Suchergebnisse

Ovaj članak se bavi prikazom procesa decentralizacije u Srbiji od 2000. do 2011. godine imajući u vidu da bi ovaj proces ujedno morao biti i proces podizanja kapaciteta lokalnih vlasti. U radu se prati transformacija svakog od bitnih činilaca autonomije lokalne vlasti i njenih menadžerijalnih potencijala: ustavni i zakonski status, izbori i model organizacije vlasti, nadležnosti, finansiranje, pružanje usluga, participacija građana, te odnos države i lokalne samouprave. Ovaj kompleksan proces zahteva vreme, podizanje znanja i veština svih nivoa vlasti (posebno lokalne), posvećenost političke elite demokratskim vrednostima i tesno je vezan sa podizanjem stepena demokratske političke kulture. ; This paper provides a review of the process of decentralisation in Serbia from 2000 to 2011, bearing in mind that this process should at the same time be a process of enhancing the local government capacity. The paper traces the transformation of each of the essential factors of the autonomy of local government and its managerial potentials: its constitutional and legal status, elections and the model of the organisation of government, competences, funding, provision of services, citizen participation, and the relationship between the state and local self-government. This complex process is time-consuming, requires upgrading knowledge and skills at all levels of government (local government in particular), a commitment of the political elite to democratic values, and is closely tied to increasing the level of democratic political culture.

U posljednjih 15-tak godina hrvatska politièka elita nije dovoljno uèinila na planu "debalkanizacije" lokalne uprave u RH koju obilježava korupcija, nepotizam, bahatost, glomaznost i neodgovornost. Nužno je stoga uspostaviti weberijanski model racionalne uprave koju, između ostaloga, obilježava načelo sine ira et studio. ; The territory of the Republic of Croatia was until the adoption of the Local Sel fgovernment and Administration Act of December 1992 divided into municipalities (102 in 1990) and associations of municipalities (10) which were local units at the regional level. Despite the argumented claims not to change the existing administrative-territorial division of the national territory until the end of the war, "extensive reorganization" of local self-government started. The number of local units increased by five times. In that process, not rational but political criteria were taken into consideration. During the 1990s, so called imaginary employment positions were opened in local units as one of the means of solving the problem of unemployment. Corruption and nepotism were among the main problems in local administration. "Balkanisation" of administration was at work, not only in Lika, but also in the Republic of Croatia. It was manifested in the following characteristics of administration: arrogance, massiveness, inefficiency and irresponsibility. The new political elite did little for "de-Balkanisation" of administration. That is, for the establishment of the Weberian model of rational administration which, among others, is characterised by the principle sine ira et studio. After political changes in 2000, certain efforts in respect of rationalisation of the system of local self-government have been made, particularly by the rationalisation of the number of employees. This, of course, is not enough. It is necessary to reduce a great number of municipalities, towns and counties. Instead of 21 counties, the Croatian territory should be divided into regions. And the area of Lika should probably most rationally be divided between the regions of Dalmatia and Rijeka.

The US governance model created in the 1930s & known as Big Government is analyzed within the context of its application in foreign policy. The author looks into the foreign policy role of the American federal government, the dynamics of the relationship between the executive & the legislative branches during & following the Cold War period, & the changes occurring after the terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001. Emphasis is on analysis of the Cold War legacy of the so-called nontraditional instruments of foreign policy interventions or the resources & techniques of covert activity. The author concludes that the extensive utilization of these instruments has significantly undermined the principle of limited federal government as one of the fundaments of American politics. However, in light of the new mobilization of resources in the fight against terrorism, it is necessary once again to evaluate the means of covert activity. 14 References. Adapted from the source document.

