Suchergebnisse

The article demonstrates how Library of Congress Subject Headings (LCSH) geographic headings for the Southern Levant mirror the political investment of Congress and the American public in Middle East politics over the last thirty years. The headings' evolution as well as Library of Congress rules governing their creation is charted in detail. These LCSH headings contrast markedly with those established in other national libraries (BnF, DNB) and independent value vocabularies (TGN, GeoNames), and global opinion regarding the legal status of the occupied territories. I sketch the historical context of their formation and offer suggestions as to how libraries can "decolonize" their metadata in service of Sanford Berman's "access and equity."

The purpose of this study is to analyse the various stages leading to the adoption of the "Coordinated Constitution"//SUMMARY: I. Article 198 of the Constitution/II. The proposal of the Federal Government/III. The work of the Constituent/IV. Compliance with Article 198 of the Constitution ; La présente étude a pour objet d'analyser les diverses étapes qui conduisent à l'adoption de "la Constitution coordonnée" // SOMMAIRE : I. L'article 198 de la Constitution / II. La proposition du Gouvernement fédéral / III. Les travaux du Constituant / IV. Le respect de l'article 198 de la Constitution

Karl Renner's theory of national autonomy has not been sufficiently taken into account by scholars due to difficulties in its reception and puzzling content. Neither liberal nor communitarian, his original theory combines individual rights with collective rights, territorial autonomy with personal autonomy, classical federalism with establishment of nations as constituent parts of the state. This paper will introduce the reader to Renner's main concepts. It will start by presenting Renner's ideas on the nation, the multinational state, the role of the majority principle, and the need for nations' legal recognition by and within the state. Then, Renner's core notion of national autonomy and its organisation through the personality principle will be discussed. Further, the paper deals with Renner's concept of the representation of national interests at the federal or supranational levels. Lastly, it sums up the discussion and draws conclusions regarding Renner's theory of autonomy in general. ; Teorija autonomije Karla Renera nije bila dovoljno razmatrana u naučnim krugovima usled složenosti kod njene recepcije i zbunjujućeg sadržaja. Njegova originalna teorija, ni liberalna ni komunitarna, spaja individualna prava s kolektivnim pravima, teritorijalnu autonomiju s ličnom autonomijom, klasični federalizam sa uspostavljanjem nacija kao konstitutivnih de lova države. Ovaj rad će uvesti čitaoca u Renerove osnovne koncepte. Najpre, on će pred staviti Renerove poglede na naciju, multinacionalnu državu, ulogu principa većine, in a po trebu za pravnim priznanjem nacija od strane i u okviru države. Zatim ćemo razmotriti Renerov ključni pojam nacionalne autonomije i njegovu organizaciju kroz princip personalnosti. Dalje, u radu će biti reči o Renerovom konceptu predstavljanja nacionalnih interesa na federalnom ili nadnacionalnom nivou vlasti. Na kraju, članak iznosi zaključke o Renerovoj teoriji autono mije u celini

In 1970 Belgium established three Communities: the French, Flemish and German-speaking Communities. It was then in 1980 that three regions were set up: Walloon, Flemish and Brussels. Further amendments to the Constitution were made on 7 and 15 July 1988, as well as a special law of 8 August 1988 amending the original law of 8 August 1980. It is essential to say that most of the changes and principles governing the organisation and functioning of both the three Communities and the three regions date back to 1970 and 1980. The international nature of the Community's role in 1970 is significant. In 1980, an Arbitration Court was provided for by the Constitution and established to settle conflicts between the laws and decrees of the Communities and the Regions. The Federal State is characterised by two features: autonomy and co-operation. In 1988, the Arbitration Court continued the work of constitutional justice and verifies the conformity of laws or decrees with the provisions of international law and in particular European law. ; En 1970 la Belgique a instauré trois Communautés : les Communautés française, flamande et germanophone. Puis c'est en 1980 que se sont mises en place trois Régions : wallonne, flamande et bruxelloise. De nouveaux amendements à la Constitution ont été faits le 7 et le 15 juillet 1988, ainsi qu'une loi spéciale du 8 août 1988 qui est venue modifier la loi originale du 8 août 1980. Il est indispensable de dire que l'essentiel des changements et des principes d'organisation et de fonctionnement des trois Communautés aussi bien que des trois Régions datent de 1970 et de 1980. Le caractère international du rôle que les Communautés ont joué en 1970 est significatif. En 1980, une Cour d'arbitrage a été prévue par la Constitution et créée afin de régler les conflits entre les lois et les décrets des Communautés et des Régions. L'Etat fédéral se caractérise par deux traits : l'autonomie et la co-opération. En 1988 la Cour d'arbitrage poursuit l'oeuvre de justice constitutionnelle et vérifie la ...

