 35% of interviewees support the present autonomous status, 29% favour federation (which understands a more autonomy), 7% favour more centralization and 25% favour secession. Although the latter percentage alone seems low as to provide proof of secessionism in stricto senso, the sum of the all percentages, except for 7% for centralization, should be taken into consideration if secessionism were to be regarded in a wider sense (as peripheral nationalism; autonomism and secessionism; Horowitz, 1985). From the data above, the conclusion can be drawn that the process of Basque nation-building maybe has not finished yet, but is well under way and that there is a "Basque direction" of the Euskadi. As for the Basque language in the French Basque Country, though it is increasingly present in its schools, public institutions and society, it still does not enjoy an official status. The improvement of linguistic situation is only partially due to the incitement on the part of the authorities. There is an immense difference from Spain. The French state after 1980-s allowed more freedom and space for "regional languages" to be taught, but did not impose it, force it by "dictate", as has been in the case of Euskadi. The main credit for the improvement of status of the Basque language is due to the efforts of the civil society, associations and citizens themselves. The results, comparing the Spanish and the French Basque Country, vary accordingly. Only 36,6% of school children attend some Basque language classes, while in Spanish Basque Country it is 99,5%. There is the Public Office of the Basque Language (OPLB), that helps and promotes teaching Basque language in the French Basque Country, but it has no authority to impose the Basque language in education as the Viceconsejería de Política Lingüística of the Gobierno Vasco and the Gobierno Vasco in the Spanish Basque Country. Only 11% of the interviewees feel "only Basques", 5% "more Basques", 24% "equally Basques and French", 16% "more French and 36% "only French". In the French Basque Country, the French identity and the French language in both education and society prevail. There is no "Basque direction" or Basque nation-building process. The third argument of the theory of subversive institutions is about elites' building. In Euskadi, there is the local (Basque) Parliament, where the Basque nationalists have dominated since the first elections after the establishment of autonomy (1980), with an average of 60% of votes/seats, except for the period 2009-2012 (due to a ban of the Basque radicals before the elections). In the current legislature, 2012-2016, the nationalists (moderate PNV-EAJ and radical EH Bildu) have 48 out of 75 seats. That means that they have been able to impose a "Basque direction", e.g. policies of rebasquization (termed language normalization), or vote the Ibarretxe Plan. There are also numerous examples of party competition in nationalism and local patriotism, e.g. the issue of Basque language use, flag, coat of arms or anthem. In the French Basque Country, due to non-existence of a local Parliament or self-rule, there are no such phenomena. There have been since decades Basque nationalist parties, and they score up to 10% of the votes. Nowadays, there is also a Basque nationalist party, AB (Abertzaleen Batasuna), which is relatively successful at the lower, communal level, having around 100 councillors. However, the non-existence of a Basque administrative unit,département, and centralist French electoral and administrative system, result in a situation where only two Basque nationalist councillors managed to enter the General Council of the Département Pyrénées-Atlantiques, of which French Basque Country is a part. And there they are only two of the 54 councillors. Therefore, even if at the lower, communal level, Basques nationalists can enter the local communes and be part of ruling coalitions, or form associations of local councillors and mayors, they cannot impose a more "Basque direction" of the whole French Basque Country, like their Spanish Basque counterparts. The autonomy, embodied in the Euskadi's Basque parliament, enabled Basque nationalists in the Spanish Basque Country (Autonomous Community of the Basque Country – Euskadi) to come to power at the local level and to direct the (Spanish) Basque Country towards a "Basque direction". In addition, it helped also to build up their own elites – party elites and leaders, Government and Parliament dignitaries, above all the Prime Minister- Lehendakari, local public company managers, University, Academy, institutes' directors etc. If a potential future new country needs the infrastructure (i.e. state administration, the framework), it also needs identity/ideology and leaders (the contents and experts). And here they are! Not only are they in place, but they are in power! Finally, having their own Basque University will help to reproduce new Basque elites. In