The article demonstrates how Library of Congress Subject Headings (LCSH) geographic headings for the Southern Levant mirror the political investment of Congress and the American public in Middle East politics over the last thirty years. The headings' evolution as well as Library of Congress rules governing their creation is charted in detail. These LCSH headings contrast markedly with those established in other national libraries (BnF, DNB) and independent value vocabularies (TGN, GeoNames), and global opinion regarding the legal status of the occupied territories. I sketch the historical context of their formation and offer suggestions as to how libraries can "decolonize" their metadata in service of Sanford Berman's "access and equity."
Summary: This article explores a series of documentaries led by Marcela Said and Jean de Certeau with the aim of tracking the ways in which strategies are articulated there to think about the link between the Chilean democratic transition and the problem of visibility. The analyses of I Love Pinochet (Said, 2001), Opus Dei: a silent cross (Said and De Certeau, 2006) and El mosilcio (Said and De Certeau, 2011) favour conflict arising from access or not to visibility. In this search, the article engages in dialogue between the three documentaries with different theories that think about the dilemmas of what is visible at the same time. These exchanges between theory and documentary production lead to the conclusion that these documentaries disassemble the functioning of the visibility and discursivity at stake in the post-dictatorial period in Chile. ; Resumen: En este artículo se explora una serie de documentales dirigidos por Marcela Said y Jean de Certeau con el objetivo de rastrear los modos en los que allí se articulan estrategias para pensar el enlace de la transición democrática chilena y el problema de la visibilidad. Los análisis de I Love Pinochet (Said, 2001), Opus Dei: una cruzada silenciosa (Said y De Certeau, 2006) y El mocito (Said y De Certeau, 2011) privilegian el conflicto derivado del acceso o no a la visibilidad. En esa búsqueda, el artículo pone en diálogo los tres documentales con diversas teorías que piensan los dilemas de lo visible en la contemporaneidad. Estos intercambios entre la teoría y la producción documental permiten concluir que en estos documentales se desmonta el funcionamiento de la visibilidad y la discursividad puestas en juego en el período posdictatorial en Chile.
Summary: This article has studied Mexican democracy since 1996 to understand the motivations of party leaders in creating and manipulating laws that define electoral competition and collusion. He found that the leaders of the three main parties (PRI, PAN and PRD) negotiated institutional results that allowed them to trap them in the short term, while leaving the reputational consequences of a strategy that eroded the electoral referee to future leaders. However, the systematisation of this non-compliance strategy ultimately led to an electoral disaster. ; Resumen: Este artículo estudia la democracia mexicana desde 1996 para comprender las motivaciones de los líderes de partido al crear y manipular leyes que definen la competencia y la colusión electorales. Encuentra que los líderes de los tres principales partidos (PRI, PAN y PRD) negociaron resultados institucionales que les permitieron hacer trampa en el corto plazo, a la vez que dejar las consecuencias reputacionales de una estrategia que erosionaba al árbitro electoral a los futuros líderes. Sin embargo, la sistematización de esa estrategia de incumplimiento condujo en última instancia a un desastre electoral.
International audience What are the effects of citizen-based surveillance? Examining contrasted programs in France and Canada, this article shows that citizen involvement in surveillance actions can have ambivalent, multifaceted effects. Participatory surveillance can help to strengthen the community's sense of belonging, while paradoxically contributing to instil fear. However, these initiatives do not inevitably lead to a culture of generalized suspicion. Depending on the ability of residents to open up controversial subjects for debate, such programs can also leave the way open to a democratization of public action.
Summary in Central America, especially since the 2000s, a wide range of social policies have been implemented. The aim of the article is therefore to compare the social policies of Costa Rica and the Northern Triangle: Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador. From the perspective of the political economy, the working hypothesis suggests that political institutions are the fundamental variable that conditions development, particularly social policies. Research results show that Costa Rica's early democratisation has allowed it to have a considerable tradition of social policies, which is seen as a fundamental variable in understanding its relative success in reducing poverty compared to the countries of the Northern Triangle. ; Resumen En Centroamérica, especialmente desde la década del 2000, se ha implementado un amplio conjunto de políticas sociales. Por ello, el objetivo del artículo es comparar las políticas sociales de Costa Rica y del Triángulo Norte: Guatemala, Honduras y El Salvador. La hipótesis de trabajo plantea, desde la perspectiva de la economía política, que son las instituciones políticas la variable fundamental que condiciona al desarrollo, particularmente a las políticas sociales. Los resultados de la investigación evidencian que la temprana democratización de Costa Rica le ha permitido tener una considerable tradición de políticas sociales, lo que se plantea como una variable fundamental para entender su relativo éxito en la disminución de la pobreza en comparación con los países del Triángulo Norte.