U radu su analizirani zakonski i normativno-pravni akti o sudjelovanju građana u procesu donošenja odluka u jedinicama lokalne samouprave. Sudjelovanje građana u procesu odlučivanja jeste građansko pravo koje građani konzumiraju na svim razinama vlasti, kako na lokalnim tako i na višim razinama vlasti, što čini temelj razvoja demokratskog društva. S obzirom na složenost ustroja i funkcioniranja Bosne i Hercegovine, postoji velik broj normativno-pravnih akata koji reguliraju navedeno područje. Može se očekivati da će ova tema biti zanimljiva ne samo znanstvenicima čije je polje zanimanja javna uprava nego i široj javnosti iz razloga što građani većinu svojih interesa, potreba i očekivanja (prema provedenim istraživanjima preko 70%) upravo ostvaruju na lokalnoj razini. ; Citizens' participation in decision-making process is a civil right that citizens consume at all government levels, either directly or indirectly. Citizens' participation is regulated by the Constitutions (at the state, entity, and cantonal levels), as well as by the laws on local self-government and by the statute, which is the basic normative legal act of local self-government units. Although legal regulation of citizens' participation has been harmonised with the European Charter of Local Self-Government, an analysis of legislation concerning citizens' participation has shown numerous differences, deficiencies, and unfinished solutions in the regulations at the municipal and sub-municipal levels, as well as at the entity and cantonal levels of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, primarily due to the complex organisation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. What is necessary is to adopt the Law of Referendum at the entity (and state) level, and to amend and harmonise other regulations related to citizens' participation – entity and cantonal Constitutions, the Law on Local Self-Government at the entity and cantonal levels, and municipal and sub-municipal statutes. It is also necessary to adopt the Regulation of the Rules of Citizens' participation at the Local Level. Local self-government units must develop and adopt their partnership strategies for cooperation with local citizens.

Ontologija otvorene vlade predstavljena u ovom radu je sveobuhvatna ontologija koja za cilj ima modeliranje širokog opsega servisa otvorene vlade. Semantički model otvorene vlade daje mogućnost za integraciju s drugim semantičkim i informatičkim modelima te omogućuje semantičko razmišljanje i pronalaženje resursa. Karakteristike otvorene vlade su transparentnost, sudjelovanje i suradnja. Glavne komponente otvorene vlade su otvorena arhitektura, otvoreni podaci i otvoreni standardi. Organizacijska struktura otvorene vlade sastoji se od unutarnjih vladinih organizacija, povezanih područja i otvorenih (e)vladinih servisa. Ontologija otvorene vlade se može koristiti kao semantičko spremište meta podataka za (e)vladine i otvorene (e)vladine servise. Primjenom formalnih metoda razmišljanja predložena ontologija omogućuje pronalaženje informacija o servisima otvorene (e)vlade i zaključivanje na osnovu prikupljenog znanja. Također, ontologija otvorene arhitekture se može koristiti kao informacijska arhitektura za stvaranje tih servisa, kao u slučaju Crnogorske semantičke naučne mreže. ; Open Government Ontology proposed in this paper is an extensive ontology aimed at modelling a wide range of Open Government services. Semantic model of the Open Government opens possibilities for the integration with other semantic and information models, and enables semantic reasoning and resource discovery. Characteristics of the Open Government are transparency, participation and collaboration. Main components of the Open Government are Open Architecture, Open Data and Open Standards. Organizational structure of the Open Government consists of the internal government organizations, associated domains and Open (e)Government services. Open Government Ontology can be used as a semantic meta-data repository for the (e)Government and Open (e)Government services. Using formal methods of reasoning with the proposed ontology we can search for information about Open (e)Government services and infer on gathered knowledge. Also Open Architecture Ontology can be used as Information Architecture framework for the creation of these services as was the case regarding Montenegrin Semantic Science Network.

