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The article demonstrates how Library of Congress Subject Headings (LCSH) geographic headings for the Southern Levant mirror the political investment of Congress and the American public in Middle East politics over the last thirty years. The headings' evolution as well as Library of Congress rules governing their creation is charted in detail. These LCSH headings contrast markedly with those established in other national libraries (BnF, DNB) and independent value vocabularies (TGN, GeoNames), and global opinion regarding the legal status of the occupied territories. I sketch the historical context of their formation and offer suggestions as to how libraries can "decolonize" their metadata in service of Sanford Berman's "access and equity."

On the occasion of the publication of the book "The Choice of Civil War, Another History of Neoliberalism", this article first offers a brief history of Marxist discourses on Capitalism: starting from Marx's first speeches, it mentions the Marxist speeches extending his analyses of value, surplus value, its extraction and hoarding. He then points out the tendency of current Marxists to consider "neoliberalism" (current capitalism) only through the prism of the state and the political sphere in general: like the work cited, the manifesto of the dismayed economists shows the same tendency by focusing only on finance vs. the state (and Europe), and more militant works such as that of B. Friot ("vaincre Macron") or ATTAC ("l'imposture Macron") illustrate this same tendency.To sum up, Marxist discourses describe and denounce what the power of the capitalist allows (the subjugation of populations and the state in order to "make money") but neither describe nor denounce the laws and procedures that ensure this power. Of course, the subjugation of the population and the state to "make money" reinforces and increases this power, but sufficient power is a prerequisite for these subjugations.By considering only the perspective of the capitalist to "make money", the chapter "Genesis and perpetuation of capitalism" tells a past and present story to show that the state and its organisations are only instruments in the hand of the power of Capital, whether this state is right or left. It also shows that the exploitation of workers and the monopolisation of surplus value is only part of the monopolisation: the main monopolisation is the exclusive monopolisation of the means of production, and it is this exclusive monopolisation which founds the power of the capitalist over the political as well as over those who only have their labour power.The chapter "Exit from capitalism" tells a possible future history, a "resolutely left" history since it breaks the capitalist's exclusivity to possess the means of production, a legal ...

Drawing on an ethnography of life in a Ghanaian weaving workshop, this article traces the intersections between young rural weavers' affective labour, hope and their experiences of immobility. Hope is explored as an ambivalent resource which shapes the shared, social materiality of their craftwork, the spiritual beliefs which give meaningful shape to the challenges of craft livelihoods and the imaginaries and lived experiences which compose young weavers' sense of migration and mobility. Entangled in the precarious logics of late capitalism, these hopes simultaneously offer young craftsmen a sense of existential mobility, whilst curtailing and circumscribing possibilities for sustained and systemic change. In this, the 'not-yet' hopefulness of immobility is examined as a complex affective and political field, shot through with tense anticipation, longing and disappointment.

Summary. This article sets out the results of the analysis of the communism concept and the associated semantic network. capitalism and socialism during the period 1950-1959, which results from a wider investigation entitled Political Concepts in Costa Rica from 1950 to 1959: transformations and permanences, developed at the Centre for Historical Research of Central America (CIHAC) of the University of Costa Rica. The selection of the period is due to the fact that it was the decade immediately after the Civil War of 1948, in which the conditions of the contemporary political community were established. It sets out the content associated with these concepts and their political use by political and social actors in political advertising in two national circulation newspapers, La Nación and La República. It is concluded that, for the period, the concept of capitalism is used ambiguously, although its function as a frontier against the concepts of socialism and communism is clear. The latter are depicted as something casualty, feared; they are not only threatening democracy, but also Costa Rican. In that sense, communism functions as an external constitutive of national identity. ; Resumen En este artículo se exponen los resultados del análisis del concepto comunismo y la red semántica asociada – capitalismo y socialismo – durante el periodo de 1950-1959, el cual se desprende de una investigación de mayor alcance titulada Conceptos políticos en Costa Rica durante el periodo de 1950 a 1959: transformaciones y permanencias, desarrollada en el Centro de Investigaciones Históricas de América Central (CIHAC) de la Universidad de Costa Rica. La selección del periodo responde a que fue la década inmediatamente posterior a la Guerra Civil de 1948, en la cual se establecieron las condiciones de la comunidad política contemporánea. Se expone cuáles son los contenidos asociados a estos conceptos y su uso político por parte de actores políticos y sociales en publicidad política en dos periódicos de circulación nacional, La ...

