Suchergebnisse

Modern business groups have a powerful impact on the economic development of both developed and developing countries making it relevant to study the economic foundations of the success of these institutional structures. The article provides a systematization of international and national experience in the functioning of internal capital markets of business groups that can become one of most important strategic advantages of business groups by providing member companies with "exclusive" opportunities for efficient redistribution of intragroup funds. The methodological base of the study incorporates methods of systematization as well as statistical and comparative analysis. The study shows that business groups make a significant contribution to industrial production and, representing a large part of corporate sector (in terms of number of participants, industry coverage, size of assets, profits and market capitalization), play a significant role in the economic development of various countries. Internal capital markets of business groups are used to mitigate financing constraints and rescue weak member-companies, thus, help maintain and further strengthen the positions of integrated structures. Drawing on a wide range of empirical studies, the article highlights key effects of the redistribution of group financial resources in the context of three fundamental motives of controlling owners. The study demonstrates that under the current economic conditions Russian companies affiliated with business groups are imposed with more prerequisites to use internal capital markets to overcome external financing deficit. Estimated amounts of funds involved in financial transactions with related parties confirm the thesis on the growing role of Russian business groups' internal capital markets in corporate financing activities. Results and conclusions of this paper can be applied in practice by consultants and financial managers seeking to improve the funding of companies affiliated with both Russian and foreign business groups.

In article spiritual and moral features of youth leaders and their influence on followers are analyzed. We present the results of researches of the author of youth leadership dynamics. We show the results of empir-ical research of qualities inherent in youth leaders and results of studying of youth destructive leadership.

Статья посвящена проблеме выявления стратегических групп на рынке бизнес-образования. Авторами проведен систематический обзор публикаций по теме. Объект исследования в этих работах - развитые рынки бизнес-образования США и Западной Европы, предмет исследования - группы относительно однородных учреждений образования, демонстрирующих близкое стратегическое поведение (для их обозначения используется термин «стратегические группы»). Разделение участников рынка на стратегические группы для исследователей является основой для выявления факторов эффективности в соответствующих группах, а для руководителей учреждений образования и регуляторов рынка - предпосылкой построения содержательно интерпретируемых ранкингов (упорядоченных приоритетных списков) и рейтингов (сравнительных числовых оценок) школ. Целью работы является выявление тенденций в изменении подходов к группировке школ и факторов, которые кладутся в ее основу. Результаты анализа свидетельствуют о том, что имеет место перенос исследователями акцента с характеристик предлагаемых школами образовательных программ на позиционирование школ в широкой социальной и образовательной среде. Уровень стратегического анализа при этом растет, но обсуждение темы остается фрагментированным и охватывает лишь часть рынков бизнес-образования.