Komentiraju se slijed dosadašnjih pokušaja te aktualni napo-ri u vezi s decentralizacijom. Elaborira se četrnaest prijedloga za korjenitu decentralizaciju, koja jedina ima smisla ako se lokalna i regionalna samouprava želi konstituirati kao jedan od ključnih aktera ekonomskog, društvenog i socijalnog razvoja te ekonomske stabilnosti zemlje. Riječ je o: oblikovanju strategije decentralizacije; u čvršćenju strukture za regionalni razvoj; zadržavanja dvostupanjske strukture terito- rijalne samouprave, ali različite od postojeće; formiranju pet regija umjesto sadašnjih dvadeset županija; spajanju preko 550 lokalnih jedinica u 150 velikih općina; zadržavanju i ja-č anju mjesne samouprave; preoblikovanje županija u uprav- ne okruge s primjenom načela one-stop-shop, smanjenjem broja tih okruga na desetak i širenjem njihova djelokruga na poslove sadašnjih područnih jedinica središnjih tijela državne uprave; jačanju financijskog kapaciteta lokalne samouprave tako da se dosegne udio lokalnih rashoda u rashodima opće drž ave od 25% u narednih pet godina; uvođenju mješovitog izbornog sustava tako da se pored proporcionalnog uvede većinsko predstavništvo; formiranju Agencije za lokalne službenike kao nezavisnog tijela na razini države; usposta- vi jedinstvenog informacijskog sustava lokalne samouprave; prenošenju dijela poslova državne uprave na obavljanje većim jedinicama lokalne samouprave; formiranju ekspertne radne skupine za pripremu decentralizacije; planiranju decentralizacije tako da se čitav program provede do lokalnih izbora 2017. Navode se i mogućnosti usavršavanja postojećeg centraliziranog modela organizacije države, ponajprije kroz diferencijaciju položaja objektivno različitih jedinica te poticanje i nametanje intermunicipalne suradnje. ; The paper begins with a comment on the sequence of previous attempts at decentralisation and a description of current efforts made concerning the decentralisation process. Fourteen suggestions for substantive decentralisation are elaborated. A substantive decentralisation is the only reasonable decentralisation form if local and regional self-government is to be constituted as one of the key actors of economic and social development, and of economic stability of the country. These fourteen sugges- tions include: (1) designing a decentralisation strategy; (2) strengthening the structure for regional development; (3) maintaining the two-tier system of territorial self-government, which should nevertheless differ from the existing model; (4) forming five regions instead of the existing twenty counties; (5) merging more than 550 local units into 150 large municipalities; (6) maintaining and strengthening forms of intra-municipal self-government; (7) reshaping counties into state administrative units with the implementation of one-stop-shop principle, by reducing them to ten units and by widening their competences to the tasks of the existing branch of- fices of various ministries; (8) strengthening the financial capacity of local self-government so as to rise the share of local expenditures in the general state expenditures to 25 per cent in the next five years; (9) considering the introduction of mixed electoral system, so as to introduce plurality representation along with proportional; (10) establishing an Agency for Local Civil Servants as a central level independent body; (11) establishing an integrated information system on local governments; (12) transferring certain state administrative tasks to larger local self-government units; (13) forming an group of experts that would professionaly prepare decentralisation; (14) planning decentralisation so that the whole programme will have been finished by 2017 local elections. The author has also made suggestions for the another scenario – improvement of the existing cen- tralised model of state organisation, primarily via deeper differentiation between the objectively different local units, and stimulation and imposition of intermunicipal cooperation.

Od financiranja lokalne samouprave zavisi provođenje njenih nadležnosti. Bez adekvatnog financiranja ne možemo očekivati kvalitetnu lokalnu samoupravu za građane kao krajnje korisnike usluga. Financiranje lokalne samouprave predstavlja važan princip koji je zajamčen i Europskom poveljom o lokalnoj samoupravi. Bez značajnije financijske i materijalne autonomije, cjelokupan koncept i funkcioniranje lokalne samouprave gube na značaju. Cilj ovog članka jest predstavljanje osnovnih pitanja o financiranju lokalne samouprave u Bosni i Hercegovini, odnosno njenim entitetima Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine i Republici Srpskoj. Analiza predstavlja međunarodnopravne odredbe o financiranju lokalne samouprave sadržane u Europskoj povelji o lokalnoj samoupravi i pravne odredbe iz nacionalnog zakonodavstva Bosne i Hercegovine i njezinih entiteta. ; The financing of local self-government influences the capacities of local units to perform their tasks. One cannot expect to receive high quality local services unless local units have sufficient financial means and are able to provide a wide range of services. The principle of local self-government financing is a basic principle guaranteed by the European Charter of Local Self-Government. The whole concept of local self-government and its functioning lose on their importance if there is not sufficient financial autonomy. The paper aims at presenting the basic issues of local self-government financing in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republic of Srpska. Some of the main international legal norms related to the financing of local self-government from the European Charter and national legal regulation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and its entities are analysed in the paper. The analysis has shown that the funds allocated to Bosnian local self-government are far from sufficient. Furthermore, there is a significant difference in local self-government funding between the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which spends 8.42 per cent of its budget on local finances, and the Republic of Srpska, which spends 24 per cent.