Many works analyzed the way in which Tulio Halperín Donghi explored Peronism. However, studies that looked over how the author examined the first mass movement in Argentine history are scarcer. This article aims to contribute in that direction: its objective is to explore the way in which Halperín Donghi analyzed the transformations undergone by the Radical Civic Union during the first three decades of the twentieth century. We reconstruct the main hypotheses expressed by him throughout his intellectual career. We consider that these hypothesis, besides a source of inspiration for future inquiries, open a way to explore some problems that are at the center of the author's reflections from a new point of view, such as the course of the relation between the middle class and the universal suffrage democracy, and the democratization effects on politics and the Argentine society. ; Numerosos trabajos analizaron el modo en que Tulio Halperín Donghi abordó el peronismo. Son más escasos, en cambio, los estudios que reconstruyeron cómo el autor examinó el primer movimiento de masas de la historia argentina. El presente artículo pretende contribuir en esa dirección: su objetivo consiste en analizar la manera en que Halperín Donghi analizó el devenir del radicalismo en las tres primeras décadas del siglo veinte. Aquí reconstruimos las principales hipótesis por él vertidas a lo largo de su trayectoria intelectual. Consideramos que ellas, además de ser una fuente de inspiración para futuras indagaciones, nos abren una vía para explorar, desde un nuevo punto de vista, algunas problemáticas que están en el centro de las reflexiones del autor, como el derrotero de la relación entre la clase media y la democracia de sufragio universal, y los efectos de la democratización sobre la sociedad argentina. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación
9 22 IV 2 ; Senia ; [EN] At the time we live in, teachers must consider how the development and the democratization of information technologies can help improve students' learning. One option is the flipped classroom or reverse class, in which part of the work done in class is done by the student in advance using digital materials among others. After explaining briefly in what this methodology consists of and its background, we discuss our experience in one of our groups and the results and the opinions of the students about the applied methodology. This experience tells us that it has advantages in terms of a deeper learning, to the acquisition of generic skills and student motivation in the classroom but it also has aspects that may hinder its implementation as it requires a lot of preparatory work and planning by teacher and it is not always well accepted by students. ; [ES] En el momento que vivimos, los docentes debemos plantearnos cómo el auge y la democratización de las tecnologías de la información pueden contribuir a mejorar el aprendizaje de los alumnos. Una posibilidad es la denominada flipped classroom o clase invertida, en la que parte del trabajo que se hacía en clase lo realiza el alumno con antelación utilizando entre otros materiales digitales. Tras exponer brevemente en que consiste esta metodología y sus antecedentes, comentamos una experiencia llevada a cabo en uno de nuestros grupos, así como los resultados obtenidos y las opiniones de los alumnos al respecto de la metodología aplicada. La experiencia realizada nos indica que la flipped classroom presenta ventajas como un aprendizaje más profundo, la adquisición de competencias transversales y la motivación del alumno en el aula, aunque también presenta aspectos que pueden dificultar su implementación, como el trabajo previo y planificación necesaria por parte del profesor y no ser siempre bien aceptada por los estudiantes. Jordan Lluch, C.; Pérez Peñalver, MJ.; Sanabria Codesal, E. (2014). Investigación del impacto en un aula de matemáticas ...