Michael Burgess a incontestablement marqué de son empreinte les réflexions sur le fédéralisme, vaste champ d'investigation s'il en est comme il aura pu le démontrer tout au long de sa carrière, depuis sa thèse défendue en décembre 1975 à Leicester, Royaume-Uni, avec pour titre The Imperial Federation Movement in Great Britain, 1869–1893. 40 ans plus tard, un Festschrift au nom évocateur pour celui qui a tant travaillé à la conceptualisation de la distinction entre fédéralisme et fédération, Understanding Federalism and Federation, offre sur son œuvre 15 réflexions d'anthologie, rassemblées à l'initiative de trois proches de Michael Burgess : Alain-G. Gagnon, un collègue devenu ami depuis leur première rencontre, apprend-on dans cet ouvrage, en 1985 à Paris lors d'un congrès de l'Association internationale de science politique, ainsi que Soeren Keil et Sean Mueller, deux de ses disciples, premiers docteurs formés au Centre for Federal Studies qu'il a fondé en 2005 à l'University of Kent, avec son épouse, Marie-Louise, et le soutien de la James Madison Trust.

SOMMAIRE: I. The status of the Brussels region/l. Groups linguistiques/2. Parity ministérielle/3. General considerations/II. The boundaries of the Brussels/III region. Three methodological precepts/l. Precept démocratique/2. The precept fonctionnaliste/3. The participatory precept/IV. Three avenues for reflection within the region bruxelloise/1. The Walloon/A runway La technique/B. Procedure/C. Benefits/D. Inconvénients/2. German-speaking/A. Technique/B. Procedure/C. Benefits/D. Les inconvénients/3. Cooperation/A. Technique/B. Procedure/C. Benefits/D. Inconvenients/V. Three avenues of reflection outside the Brussels region/l. Brussels and the six peripheral municipalities/A. Technique/B. Procedure/C. Benefits/D. Inconvénients/2. The trail of the electoral district of Brussels-Hal-Virvorde/A. Technique/B. Procedure/C. Benefits/D. Inconvénients/3. The runway known as 02/A. Technique/B. Procedure/C. Benefits/D. Inconvenients/[VI]. Runways inside and outside the Brussels region [VII]. Conclusions//This study was carried out as part of the work of the Future Group set up by the Catholic University of Louvain in 1997 to reflect on the issues raised, in particular in institutional terms, by the organisation of the federal state, communities and regions. ; SOMMAIRE : I. Le statut de la région bruxelloise / l. Les groupes linguistiques / 2. La parité ministérielle / 3. Considérations générales / II. Les limites de la région bruxelloise / III. Trois préceptes méthodologiques / l. Le précepte démocratique / 2. Le précepte fonctionnaliste / 3. Le précepte participatif / IV. Trois pistes de réflexion à l'intérieur de la région bruxelloise / 1. La piste wallonne / A. La technique / B. La procédure / C. Avantages / D. Inconvénients / 2. La piste germanophone / A. La technique / B. La procédure / C. Avantages / D. Les inconvénients / 3. La piste de la cooptation / A. La technique / B. La procédure / C. Avantages / D. Inconvénients / V. Trois pistes de réflexion à l'extérieur de la région bruxelloise / l. Bruxelles et les six ...