Hrvatska se kao samostalna država, a od 2013. godine i punopravna članica Europske unije, odredila za punu afirmaciju institucija lokalne i područne (regionalne) samouprave. Hrvatska upravna znanost napravila je značajne iskorake u smislu prihvaćanja temeljnih zasada europskog profiliranja tih institucija, ali svjesna i svojih posebnosti na tom putu. Kao jedna od najvažnijih dvojbi javlja se ona o koncepciji područne (regionalne) samouprave odnosno o tome kako organizirati to područje, posebice koji teritorij bi obuhvaćale jedinice područne (regionalne) samouprave i prema kojim kriterijima bi taj teritorij bio određen te koje ovlasti bi takve jedinice imale. Radi cjelovite kritičke analize ključnih pitanja područne (regionalne) samouprave u Republici Hrvatskoj, u radu se analiziraju stajališta znanstvenika i iz drugih područja: ekonomista, politologa, geografa i sociologa. ; Croatia has, as an independent state, and from the year 2013 as a full member of the European Union; chosen to fully affirm the institutions of local and regional self-government. Croatian administration science has made significant advances in terms of acceptance of basic, for now, European, profiling of these institutions, but it is also aware of its' particularities on that path. As one of the most significant dubieties, the one on the concept of regional self-government appears, i.e. on the organization of that area, especially which territory would be encompassed by the units of regional self-government in the Republic of Croatia, as well as the authorities which would these units possess. In order to critically and wholly analyse the crucial questions of regional self-government in the Republic of Croatia, this paper also analyses perspectives of scientists in other areas: economists, political scientists, geographers and sociologists.

Autor u članku upozorava na potrebu provođenja temeljitog istraživanja tvrdnje da predstavnička demokracija dovodi do snažnog političkog otuđenja i da je u završnom stadiju propadanja. U pokušaju promišljanja porijekla i budućnosti predstavničke vladavine autor ističe da je najprije potrebno staviti na dnevni red temeljna shvaćanja predstavničke demokracije, kako bi se iznova razmotrila klasična tumačenja povijesnih korijena i modernog razvoja ideala predstavničke vladavine. Drugo, u članku se ističe da je potrebno razmotriti uspješnost postojećih predstavničkih demokracija s obzirom na različite izazove i pritiske s kojima se danas suočavaju. Treće, u nastojanju da se ukaže na budućnost predstavničke demokracije autor predlaže preispitivanje poznate Tocquevilleove tvrdnje da je jedna od velikih vrlina demokracije to što ona pravi "greške koje se mogu ispraviti", pitajući se je li Tocquevilleov uvid još uvijek primjenjiv na stvarno postojeće demokracije.* ; In this paper, the author points to the need for conducting an in-depth study of the claim that representative democracy leads to intense political alienation and that it is in its final stage of decline. In an attempt to reconsider the origins and future of representative government, the author points out that the fundamental concepts of representative democracy should first be included in the agenda, so as to reconsider the classical interpretations of historical origins and modern development of the ideal of representative government. Second, the paper points out that it is necessary to examine the performance of existing representative democracies, considering the various challenges and pressures with which they are faced today. Third, in an eff ort to point at the future of representative democracy, the author suggests that we rethink Tocqueville's famous claim that one of the great virtues of democracy is that it makes "errors that can be corrected", wondering if this Tocqueville's insight applies to actually existing democracies.

U ovom radu tvrdim kako je za istočnu Europu istovremeno prisustvo slabih država i slabih društava ključna prepreka s kojom se analitičari i reformatori moraju suočiti. Razumijevanje drugih normativno važnih procesa bit će nepotpuno bez osviještenog razmišljanja o ovom problemu i njegovim implikacijama. Ovaj rad pokušava artikulirati "relacijski" pristup državi i društvu. Uz to rad daje tipologiju mogućih obrazaca odnosa između države i društva ovisno o tome je li država slaba ili jaka i je li društvo slabo ili jako. Predstavljaju se komparativni podaci kako bi se dala empirijska podrška tezama. Na kraju rad skicira dva reformska pristupa koja bi mogla omogućiti razbijanje začaranog kruga koji nastaje u kontekstu slabih država i slabih društava. ; This paper argues that, for Eastern Europe, the simultaneous presence of weak governments and weak societies is a crucial obstacle which must be faced by analysts and reformers. The understanding of other normatively significant processes will be deficient without a consciousness-raising deliberation on this problem and its implications. This paper seeks to articulate the "relational" approach to state and society. In addition, the paper lays out a typology of possible patterns of relationship between state and society, dependent on whether the state is weak or strong and whether society is weak or strong. Comparative data are presented in order to provide an empirical support for the theses. Finally, the paper outlines two reform approaches which could enable breaking the vicious circle emerging in the context of weak governments and weak societies.