National identities, considered a guarantee of successful development, were among the priorities for the five newly independent states that emerged in the territory of what used to be the Soviet Central Asia and Kazakhstan-the Republic of Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, the Republic of Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and the Republic of Uzbekistan. The process began when the Soviet Union still existed: the Soviet Central Asian republics and Kazakhstan adopted laws on language that allowed the Central Asian elites to pass decisions related to the languages used by titular nations. In the post-Soviet years the language policy moved to the fore as one of the key aspects of the gradually emerging national identities treated with special attention at the state level. No matter how similar the processes were, no matter how close the cultures and traditions, each of the Central Asian countries chose its own road, fine-tuned to the specifics of their domestic contexts and the interests of the elites in power. The processes unfolded in full compliance with social continuity, traditions, culture and national languages that survived under Soviet rule. The republics, however, had to take into account the national minorities, including the Russian-speaking populations, in all post-Soviet republics. Inherited from Soviet times, the Russian language was dominant in all of the Central Asian republics, and even preserved much of its influence in the newly independent post-Soviet Central Asian states. This means that they should have opted for a relatively balanced language policy up to and including the continual stage-by-stage contraction of the spheres in which Russian was predominantly used. For obvious reasons they could not push aside their trade and economic relations with Russia and ignore the role of the Soviet cultural and educational heritage. This cushioned the political effects of the Soviet Union's disintegration, partially limited the role of nationalist parties in the newly independent states and helped preserve their educational potential. Shaping national identities in the post-Soviet Central Asian countries was not a smooth, let alone easy, process: societies were far from homogenous, while the regions found it hard to agree to more or less reasonable compromises. This became especially apparent in Kyrgyzstan, which was divided into the southern and northern parts; in Kazakhstan, where the local society was divided into zhuzes; in Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, where clans carried a lot of political weight. Thus the elites in power in all of the Central Asian states had no choice but to take into account very different or even clashing interests of informal groups and clans, and tune their policies accordingly. This means that the road towards national identities was far from simple: it meandered between contradictory trends and interests. This also explains the centuries-old mechanism of governance, namely, regional-clan approaches to various problems, which was in place in all of the Central Asian countries, functioning outside the party and state structures. While paying lip service to Communist ideology, leaders of the Central Asian republics invariably took the clan balance of power into account. From the very first days of independence, the Central Asian leaders remained loyal to the conceptual approach to national identities: they concentrated on historical heritage, culture, traditions and national language, the key element of national identity. Despite the fairly long history of their independence, the problem of national identity remains prominent in all of the Central Asian countries. It is intertwined with the problem of the emergence of statehood and development of political systems and the radical geopolitical shifts occurring against the background of mounting economic problems. This cannot but affect the situation in the Central Asian countries in which the process of shaping national identities has not yet been completed.

A variety of factors influence the degree to which national interest groups decide to transfer their competencies from national political arenas to the European Union level. Aiming to explain these differences the article proposes and tests several hypotheses, relating to groups' organizational properties as well as their relationship with national authorities and opposing interest organizations. The empirical analysis is based on original survey of Lithuanian interest groups operating at a national level, carried out in 2016. The data reveals that organization's decision to allocate more time to supranational level is very much based on its perceived relative power in the national interest group system. Europeanisation of Lithuanian interest groups is also highly dependent on its financial resources, policy field in which the group operates as well as membership in international or EU level organizations. Whereas group type and group's domestic embeddedness, that is its relationships with national authorities, has no effect on Europeanising.

A variety of factors influence the degree to which national interest groups decide to transfer their competencies from national political arenas to the European Union level. Aiming to explain these differences the article proposes and tests several hypotheses, relating to groups' organizational properties as well as their relationship with national authorities and opposing interest organizations. The empirical analysis is based on original survey of Lithuanian interest groups operating at a national level, carried out in 2016. The data reveals that organization's decision to allocate more time to supranational level is very much based on its perceived relative power in the national interest group system. Europeanisation of Lithuanian interest groups is also highly dependent on its financial resources, policy field in which the group operates as well as membership in international or EU level organizations. Whereas group type and group's domestic embeddedness, that is its relationships with national authorities, has no effect on Europeanising.

A variety of factors influence the degree to which national interest groups decide to transfer their competencies from national political arenas to the European Union level. Aiming to explain these differences the article proposes and tests several hypotheses, relating to groups' organizational properties as well as their relationship with national authorities and opposing interest organizations. The empirical analysis is based on original survey of Lithuanian interest groups operating at a national level, carried out in 2016. The data reveals that organization's decision to allocate more time to supranational level is very much based on its perceived relative power in the national interest group system. Europeanisation of Lithuanian interest groups is also highly dependent on its financial resources, policy field in which the group operates as well as membership in international or EU level organizations. Whereas group type and group's domestic embeddedness, that is its relationships with national authorities, has no effect on Europeanising.

A variety of factors influence the degree to which national interest groups decide to transfer their competencies from national political arenas to the European Union level. Aiming to explain these differences the article proposes and tests several hypotheses, relating to groups' organizational properties as well as their relationship with national authorities and opposing interest organizations. The empirical analysis is based on original survey of Lithuanian interest groups operating at a national level, carried out in 2016. The data reveals that organization's decision to allocate more time to supranational level is very much based on its perceived relative power in the national interest group system. Europeanisation of Lithuanian interest groups is also highly dependent on its financial resources, policy field in which the group operates as well as membership in international or EU level organizations. Whereas group type and group's domestic embeddedness, that is its relationships with national authorities, has no effect on Europeanising.