Comparatisms in Sorbonne 3-2012: The Clotilde THOURET stage Ruse: 'Theatre, or the revelation of ruses: Jonson and Middleton vs Machiavel' 1 The theatre, or the revelation of ruses: Jonson and Middleton vs Machiavel The English Theatre of First Modernity probably provided a great deal for Marx's vision of capitalism. Not only is his analysis of wear and tear based on the Timon of Athens in Shakespeare 1, but his admirative astonishment at the creative capacity of capitalism may well have been inspired by the jacoban comedies and the harsh characters they portray. The energy and ingenuity deployed by Sir Giles Overreach, Subtle, and others Witgood to take advantage of the opportunities offered by the early capitalism are truly surprising 2. It would appear that the truth itself entered a competition regime. Jean-Christophe Agnew, exploring the confrontational parallel between the market and theatre, measured how much the dramatic production of this time bears the mark of a meaningful crisis affecting all men's activities: through its stratagems, the harsh character metamorphoses the traditional signs and social symbols (language, clothing, rank, etc.) into vulgaries with exchange objects, easily exchangeable goods having lost any ontological link with the reality of positions and identities 3. These economic upheavals are also compounded by political and cultural changes that also disrupt the status of reality or access to truth: demystification and the promotion of secrecy in all areas (political action, legal field, ordinary social life, etc.) is accompanied by the development of concealment and simulation techniques which remove people from the truth and seem to surround them with illusions 4. The promotion of secrecy and ruse also tends to weaken the traditional loyalty bond, already undermined by the emergence of the modern state, religious wars, political instability and the promotion of the private sphere, thus giving very strong political resonance to concerns arising from the upheaval of the end of the ...

International audience The present REPE issue 2-2020 is the second part of our inaugural "double pack". We were lucky to receive more papers for the inaugural issue than we could accommodate in one issue. So please enjoy another set of challenging original research papers gauging the field of evolutionary political economy. In Financialisation and the periodisation of capitalism: appearances and processes, Jan Toporowski argues that the analysis of financial processes is essential for understanding changes in the financial system. Only these processes give rise to appearances such as the statistical data that are the basis of most studies of financialization. Those processes are fundamentally determined by the structure of the financial system. Following Minsky, Toporowski focuses on corporate finance which, through its effect on business investment, influences the dynamics of the capitalist system. As financial structures change, this gives rise to particular phases of capitalist development. The paper thus builds on Minsky's historical institutional analysis, but offers a more systematic analysis. It offers a periodization of capitalism through mercantile capitalism, classic, bank-based capitalism, finance capital, state finance capitalism, to pension fund capitalism and capital market inflation. It shows how each period ends with financial difficulties that are overcome with financial innovation leading to a new financial structure with corresponding changes in financial processes. Specifically, the paper argues that the phase of capital market inflation, inaugurated by funded pension schemes in the last decades of the twentieth century, has come to an end in the illiquidity of capital markets that lies behind the 2008 financial crisis. The paper suggests that the measures of "unconventional monetary policy", or "Quantitative Easing", mark a new period of state finance capital with a return to the state support of a structurally illiquid capital market that already had prevailed in Europe and North America ...

RESUMEN The work looks at the processes that shape the context of structural and cyclical crisis that define American society at the beginning of the third decade of the 21st century and which are projected on an uncertain path. The analysis focuses on the links between the ongoing economic downturn, the impact of the novel coronavirus pandemic and the presidential elections taking place in 2020, on a general crisis that has not left the scene and manifests itself not only in the economic sphere, but also in the socio-political and cultural sphere of the United States in recent decades, despite the adjustments and partial recoveries that have accompanied the logic of capitalism in the US. ; RESUMEN El trabajo examina los procesos que conforman el contexto de crisis estructural y coyuntural que definen a la sociedad norteamericana a inicios de la tercera década del siglo xxi y que se proyectan con un rumbo incierto. El análisis se focaliza en las relaciones existentes entre la recesión económica en curso, el impacto de la pandemia del nuevo coronavirus y las elecciones presidenciales que tienen lugar en 2020, en una crisis general que no ha abandonado la escena y se manifiesta no solo en la esfera económica, sino también en la sociopolítica y cultural de los Estados Unidos en las últimas décadas, a pesar de los ajustes y parciales recuperaciones que han acompañado a la lógica del capitalismo en ese país.

RESUMEN. Objective/context: in the camp model, Gerald Cohen proposes two principles that would be desirable in socialism: a fundamental principle of equal opportunities and a Community principle. Against this model, the liberal objection condemns monism in the targets; the objection to the reasoning argues that self-interest prevails over disinterested reciprocity practices; and the anary-capitalist objection denounces a false comparison and an idealisation of human nature. This article seeks to refute the three objections by arguing: (a) that monism in targets is not such, since the principles are not targets and, moreover, allow for a wide space for self-realisation; (b) that the self-interested expectation of reciprocity is not a prerequisite for joining the camp and that non-instrumental reciprocity is an insurance mechanism within the framework of the Community principle; and (c) that the cohenian model does not presuppose morally perfect people — as it anticipates regrettable and risky elections — nor does it commit the failure to compare ideal socialism with real capitalism. Methodology: an analytical reasoning is developed, in tone with standards of contemporary post-rawlsiana political theory. Conclusions: the camp model does not result in monism in the targets, or in characterisation errors regarding the motivations or utopism of morally perfect subjects. Originality: defending the Cohenian model against these three objections renews its robustness and makes it possible to treat it as an attempt to reconcile the equalitarianism of fate with fraternal or relational equalitarianism. ; RESUMEN. Objetivo/contexto: en el modelo de campamento, Gerald Cohen propone dos principios que serían deseables en el socialismo: un principio de igualdad radical de oportunidades y un principio comunitario. Contra este modelo, la objeción liberal condena el monismo en las metas; la objeción sobre las motivaciones sostiene que el autointerés prevalece por sobre prácticas de reciprocidad desinteresadas; y la objeción ...