Uspostava novih političkih sustava u Srednjoj i Istočnoj Europi nakon pada komunističkih režima značila je i izbor novog sustava vlasti umjesto dotad proklamiranog skupštinskog. Stajalište ustavotvoraca o potrebi snažne institucije predsjednika države tijekom procesa tranzicije, te odnos snaga između različitih aktera u političkoj areni, rezultirali su uspostavom polupredsjedničkog sustava u mnogima od tih zemalja. U Rusiji i Poljskoj su s prvim promjenama ustava prihvaćeni neki elementi, a zatim i čitav koncept semiprezidencijalizma. Ustavni modeli u te dvije zemlje u skladu su s kriterijima polupredsjedničkih sustava – posjeduju dualnu strukturu izvršne vlasti, te fi ksni mandat predsjednika države izabranog na općim izborima i politički neodgovornog parlamentu. Politička je praksa u njima u posljednjih petnaestak godina pokazivala različite učinke uspostavljenog sustava. U Rusiji je predsjednik države dominirao političkim sustavom u tolikoj mjeri da je sustav u praksi bio predsjednički, dok su u Poljskoj ustavne promjene iz 1990., 1992. i 1997. godine rezultirale promjenom odnosa snaga unutar dualne strukture izvršne vlasti. ; The establishment of new political systems in Central and Eastern Europe after the collapse of communist regimes implied a decision on a new system of government instead of the earlier proclaimed assembly system. The position of the framers of the Constitution on the need for a strong institution of state presidency during the transition process, and the correlation of forces between diff erent actors in the political arena, have resulted in the establishment of the semi-presidential system in many of these countries. In Russia and Poland, with the fi rst modifi cations of their Constitutions, some elements of semi-presidentialism were adopted, and then the whole concept of semi-presidentialism has been accepted. The constitutional models in the two countries are compatible with the criteria of semi-presidential systems – they have a dual structure of the executive branch of government ...

Korupcija na lokalnoj razini zabrinjavajuća je pojava u zemljama Europske unije. Cilj rada je utvrditi obilježja lokalnih vijećnika na drugoj razini vlasti koja opisuju njihovu veću ili manju izloženost korupcijskim pritiscima. Istraživanje, provedeno na više od pet tisuća vijećnika iz 14 europskih država, propituje može li se njihov subjektivni dojam o doživljenim korupcijskim pritiscima opisati njihovim socio-demografskim obilježjima. Rezultati klaster analize su pokazali da u državama Europske unije postoje dvije grupe lokalnih vijećnika koje različito doživljavaju izloženost korupciji i da korupcijski rizici više pogađaju lokalne vijećnike u posttranzicijskim zemljama. Članovi klastera lokalnih vijećnika koji se osjećaju manje izloženi korupcijskim pritiscima su iz 'starih' zemalja Europske unije, zemalja s općenito nižom prisutnosti korupcije, a to su ujedno klasteri s većim udjelom žena i profesionalnih političara u odnosu na klaster vijećnika koji su pod većim korupcijskim pritiskom. Rezultat koji ponajviše pridonosi postojećoj literaturi je da su opažene statistički značajne razlike u izloženosti korupcijskim pritiscima vijećnika u lokalnim jedinicama veće ili manje fi skalne snage. Svrha rada je bila utvrditi ranjive skupine lokalnih vijećnika u cilju jačanja njihovog integriteta za što su neke preporuke ponuđene u zaključku. ; Corruption at the local level is a worrying phenomenon in the EU. The aim of the paper is to identify characteristics of the councillors at the second tier level that describe opinion about their greater or lesser exposure to corruption pressures. The goal of the analysis of opinion of more than five thousand councillors from 14 European countries is to investigate whether their subjective impression of the underlying corruption pressures can be described by their socio-demographic characteristics. Results of the cluster analysis have shown that there are two groups of local councillors in the EU, that they experience corruption differently, and that the corruption risks affect local councillors in post-transition countries more. Local councillors who consider that they are less exposed to corruption pressures are from the "old" EU countries, from countries with a generally lower level of corruption. This is also a cluster with a greater share of women and professional politicians. There are statistically significant differences observed regarding their exposure to corruption between councillors in local government units with larger or smaller level of fi scal decentralisation, and this is the most interesting finding of this research. The purpose of this paper was to identify vulnerable groups of local councillors in order to strengthen their integrity, for which some of the recommendations are given in the conclusion.