On 11 September, crocodiles plummeted with abundance. Because while it is a cross-cutting, if not systemic, 'deadweight effect' of the tragedy, it seems to the opponents of economic reforms and democratisation that he should benefit, at least at first glance. Let's give credit where credit is due: condemning the attacks on the air of 'I had said it well', Tunisian President Ben Ali went into the window of opportunity offered to him by Providence and prepared to respond to the 'call for duty', that of a fourth, unconstitutional term, avoiding the opprobrium of international opinion and the deaf fronts of the Chancelleries which he would enjoy normal manoeuvre (.). ; Le 11 septembre, les crocodiles ont pleuré d'abondance. Car s'il est un " effet d'aubaine " transversal, voire systémique, de la tragédie, c'est bien aux adversaires des réformes économiques et de la démocratisation qu'il semble devoir profiter, au moins en première analyse. À tout seigneur tout honneur : condamnant les attentats sur l'air de " Je vous l'avais bien dit ", le président tunisien Ben Ali s'est engouffré dans la fenêtre d'opportunité que lui offre la Providence et se prépare à répondre à " l'appel du devoir ", celui d'un quatrième mandat, anticonstitutionnel, en évitant l'opprobre de l'opinion internationale et les froncements de sourcil des chancelleries que lui vaudrait la manoeuvre en temps normal (.).
International audience The H2020 framework programme has been a key driver and catalyst of Responsible Research and Innovation, in Europe and beyond. We argue that the new framework programme, Horizon Europe, shifts the focus away from the research and knowledge production emphasis of H2020 to innovation, placing new requirements on RRI and the RRI community. The "new policy experiment" of Missions and Open Innovation 2.0 can and should be seen an opportunity to leverage the insights gained from the past decade of activities in RRI and to extend and improve, particularly with regards to fair and equitable co-creation activities. With the increase focus on innovation, novel and responsible ways of innovating and co-creating must be embedded in these activities to reinforce the link between science, innovation and society. In this perspective, we argue that co-creation can act as a linking-pin between the open science emphasis of H2020 and the open innovation accent of Horizon Europe. Paper Responsible Research and Innovation (RRI) is a democratization process leading to connecting science to the values and interests of European citizens by mean of participatory processes (Mazzonetto and Simone 2018). In Europe, RRI is exemplified by what has been described as "the Responsible Research and Innovation policy experiment" 1 in the European Commission, embodied by, but not exclusive to, the Science With and For Society programme (SwafS) in the Horizon2020 framework programme (European Commission, 2020). With activities spanning almost 8 years, this RRI policy experiment has led to RRI being embedded and integrated in a wide variety of projects, programmes and other activities based on six keys and a number of process requirements, 2 becoming an invoked and needed approach for properly governing potential controversial innovative technologies (i.e. genome editing, AI, 1 Van Oudheusden and Shelley-Egan (2020) Call for proposals: Special Issue: RRI Futures-Learning from a decade of Responsible Research and Innovation. ...
La teoría de la comunicación se ha enriquecido con el planteamiento de las políticas públicas en comunicación, que condensan un acumulado de conquistas por la democratización de la comunicación y de la sociedad. También la legislación ha abierto caminos de formas de democracia participativa con el ejercicio del derecho a la información y la comunicación. Sin embargo, las prácticas de comunicación en los niveles de decisión sobre estas políticas, no están marchando a la par de la teoría altruista ni de la legislación humanista. Por el contrario, se ha hecho instrumentalista, funcional a los poderes, desarraigándose de las ciudadanías. En este ambiente, inmersos en un tiempo de incertidumbre (Pawipacha), proponemos poner al día la teoría y las prácticas de las políticas públicas en comunicación, considerando críticamente los siguientes factores: i) interpelar la (in)comunicación en su contexto y relaciones de poder; ii) interpelar las políticas públicas en comunicación centradas en la dinámica mediática, abriéndola a la naturaleza de las redes sociales digitales; iii) interpelar la naturaleza occidental de las políticas públicas, para complementarla con la emergencia vivificante de los paradigmas interculturales; y iv) interpelar la noción de lo público desde las formas de constitución híbridas de lo público y lo privado en la descentralización de las sociedades. Poner al día la teoría, legislación y prácticas de las políticas públicas en comunicación, constituye una oportunidad para retomar las banderas de la democratización de la comunicación y de la sociedad.
Resumen: Me propongo reflexionar sobre la universidad y sus condiciones políticas actuales. Para la realización de este examen me detendré en su contexto moderno y contemporáneo, así como en los planteamientos que, desde las humanidades, defienden su autonomía frente al mercado, discutiendo también con el sexismo del saber y su lenguaje. Desde América Latina, considero algunos momentos paradigmáticos del itinerario de las universidades sobre la base de leyes, reformas, contrarreformas y pres cripciones, desde la configuración positivista a la del neoliberalismo. Asimismo, para contrarrestar la condición colonial y sexista del saber considero algunas de las propuestas de las nuevas humanidades que se proponen ampliar la democratización del saber.