These notes aim to provide a brief overview of the behaviour of the Argentinian public sector in the last century and a half. It is not a work of history but rather a partial illustration of developments. I have tried to minimise the amount of data by limiting the attention to those that seem most relevant to me. Work is likely to be unbalanced in terms of the space allocated to each topic and this is due to the fact that I have selected those that I have studied most over time. One is fiscal federalism which for many years has been at the heart of tax issues and which, due to the poor design of policies, has had at least three negative effects: first, it made it possible to expand the social welfare sector by concealing at some times its structural deficit and the postponement of a long-term solution (from the system of capitalisation of contributions at the beginning of the 1990s); secondly, because the misdesign of policies simultaneously led to a deterioration in the quantity and quality of public goods due to the lack of funding due to the diversion of funds to other purposes; thirdly, by redeployments of resources between the provinces resulting from this disruption of the system of co-participation of taxes. Another issue is public pricing and tariff policies, which were used at various times as instruments for stabilisation, income distribution, promotion of sectors and activities, which led to negative financial results that added to the public deficit and thus diverted funds from the production of public goods. The third issue that is present throughout development is the subsidiary state, the promoter of sectors and regions, a financing insurer for various activities, which diverted resources that should have been earmarked for the provision of public goods. Faculty of Economics ; Estas notas tienen como objetivo brindar un breve panorama del comportamiento del sector público argentino en el último siglo y medio. No es un trabajo de historia sino más bien una ilustración parcial de la evolución. He ...

international incentives are formulated for the consideration of environmental health by states (WHO, 1989; UN, (1992) without any significant influence on public action in Belgium. Based on the study on public regulation of electromagnetic waves (OEMs), we show how blurred boundaries between health and environment can be subject to re-ownership and framing strategies by environmental associations and public decision-makers. Starting from the observation that the qualification and labelling of public problems results from a process of social construction, we address and answer the following question: how does the OEMs' agenda evolve from health to environmental issues and what are the consequences of this new public policy image? ; Des incitations internationales sont formulées en faveur de la prise en compte de la santé environnementale par les États (OMS, 1989 ; ONU, 1992) sans que cela influence de manière significative l'action publique en Belgique. À partir de l'étude de la régulation publique des ondes électromagnétiques (OEM), nous montrons comment les frontières floues entre santé et environnement peuvent faire l'objet de stratégies de réappropriation et de « framing » de la part d'associations environnementales et de décideurs publics. Partant du constat que la qualification et la labellisation des problèmes publics découlent d'un processus de construction sociale, nous adressons et répondons à la question suivante : comment la mise à l'agenda des OEM évolue-t-elle d'une problématique sanitaire à une problématique environnementale et quelles sont les conséquences de cette nouvelle image de politique publique ?

The fiscal evolution of the Argentinian provinces in the period 1983-2006 is studied and the impact of national policies on the financial result is estimated. Without these national policies, the provincial financial result would have been supervising, versus the negative result shown in the accounts. More than the totality of the aggregate stock of provincial debt at 31-12-2006 is due to the failure to offset the vertical interjurisdictional externality of the Nation to the provinces. The econometric estimate shows that, for each externality weight, 77 cents are transferred to the provincial debt stock. The figures presented show that in the relationship between the national government and the provinces one of the basic principles that must be complied with in order for fiscal federalism to function, namely 'institutional loyalty', has been absent. In simple terms, this principle provides that no level of government takes decisions that affect another level, without compensation. In more technical terms, the principle provides that 'vertical interjurisdictional fiscal externalities' (from the National to the provinces, in our case) are paid. A preliminary summary of this work was presented at the 10th Seminar of Fiscal Federalism (Buenos Aires, 2007). Department of Economics ; In this paper the fiscal situation of argentinian provinces in the period 1983-2006 is studied and the impact of national policies is estimated. Without these policies the provinces would have had surplus versus the deficit that accounting shows. The provincial debt on December 31st 2006 was lower than the fiscal externality generated by national policies. The estimations presented here show that in the fiscal relationship between the nation and the provinces the principle of "institutional loyalty" is not present. ; The fiscal evolution of the Argentinian provinces in the period 1983-2006 is studied and the impact of national policies on the financial result is estimated. Without these national policies, the provincial financial result ...