Korupcija na lokalnoj razini zabrinjavajuća je pojava u zemljama Europske unije. Cilj rada je utvrditi obilježja lokalnih vijećnika na drugoj razini vlasti koja opisuju njihovu veću ili manju izloženost korupcijskim pritiscima. Istraživanje, provedeno na više od pet tisuća vijećnika iz 14 europskih država, propituje može li se njihov subjektivni dojam o doživljenim korupcijskim pritiscima opisati njihovim socio-demografskim obilježjima. Rezultati klaster analize su pokazali da u državama Europske unije postoje dvije grupe lokalnih vijećnika koje različito doživljavaju izloženost korupciji i da korupcijski rizici više pogađaju lokalne vijećnike u posttranzicijskim zemljama. Članovi klastera lokalnih vijećnika koji se osjećaju manje izloženi korupcijskim pritiscima su iz 'starih' zemalja Europske unije, zemalja s općenito nižom prisutnosti korupcije, a to su ujedno klasteri s većim udjelom žena i profesionalnih političara u odnosu na klaster vijećnika koji su pod većim korupcijskim pritiskom. Rezultat koji ponajviše pridonosi postojećoj literaturi je da su opažene statistički značajne razlike u izloženosti korupcijskim pritiscima vijećnika u lokalnim jedinicama veće ili manje fi skalne snage. Svrha rada je bila utvrditi ranjive skupine lokalnih vijećnika u cilju jačanja njihovog integriteta za što su neke preporuke ponuđene u zaključku. ; Corruption at the local level is a worrying phenomenon in the EU. The aim of the paper is to identify characteristics of the councillors at the second tier level that describe opinion about their greater or lesser exposure to corruption pressures. The goal of the analysis of opinion of more than five thousand councillors from 14 European countries is to investigate whether their subjective impression of the underlying corruption pressures can be described by their socio-demographic characteristics. Results of the cluster analysis have shown that there are two groups of local councillors in the EU, that they experience corruption differently, and that the corruption risks affect local councillors in post-transition countries more. Local councillors who consider that they are less exposed to corruption pressures are from the "old" EU countries, from countries with a generally lower level of corruption. This is also a cluster with a greater share of women and professional politicians. There are statistically significant differences observed regarding their exposure to corruption between councillors in local government units with larger or smaller level of fi scal decentralisation, and this is the most interesting finding of this research. The purpose of this paper was to identify vulnerable groups of local councillors in order to strengthen their integrity, for which some of the recommendations are given in the conclusion.