The peace agreements of 1996 and the decentralised institutional structure promoted by the neoliberal paradigm in which they operate have given rise to a lot of hope within the Armenian and international civil society. However, on the basis of an examination of the functioning of COCODE (Community Development Council) in a rural community in north-eastern Guatemala, I would like to demonstrate the failure in certain places to apply the principle of decentralisation indiscriminately. Failing to take into account the political trajectories of those involved in dealing with decentralised institutions, as well as the deep legacy of war and illegal culture and impunity that has shaped over the years of military regimes, the implementation of this principle in this north-east region has missed its stated objective. On the basis of an ethnographic survey conducted between 2011 and 2013, I will show how decentralisation is an 'incomplete democratisation'. ; Les Accords de paix de 1996 et la structure institutionnelle décentralisée promue par le paradigme néolibéral dans lequel ils s'inscrivent ont suscité beaucoup d'espoir au sein de la société civile guatémaltèque et internationale. Toutefois, à partir de l'examen du fonctionnement du COCODE (Conseil communautaire de développement) dans une communauté rurale du nord-est du Guatemala, je voudrais ici démontrer l'échec que constitue en certains lieux l'application indifférenciée du principe de décentralisation. Échouant à prendre en compte les trajectoires politiques des acteurs destinés à prendre en charge les institutions décentralisées, de même que l'héritage profond de la guerre et de la culture clandestine et d'impunité qui s'est modelée au cours des années de régimes militaires, la mise en pratique de ce principe dans cette région nord-orientale est passée à côté de son objectif annoncé. En m'appuyant sur une enquête ethnographique menée entre 2011 et 2013, je montrerai ainsi en quoi la décentralisation constitue une « démocratisation inachevée ».
This article looks at contemporary Spain where the term "Transition" means "democratic transition", a step of change resulting from the authoritarian and traumatic framework of General Franco's dictatorial military regime leading to a parliamentary monarchy and consolidated democracy. Behind a seemingly obvious figure is a bundle of loopholes, both on time limits and on content and issues. We will use the literary axis to examine what is not known as a process, a phenomenon or a series of events. We will first discuss the main dates on which the Spanish transition is taking place in order to highlight the many issues at stake. Then with a panoramic look, and the choice of two novels more precisely, we will see the repercussions that can be found in fiction texts. Finally, with literature that helps progress towards the end of this transitional period, writing will be a central question in building an identity for the present Spain. Transition keywords, literature, Spain and novel Reflect to the concept of transition finds a specific extension in the case of contemporary Spain, where the term 'Transition', which can be written with a capital letter as an allusion to a commonly recognised reference, refers without question to what is more explicitly referred to as 'the democratic transition'. This stage of change, resulting from an authoritarian and traumatic framework, concerns the years when Spain moved from the dictatorial military regime of General Franco to a parliamentary monarchy and a consolidated democracy. However, behind this apparent blurry is a bundle of loopholes, both on time limits and on content and challenges. For this reason, one of the axes can legitimately be literary in order to examine from a different perspective what is not known as a process, a phenomenon or a series of events to be perceived in their coherence as leading from a position A to a position B. Some dates marking the Spanish transition. Boxes A and B are themselves plural, depending on the meaning of 'democratic transition' — ...
In this monograph, the historical evolution of the Mozambican press is linked to the evolution of the national political context. What role did the press play under the authoritarian regime? How did the press fare during the democratic transition? How did the media contribute to mould a vision of political events? This new issue of IFAS Working Papers sheds light on these questions by relying on in-depth analyses of the relationship between the media, the government in power and public opinion in the context of the democratic transition of Mozambique during the 1990s, thus raising the question of expansion of an independent Mozambican press as a sine qua non condition for the democratic development of the country.
Arab regimes have adopted three types of attitude towards the rising force of islamist movements: eradication, selective cooptation and inclusion. We will particularly focus on the inclusion strategy, which offers the most interesting material to observe how islamist forces do react when they are put to the test of democratic participation.