contrast, the French Basque Country does not possess almost any of the above. Indeed, the difference produced by autonomy is immense. A special attention has been given to the Ibarretxe Plan which represents at the same time a peak of the autonomy, but also shows its limits. Juan Jose Ibarretxe, Euskadi's Prime Minister (Lehendakari) from 1999 to 2009, put forward in 2003 his Proposal for Reform of the Political Statute of Community of Euskadi, popularly known as Ibarretxe Plan. It was actually a proposal for a confederation between the Basque Country and Spain. The relations between them would be based on a "free association"(Art.1). Without going into details of the Proposal, suffice it to say that, had it been enacted, even without a completely independent Basque Country, it would mean the end of Spain as we know it today. The Plan was approved by the Basque Government in 2003, and a year later, by the Basque Parliament, although with a narrow majority of 39 out of 75 votes. However, in order to be enacted, the Proposal should have passed in the Spanish Parliament. It was not surprising that the Spanish Parliament had rejected any discussion about it. Today a Spanish "carte blanche" for an independent Basque Country seems completely unimaginable. Nevertheless, remembering the "velvet divorce" of Czech and Slovak Republics and bearing in mind as well the development of situation in Catalonia, one cannot exclude, under different circumstances and leadership in Madrid and Euskadi, a possibility of a "new Ibarretxe Plan" leading to a "velvet divorce" and eventually to an independent Basque Country. To conclude, the autonomy enabled institutions (Parliament/Argument 1), nurtured Basque identity (Argument 2), enabled Basque nationalists to come to power, created a space for Basque elites and leaders and created space or even incentives for party competition in Basque nationalism (Argument 3). The thing the autonomy has not produced, and that lacks for secessionists, is a "window of opportunity" (Bunce, 1999). But if the "window" opens, as in the case of e.g. Czechoslovak "velvet divorce", an opportunity for a potential sovereign Basque state could be created. The comparative analysis has showed more sharply the differences between the two cases resulting from the existence of the autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (Autonomous Community of the Basque Country- Euskadi) and its absence in the French Basque Country. While in Euskadi the nationalists have since 1980 scored around 60% of the votes in the Basque Parliament and dominated local politics for most of the time, in the French Pays Basque they never score more than 10% and have always been quite irrelevant at the regional local level (except for the lower local level of municipalities). The Basque identity prevailed in Euskadi and French in the Pays Basque. The Basque nationalists have been able to impose a "Basque direction" and an intensive "basquization" within the language normalization policy in Euskadi, which has not been the case in Pays Basque. Finally, a serious sovereignist/secessionist attemps – Ibarretxe Plan occurred, materialized, and was voted in the Basque Parliament of Euskadi, while in the Pays Basque anything of a kind is beyond imagination. There is no French Basque Government to conceive such a plan, no French Basque Parliament as a forum where such a Plan could be voted and no prevalence of Basque nationalists to vote such a plan…All of these phenomena are direct or indirect results of the autonomy or were allowed and fostered by the autonomic institutions in the Spanish Basque Country. Conversely, they are missing in the French Basque Country due to lack of autonomy. The two cases confirmed the hypothesis that the autonomy in ethno-federal arrangements fosters peripheral nationalism and secessionism and a potential for secession, while civic State attenuates them. Interestingly enough, even the consultative institutions of the French "new governance", initially quite powerless, managed to acquire some of the features of the "subversive institutions". They have become increasingly "Basque" and have taken a "Basque direction". However, the civic, centralised and unitary State prevented these institutions stripped of a real power from taking a lead in the Basque nationalism, to gain any significant power, or to direct the French Basque Country in any "Basque direction". The civic State in France indeed acted in attenuating peripheral, Basque nationalism by not providing it a "window of opportunity" to grow.