Since 2003, a struggle for political priorities exists in Bolivia between the social sectors registered with President Evo Morales' Movement for Socialism and the regionalist organisations of the richest departments. The former called for a Constituent Assembly by 2007, the latter requiring prior departmental autonomy. These divergences, both political and ideological, resulted in major mobilisations that precipitated the resignation of President Carlos Mesa in June 2005 and also reflected the existence of two opposing political models, one based on the market economy, the other based on the reconstitution of a strong state, or at least regulating and protecting rights. ; Desde 2003, una lucha de prioridades políticas existe en Bolivia entre los sectores sociales inscritos al partido Movimiento al socialismo del presidente Evo Morales y las organizaciones regionalistas de los departamentos más ricos. Los primeros reclaman una Asamblea Constituyente antes de 2007, los segundos exigen una previa autonomía departamental. Estas divergencias, a la vez políticas e ideológicas, se tradujeron en grandes movilizaciones que precipitaron la demisión del presidente Carlos Mesa en junio de 2005 y además, reflejaron la existencia de dos modelos políticos opuestos, uno fundado en la economía de mercado, otro cimentado en la reconstitución de un Estado fuerte, o al menos regulador y protector de derechos.

International audience n this article, we examine how traditional conceptions of poor's relief, which dominated not only the Edo period but also the beginning of the Meiji period, had to be reconsidered with the social consequences of the introduction of market economy and the industrialization. We try then tounderstand how the elites had come to think the social integration of the working class, not through the labor unions, but on the basis of a new place of communitarian solidarity, intermediary between the state and the family: the enterprise. Finally, we see how this mode of social integration and solidarity imposed itself only through a radical critic of capitalism that was formulated in the frame of the "new order" put in place at the occasion of World War II. ; Dans cet article, nous voyons comment les conceptions de l'assistance aux pauvres, qui avaient dominé la période Edo, mais aussi le début de l'ère Meiji, durent être revues avec la naissance de la question sociale provoquée par l'introduction de l'économie de marché et l'industrialisation. Nouscherchons alors à comprendre comment les élites en vinrent à penser un mode d'intégration sociale de la classe ouvrière reposant, non pas sur les syndicats, mais sur un nouveau lieu de solidarité communautaire, intermédiaire entre l'Etat et la famille : l'entreprise. Nous voyons enfin comment cemode d'intégration sociale et de solidarité ne s'imposa réellement qu'avec une critique radicale du capitalisme développée dans le cadre d'un « nouvel ordre » mis en place à l'occasion de la Seconde Guerre mondiale.

Summary. Objective/Context: in 1872, indigenous leader Santiago Mayas was murdered. The events that led to this outcome, together with the political race in Mayas in general, highlight the challenges faced by indigenous communities in Talamanca, a border area located in south-eastern Costa Rica. At the time of Mayas, talamanqueños were being hit by the parallel, albeit sometimes discording, progress in the capitalist economy and the system of national states. Methodology: the use of primary sources created by a variety of actors makes it possible to critically read the few and unilateral stories previously used to interpret this period. Originality: this work shows that the talamanquean world of the time, like the political activities of the Mayas cake, was substantially different from what has been accepted so far. Far from being isolated from the world or frozen in time, Talamanca was an area where they converged and struck external political and economic interests. Maybe was not a tidal of few lights, but a social actor who tried to navigate a complex and unstable environment. Conclusions: in the mid-19th century Talamanca was flooded by a multitude of external pressures. Officers of the incipient global capitalism, together with officials from Colombia and Costa Rica, were rivalled to control their territory, resources and inhabitants. At the same time, the notions and political structures of indigenous bribris and cabinets were changing to survive in the new environment. Mayas' initial success in finding his own path in the midst of this aggrieved context transformed it into a powerful figure. In the long run, growing contradictions within indigenous communities, as well as persistent machinery of external forces, put it in an unsustainable position, paving the way for its collapse. ; Resumen. Objetivo/Contexto: en 1872 fue asesinado el líder indígena Santiago Mayas. Los eventos que llevaron a este desenlace, junto con la carrera política de Mayas en general, visibilizan los desafíos que enfrentaban las ...