A variety of factors influence the degree to which national interest groups decide to transfer their competencies from national political arenas to the European Union level. Aiming to explain these differences the article proposes and tests several hypotheses, relating to groups' organizational properties as well as their relationship with national authorities and opposing interest organizations. The empirical analysis is based on original survey of Lithuanian interest groups operating at a national level, carried out in 2016. The data reveals that organization's decision to allocate more time to supranational level is very much based on its perceived relative power in the national interest group system. Europeanisation of Lithuanian interest groups is also highly dependent on its financial resources, policy field in which the group operates as well as membership in international or EU level organizations. Whereas group type and group's domestic embeddedness, that is its relationships with national authorities, has no effect on Europeanising. ; Straipsnyje analizuojama, kurios Lietuvos interesų grupės ir kokiomis sąlygomis veikia Europos Sąjungos lygmeniu. Siekiant paaiškinti šiuos skirtumus, keliamos ir tikrinamos hipotezės, remiantis šių grupių organizaciniais veiksniais ir santykiais su nacionaline valdžia ir oponuojančiomis organizacijomis. Pateikiami ir analizuojami 2016 m. atliktos originalios Lietuvos nacionalinių interesų grupių apklausos duomenys. Tyrimo rezultatai suteikia naujos informacijos apie Lietuvos interesų grupių europeizaciją. Empirinių duomenų analizė rodo, kad lobistinių veikų vykdymą Europos Sąjungos lygmeniu lemia organizacijos santykinė galia nacionalinėje interesų grupių sistemoje. Europeizacijai stiprų poveikį daro ir viešosios politikos sritis, finansiniai ištekliai, narystė tarptautinio lygmens interesų organizacijose. Organizacijos tipas ir jos santykiai su nacionalinėmis valdžios institucijomis europeizacijai nėra svarbūs.

The thesis analyzes interaction between EU interest groups and EU institutions. It explains how, why and where interest groups operate, what they represent, and whether the interests of Lithuanian organizations are represented in the European Union. The aim of the thesis is to evaluate interaction of interest groups with EP and EC. In order to reach this objective six tasks have been set. First of all, the activity of EU operating interest groups is considered. Also, the thesis studies the relation of interest groups with the European Commission and the European Parliament, the regulation of the activity of EU interest groups, the registers of EC and EP interest groups, and the representation of Lithuanian organizations in EU. In the thesis the following methods are used: descriptive method, analytical method, the method of statistical analysis, and the method of quality research semi-structured interview. After the creation of the common market, interest groups have become more active, which has been caused by such factors as europeization and euro-integration. Interest groups influence the decisions of EC, EP and ET. EU has a favorable opinion about interest groups, because they help to solve the problem of "the lack of democracy". Interest groups are most active in the stage of the law establishment, when they seek to influence the formation of laws. The sphere where interest groups are most active is EC. By its functions EC plays a key role in the formation of EU policy. EC associates a great deal with interest groups, thus depends on the information supplied by them. EP does not have such functions as EC, consequently is not so important for interest groups. EP becomes an essential agent in the sphere where the procedure of common decision-making is applied. EP's greater powers attract more attention from interest groups. In EU there is no specific act regulating the lobby activity of interest groups. EC seeks to initiate open dialogue with interest groups, applies minimal control and encourages self-regulation. EP applies stricter rules, one of which is the obligation for interest groups to be listed on the register. According to the statistics of the EU registers of interest groups, EU old state-members' organizations have more representation, while EU new state-members' representation is very insufficient. Business and public interest are better represented in EU. The number of interest groups in EU has been growing very rapidly. Due to scarce experience, contacts, intellect and financial resources, Lithuanian organizations are not ready to effectively protect their interests. For this reason, they usually assign their representation to European organizations, involving themselves quite actively in their activity.