Autor pokazuje kako se stil Božidarevićeva slikarstva može analizirati kao reprezentativna građa za povijest dubrovačkog društva1500-tih godina, premda se Nikola ustezao od prodornijeg promatranja svog unutarnjeg svijeta i onog vanjskog koji ga je okruživao, dočim se moglo očekivati (obzirom na njegov temperament i budući da je radio po narudžbi kapetana i trgovaca globe-trottera) da mu slike budu proviđene s više detalja onodobne vidljive stvarnosti. ; He signed himself in brush strokes only twice as: Nicolaus Rhagusinus, Nicolo Raguseo- Nikola of Dubrovnik - once in a marble medallion under the arm of Gabriel in the middle of the Annunciation, which he painted in 1513 forthe Đorđić family, the second time at the foot of the Virgin's throne on the main altar retable in the Church of Our Lady of Dance, his last work (1517). This name, until the archival discovery of his Croatian family name, fired the imagination of those researching Dubrovnik Renaissance art and even became a kind of myth. To call himself Rhagusinus in the middle of Dubrovnik undoubtedly meant a self-confident declaration vis a vis his artistic contemporaries- especially Mihajlo Hamzić and Vicko, the son of Lovro Dobričević,and even perhaps in relation to his own father whose workshop he had just left. When we stand today in front of polyptychs of this kind (which, when preserved in full, amaze us by the perfect balance of their general composition) we rarely think that they were created as bricolage. Immediately after Nikola's return from Italy he, and his father Božidar Vlatković received several very large orders. In 1495 they were given a contract for the retable of the main altar of the Franciscan church in Cavtat. The church authorities required that the central composition and figures on the left side should be composed according to the pattern of a polyptych executed almost half a century earlier by Matko Junčić in the church of the Minorite Friars in Dubrovnik, while figures on the right side were to be done according to the pattern of another altar in the same church. The saints in the upper part of the polyptych, shown down to the waist, were to be done after Junčić also, and only the central Pieta according to an earlier painting by Božidarević. The same is true of their style. Experts have very easily "reduced" Božidarević's work into the style and themes found in the Crivelli brothers and Vittore Carpaccio. But Božidarević obviously also knew the fresco paintings of Perugino and Pinturichio in the Vatican palace (Appartamento Borgia)and elsewhere in Rome where his brush may, according to Vladimir Marković, have indeed been involved. The form of a polyptych (like the form of a sonnet) helps in the construction of a figural composition, in a rationally and symmetrically balanced composition. It equalizes lighting, concentrates sight and attention: even when its constructional elements are removed, which make the composition of a polyptych, it continues to make an invisible effect for a long time. By 1500 the form of the polyptych which the "Dubrovnik School of Painting" retained until the end had become a Procrustean bed. It did not allow figures to be shown in a natural context, to be enlivened by being shown with real appurtenances, nor for any relaxation of stiff postures, or any easier breathing. Thus in Božidarević's paintings the representation of real life and the movement of the real world is only found in miniatures, on the borders of polypthychs, in "footnotes" on individual articles or when we study details "microscopically". In fact it is drapery which is the most convincing and arresting and almost tactile element of Božidarević's painting. Just as we perceive the bustle of the harbour on the model of Dubrovnik held by St Blasius so too he was fully aware of the richness of the materials which were produced at this time in Dubrovnik. Cloth was as important as salt for the trade of Dubrovnik and was a very tangible asset in the consciousness of the city. It may be paradoxical but it is accurate to say that Božidarević did not paint portraits (using patterns of characters) but portrayed materials in which his saints were clothed. It is of significance in this context that the most outstanding assistant in his workshop for which in 1507 he rented a whole floor in one of the mansions on Placa, suitable because of its good light - was Marin Kriješić who is recorded in one of the archives as "pictor sive coltrarius", painter of pictures, curtains, covers and cloth. When we consider Božidarević's landscapes we also notice a paradox. The endless journeys of the Dubrovnikians, constantly involving the sea, did not give rise to the desire to extend the picture to include real landscape even in those ordered by ship's captains, merchants, or globe-trotters. But it would have been unrealistic to expect Nikola Božidarević to show the Annunciation in Kolendić's Lopud landscape. Instead he presents the stereotyped picture of the humanists' idea of Arcadia but omitting Bellini's ploughmen and donkeys. This is no bucolic Virgilian landscape as created in the circle surrounding Giorgione - no mundane Utopia in which we might like to live. Behind Gabriel the landscape is wild and rough, behind Our Lady it is cultivated, these are more symbolic, antithetical rather than