The work examines the general principles derived from the literature on the rational use of non-renewable resources, in the attempt to achieve intertemporal social optimisation of resource exploitation, and issues linked to fiscal federalism. In particular, the advantages and disadvantages of centralisation/decentralisation of resource exploitation are explored and international comparative experience is examined. A review of the evolution of the national and comparative institutional legal framework, and of quantitative aspects of the Argentinian case, finally makes it possible to draw some public policy recommendations to be adopted by the governments, with particular reference to Argentina. Project "Regional Disparities and Fiscal Federalism: A proposal for the reform of the Federal co-participation regime for taxes in Argentina "in the Department of Economics of the UNLP is supported by the Tinker Foundation. Director of the Project: Dr Alberto Porto. Department of Economics ; En el trabajo se examinan los principios generales que se extraen de la literatura sobre uso racional de los recursos no renovables, en el intento de la optimización social intertemporal de la explotación del recurso, y las cuestiones ligadas al federalismo fiscal. En particular se exploran las ventajas y desventajas de la centralización/descentralizacon de la explotación del recurso y se examina la experiencia comparada internacional. Un repaso de la evolución del encuadre jurídico institucional nacional y comparado, y de aspectos cuantitativos del caso argentino, permite finalmente extraer algunas recomendaciones de políticas públicas que deberían adoptar los gobiernos, con especial referencia a Argentina. Proyecto "Disparidades Regionales y Federalismo Fiscal: Una Propuesta para la Reforma del Régimen de Coparticipación Federal de Impuestos en la Argentina" que se realiza en el Departamento de Economía de la UNLP cuenta con el apoyo de Tinker Foundation. Director del Proyecto: Dr. Alberto Porto. Departamento de Economía

The aim of this work is to give historical insight into the federal tax co-participation regime. There are two main periods: the pre-Federal co-participation of taxes (1853-1934), characterised as competitive federalism, and the co-participation of taxes from 1935 to the present day. In this second large period, nine stages or periods are distinguished on the basis of legislative developments and quantitative results. The first five stages include birth, maturation and processing, extending from 1935 to the end of the 1970s. The sixth period (1980-1984) starts the path towards the disruption and fall of the regime, leading to the next three periods (1985-87; 1988-89 and 1990 to the present day) of the birth and consolidation of coercive federalism. Each of these periods leaves lessons and lessons that can be useful for the design of a new scheme. Project "Regional Disparities and Fiscal Federalism: A proposal for the reform of the Federal co-participation regime for taxes in Argentina "in the Department of Economics of the UNLP is supported by the Tinker Foundation. Director of the Project: Dr Alberto Porto. Department of Economics ; The aim of this paper is to make an historical review of the Argentine Revenue Sharing System. Two main periods are distinguished: one previous to the Revenue Sharing System (1853-1934), characterized as Competitive Federalism; and the Revenue Sharing period itself, from 1935 onwards. Within this second period nine sub-periods are distinguished according to the evolution Revenue Sharing both legally and quantitatively. The first five sub-periods (from 1935 to the 70s) include the birth, maturing and improvement of the regimen; the system evolved from a Competitive to a Cooperative federalism. The sixth period (1980-1984) starts the way towards the disarticulation and the end of the regimen, giving place to the following three periods of birth and consolidation of the Coercitive Federalism. Each period generates illuminating lessons offering interesting insights for the design of a ...