8 pages On is affected by the convergence between the worlds of French science and philosophical words prophetising the 'end of man' in recent decades. The perverse effects of scientific techniques on the fate of humanity are questioned in both cases and it is even more radically the mankind itself that is being reassessed. F. Fukuyama announces in his legitimately controversial book The end of history and the last man (1992): the 'last man' would be the triumph of the man affadi by satisfying his unlimited desire for consumption, unable to fight and combat, as a result of the globalisation of the market economy and the perversion of egalitarist political democracy. ; 8 pages On est frappé par la convergence entre les univers de la science fiction française et les propos philosophiques prophétisant la " la fin de l'homme " ces dernières décennies. Sont questionnés dans les deux cas les effets pervers des techniques scientifiques sur le devenir de l'humanité et c'est plus radicalement encore l'humanité même de l'homme qui se trouve réévaluée. F. Fukuyama annonce dans son ouvrage légitimement controversé La fin de l'histoire et le dernier homme (1992) : le " dernier homme " serait le triomphe de l'homme affadi par la satisfaction de son désir illimité de consommation, incapable de lutte et de combat, par suite de la mondialisation de l'économie de marché et la perversion de la démocratie politique égalitariste.

Today, capitalism has triomphed socialism. This can be true and history will make a difference. But in no way can it be said that he has triumphed democracy, that is to say, a constant search for superior forms of social contract. Indeed, the liberal vision of the future seems to be based on a contempt. This is because people do not feel happiness despite the fact that communist regimes have collapsed to the east. This collapse is therefore a victory for democracy, rather than for the market economy (.). ; Aujourd'hui, pense-t-on, le capitalisme a triomphé du socialisme. C'est peut être vrai et l'histoire tranchera. Mais on ne peut en aucune manière affirmer qu'il a triomphé de la démocratie, c'est-à-dire d'une recherche incessante de formes supérieures de contrat social. La conception toute libérale de l'avenir semble de fait être fondée sur un contresens. C'est parce qu'on ne fait pas le bonheur des gens malgré eux que les régimes communistes se sont effondrés à l'Est. Cet effondrement est donc une victoire de la démocratie, plutôt que de l'économie de marché (.).

HIGHLIGHT This work aims to rebuild foucaultin reflections on the birth of modernity, with particular attention to the role of capitalism and discipline. The view to be taken is that in the work carried out by Foucault in the first half of the 1970s — especially between 1973 and 1975 — both dimensions appear as two sides of the same process, which establishes a necessary link between them. Thus, this rapprochement, which polemies certain marxists' positions, ultimately seeks to show that investigations into disciplinary power can be seen as a complement, rather than a correction, to the analyses carried out by Marx in El El Capital. ; RESUMEN Este trabajo se propone reconstruir las reflexiones foucaultianas acerca del nacimiento de la modernidad, con especial atención al papel que en ella desempeñan capitalismo y disciplina. La tesis que defenderemos es que en la obra que Foucault desarrolla en la primera mitad de la década de 1970 -especialmente entre 1973 y 1975- ambas dimensiones aparecen como dos caras de un mismo proceso, lo que establece entre ellas un vínculo necesario. Así, este acercamiento, que polemiza con determinadas posiciones marxistas, trata finalmente de mostrar que las investigaciones acerca del poder disciplinario se pueden concebir como un complemento, y no una corrección, de los análisis desplegados por Marx en El capital.

Summary The article addresses the Raigal crisis of being modern colonial in times of COVID-19. It seeks to understand some of its structural historical causes in the legacy of patriarcalism, capitalism and imperial coloniality, a pattern of being, knowledge and power that has led to a complete disenchantment between natural-human, human-human, human-technology, and leads to the self-destruction of life. This necroculture leads us to consider the urgent political construction of a new, transcultural universal civic conception of life of being, knowing and power where freedom, equality, solidarity, happiness and differences in their diversity unite what modernity/coloniality separated: the truth with the good and beautiful it. ; Resumen El presente artículo aborda la crisis raigal del ser moderno colonial en plena época de la COVID-19. Busca comprender algunas de sus causas históricas estructurales presentes en la herencia del patriarcalismo, el capitalismo y la colonialidad imperial, patrón de ser, saber y poder que ha llevado a un desencuentro total entre naturaleza-humanos, humanos-humanos, humanos-tecnologías, y conduce a la autodestrucción de la vida. Esta necrocultura nos lleva a plantear la urgente construcción política de una nueva concepción civilizatoria universal transcultural de vida del ser, saber y poder donde la libertad, la igualdad, la solidaridad, la felicidad y las diferencias en sus diversidades unan lo que la modernidad/colonialidad separó: lo verdadero con lo bueno y lo bello.