Pitanje kako formirati vladu ako izborni rezultat nije dovoljno jasan za određivanje kontura za njezino oblikovanje otvara se kada stranke nisu jasno obznanile svoje saveze prije izbora ili kada izborni rezultat nije izlučio apsolutnu većinu u korist jedne ili druge predizborno stvorene koalicije stranaka. Njemački odgovor daje prednost većinskom elementu nad ideološkim elementom. Umjesto stava da najbrojnija parlamentarna stranka nužno mora vladati ili da sukob dviju najvećih stranaka apsolutno isključuje njihov savez u postizbornom vladanju političke stranke smatraju da obvezatno moraju djelovati kako bi se institucionalno stvorila većina potrebna za vladanje. Njemačka doktrina iznosi da nužnost raspolaganja radno sposobnom vladom vrijedi više od stranačkih ideoloških razmatranja i prosudbi. U zbilji njemačkog parlamentarnog sustava predsjednik SR Njemačke predlaže za kancelara osobu koja na temelju objavljenog pismenog koalicijskog sporazuma zaključenog u prethodnom postupku formiranja vlade, prije započinjanja formalnog ustavom propisanog postupka, dokazuje da uživa apsolutnu većinu svih zastupnika u Bundestagu. U Velikoj Britaniji ustavna se zagonetka o formiranju vlade u slučaju da izbori ne rezultiraju apsolutnom većinom za pojedinu stranku u Donjem domu rješava ustavnom konvencijom. Od aktualne vlade očekuje se da podnese ostavku ako postane jasno da neće moći dobiti povjerenje Donjeg doma te ako postoji jasna alternativa. Ustav Republike Hrvatske (čl. 98.) određuje obvezatno obavljanje konzultacija, odnosno provedbu neformalnog prethodnog postupka za formiranje vlade. Takav postupak u praksi čine istražni koalicijski razgovori i završni dogovor vidljiv u koalicijskom sporazumu (SR Njemačka) ili na listi potpisa većine svih zastupnika (Hrvatska). ; The question of how to form the government if the election result is not sufficiently clear to determine the contours of its design presents itself when the parties have not made clear alliances before the elections, or if the election result did not produce an absolute majority in favour of either electoral alliance created before the elections. The German response to this problem favours the majority element over the ideological element. Instead of the view that the largest parliamentary party must necessarily rule, or that the conflict between the two largest parties absolutely excludes a post-electoral alliance, political parties consider it essential to try to institutionally create the majority required to govern. According to the German doctrine the necessity to have a working government at disposal is worth more than the party-oriented ideological considerations and positions. In the reality of the German parliamentary system, the German President proposes for a Chancellor a person who, based on a published written coalition agreement concluded in the previous procedure of forming the government, before the formal constitutionally prescribed due process, proves that he or she enjoys the confidence of an absolute majority of all the members of the Bundestag. In the UK, the constitutional puzzle of forming the government in the event that elections do not result in an absolute majority for a party in the House of Commons, is dealt with by a Constitutional convention. The current government is expected to resign if it becomes clear that it will not be able to secure the confidence of the House of Commons, and if there is a clear alternative. In Croatia, the President of the Republic gives the mandate to form the Government to the person who, upon the distribution of seats and consultations with parliamentary parties, enjoys the confidence of the majority of all the representatives. Giving the mandate to form the government without proof of consultations in previous proceedings (the list of signatures) provided to the head of a coalition that receives the most votes (a relative majority) would be unconstitutional.

Ukidanjem ureda državne uprave u siječnju 2020., poslovi koje su obavljali uredi kao prvostupanjska tijela državne uprave povjereni su na obavljanje županijama u njihov preneseni djelokrug čime je model dekoncentriranog obavljanja poslova državne uprave u Hrvatskoj zamijenjen modelom upravne decentralizacije. U radu se stoga prikazuju obilježja prenesenog djelokruga kao modela organizacije obavljanja poslova državne uprave u teritorijalnim jedinicama te upravne decentralizacije čiji je preneseni djelokrug institucijski rezultat. Pregled znanstvene literature o prenesenom djelokrugu i efektima provođenja upravne decentralizacije dopunjen je komparativnim prikazom efekata primjene prenesenog djelokruga u češkoj i njemačkoj lokalnoj samoupravi. Na temelju teorijskih razmatranja i komparativnih iskustava, raspravlja se o mogućim učincima primjene prenesenog djelokruga u hrvatskim županijama na njihov institucionalni razvoj i obavljanje prenesenih poslova. ; After the abolition of the county administrative offices in January 2020, the tasks performed by the county administrative offices as first-instance state administration bodies were delegated to the counties, as the second level self-government units in Croatia. By this organizational change, the model of deconcentrated performance of state administration tasks was replaced by the model of administrative decentralization. In this context, the paper presents the features of the delegated scope of competence as an organizational performance model of state administration tasks in territorial units and administrative decentralization with a delegated scope of competence as an institutional result. The review of the scholarly literature on the delegated scope of competence and the effects of administrative decentralization is supported by a comparative review of the delegated scope of competence in the Czech and German local self-government. Based on theoretical considerations and comparative practices, the paper discusses the possible effects of the application of the delegated scope of competence in Croatian counties on their institutional development and performance of the delegated tasks.