summary: III. Distribution of competences/A. The preventive role of the legislative section of the Council of State/B. The powers of the communities/l. enseignement/2. Material culturelles/3. Customisable subjects/C. The competences of the regions/D. The competences of federated entities in criminal matters/E. The instrumental competences of the federated entities/F. Residual competences/G. Implicit competences/H. Cooperation between the federal state and the federated entities/IV. Exercise of judicial function/A. Jurisdiction of judicial bodies/B. Right to an effective judicial remedy/C. Scope of the plea of illegality/D. Separation of powers/V. Local authorities/A. The definition of matters of provincial and municipal interest/B. The intervention of the legislature/l. The powers of the legislator fédéral/2. The competences of the federated entities/VI. Public finances/A. Taxation/B. Budgetary and financial organisation ; SOMMAIRE : III. Répartition des compétences / A. Le rôle préventif de la section de législation du Conseil d'Etat / B. Les compétences des communautés / l. L'enseignement / 2. Les matières culturelles / 3. Les matières personnalisables / C. Les compétences des régions / D. Les compétences des entités fédérées en matière pénale / E. Les compétences instrumentales des entités fédérées / F. Les compétences résiduelles / G. Les compétences implicites / H. La collaboration entre l'Etat fédéral et les entités fédérées / IV. Exercice de la fonction juridictionnelle / A. Compétence des organes juridictionnels / B. Droit à un recours juridictionnel effectif / C. Portée de l'exception d'illégalité / D. Séparation des pouvoirs / V. Pouvoirs locaux / A. La définition des matières d'intérêt provincial et communal / B. L'intervention du pouvoir législatif / l. Les compétences du législateur fédéral / 2. Les compétences des entités fédérées / VI. Finances publiques / A. La fiscalité / B. L'organisation budgétaire et financière

Christian Democratic parties are also central to the study of the history of European political parties and to the theory of political cleavances.The emergence of Christian Democratic parties in Western Europe marked a real transformation after the Second World War. However, neither the Italian Democrazia Cristianiaa-, the Swiss Christian Democratic Party (JDP), the Dutch CDA (Christen-Democratisch Appèl) nor the French MRP (People's Republican Movement) were able to remain in power as long as the Christian Democrats in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The CDU/CSU (Christlich demokratische Union, Christlich-Soziale Union) represented an enthusiasm of the parties' particularly institutionalised and powerful political landscape. Five German Chancellors have belonged to the CDU/CSU since 1945 (Adenauer, Erhard, Kiesinger, Kohl, Merkel) and the Christian Democrats have been my dominant force in the federal government since 1949. Their influence on the foreign policy of the FRG through their attachment to both the American alliance and European integration, their ideological internal flexibility enabled them to join forces with all the yellowish parties in the Länder or federal states — except with the far right and the extreme left. The strength and stability of the CDU/CSU is all the more evident when compared to other European parties. Indeed, it can be said that neither the various Gaullists and post-gaullists parties in France, nor the Tories in the United Kingdom nor the US republican observe a level of partisan institutionalisation, electoral success and continuity of power since 1945 comparable to that of the CDU/CSU. ; Les partis démocrates-chrétiens représentent aussi un objet central pour l'étude del'histoire des partis politiques européens et pour la théorie des clivages politiques.L'apparition des partis démocrates-chrétiens en Europe de l'Ouest a marqué unetransformation réelle après la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Mais ni la Democrazia Cristianiaitalienne, le Parti démocrate-chrétien suisse (PDC), le CDA ...

Belgian consociational federalism is often praised for its ability to deal peacefully with the country's internal divisions. Nevertheless, recent political stalemates raise the question: Is Belgian consociational federalism digging its own grave? This article argues that granting segmental autonomy effectively accommodates political conflicts that are currently on the agenda, but renders the process of intersegmental conflict accommodation increasingly more difficult in the long run. More specifically, federalism undermines the problem-solving capacity of the other power-sharing mechanisms in three ways: (1) it increases demands for more autonomy, (2) it decreases the potential for package deals and (3) it lowers the costs of non-agreements which induce a political stalemate. These evolutions are often overlooked, but go to the heart of the impasse Belgian politics has recently experienced.