any true mise-en scene. When we first come to Božidarević's paintings we may be surprised by the fact that in spite of the very real situation within which they developed, there is a lack of any penetrating observation of either inner or outer worlds. Where details appear they largely represent a sanctified aspect of reality: spiritualiasub metaphoris corporalium, as Thomas Aquinus would say. The political, diplomatic, commercial realism of the people of Dubrovnik was, surprisingly enough, very late reflected in an art which served symbolic ends. Considered from this angle the architectural presentation of the city has something in common with butterflies which have great black eyes on their wings in order to make an impression on their surroundings and themselves. Thus in Božidarević and his predecessors we shall find no dark allegory, as measured by today's art critics, but a clear and balanced representation of the Bible message. These polyptychs provide a view of many kinds of fear (of heaven, of the sea, of plague, of Turks of all kinds, of oneself), and also of much hope. The four paintings by Božidarević which have come down to us are typologically different. This only shows us how impoverished we are not to have his entire opus. All four of Božidarević' surviving paintings were private votive offerings. Their subject must therefore be read according to the wishes of the person who ordered them. It is often considered, taking into account their formal superioriy that the Sacra conversazione of the Đođic painting and the Annunciation done for Captain Marko Kolendić are the "measure" of Božidarević's painting. If the former is his first example of a particularly popular Renaissance composition in Croatian art history, the second is his first independent central altar painting. Private orders in Dubrovnik of the time continued to demand the traditional religious, especially votive themes. But in the wider sphere new, more secular, opportunities presented themselves. A study by Vladimir Marković shows this programme to have arisen out of a combination between political intentions and the moral principles of the patrician oligarchy which coincided and were identified with the Renaissance view of Christian and especially with the classical Roman exempla. Božidarević was the contemporary of poets Džore Držić and ŠiškoMenčetić, of Mavro Vetranović. Marin Držić, the most successful writer of Dubrovnik's "Golden Age" was born when Nikola was in prison for the ribald songs. But we cannot but feel that the painter's temper remains hidden behind the porcelain surface and perfect outer symmetry of his compositions. The Dubrovnik context did not provide opportunities for the expression of strong passions. The demands for caution and order were unremitting. There might be considerable personal pride but there must never be bragging. It was not a setting for great philosophy or poetry, nor for tragedy, but for the natural sciences, economics and- along with them- comedies. Unfortunately Dubrovnik painting was fated to disappear almost unnoticed, with no fanfares or real apogee, to be drowned in the import of baroque art from the other side of the Adriatic. When we talk about Dubrovnik, the Renaissance is our first association, but the Renaissance in Croatian painting never managed fully to develop. Indeed Gothic was never fully relinquished but, rather, gradually disintegrated. Its place was taken by the counter Reformation, together with a whole packet of ready-made solutions, before the Renaissance had managed to achieve full definition. We cannot experience Nikola's paintings as Renaissance building blocks cut out from the reality of their own day. We may rather consider them as tables bearing rich fabric. His saints, enveloped in brocade, standing before an azure sky, are sunk in timeless melancholy. They are depicted in an indeterminate context as they appeared to the eye of the painter - without any later addition of colour. They did not attain the position of an academic standard for the Dubrovnik painting of the period that followed. Božidarević went ad patraim paradisi the same time as Mihajlo Hamzić, son of the German immigrant Hans, a "bombardiere" from Cologne, and Vicko Lovrin, son of Dobričević. The sudden and complete change of generations coincided with a fundamental change in the taste of the rich commercial class when it began to turn to the artists of the Bellini and Titian circle. The colours of Božidarević's painting are the most harmonious chords of Dubrovnik's "Golden Age". Of the one hundred and fifty polyptychs registered at the time of Sormano's apostolic visitation in 1573 less than one tenth remain. The Dubrovnik archives record seventeen works by Božidarević but only four have come down to us. In old cities such as Dubrovnik - colour, like everything else except stone, is recessive. What we have today is an idealized impression of what was once reality.
