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At the root of much of the deforestation, land rights violations, human rights abuses and ultimately the continuation of unequal, neocolonial North-South relations are the two-fold phenomena of global market pressures for extractivism and mass production of resources and the militarization of response to social conflicts created by these activities. We will investigate the 'new' extractivism economic activities from the perspective of the violence perpetrated by assemblages of power against indigenous protest movements in the Peruvian Amazon region. Specifically, we will probe a grassroots' response to the way Peru's elites have integrated the country within the global economic system: we focus on Indigenous peoples' protests in 2008-9 against the new regulation to open the Amazon for development of resources by private companies carried out by Peru's President Alan García, on the grounds that it represented a threat to their natural resources and livelihood.

The main agenda of the indigenous movement is fighting for political and cultural rights of ethnic minority communities in accordance with unique historical and cultural practices that they have. As Kymlicka said, minority rights must also be fought because they are on a system that is governed by the majority who pretend to produce injustice. Sami Indigenous Movement in Norway is a form of a long struggle to obtain the right independently to manage natural resources. Currently Sami struggling to maintain the uniqueness of the cultural identity and living practices that have been owned for generations. This paper would like to see the establishment of indigenous peoples' movement Sami in Norway as well as the practice of social movements committed to demanding social change related to self-governance and autonomy of management of natural resources.Keywords: Indigenous Movement, Sami People, Identity, Otonomy,Natural Resource ManagementAbstrakAgenda utama dalam gerakan adat atau indigenous movement adalah memperjuangkan hak politik dan budaya komunitas etnis yang menjadi minoritas sesuai dengan keunikan historis serta praktik budaya yang mereka miliki. Seperti yang dikatakan oleh Kymlicka, bahwa hak-hak minoritas juga harus diperjuangkan karena mereka berada pada sistem yang diatur oleh mayoritas yang berpretensi menghasilkan ketidakadilan. Gerakan Masyarakat Adat Sami di Norwegia merupakan bentuk perjuangan panjang untuk memperoleh hak secara mandiri untuk mengelola sumber daya alam. Saat ini masyarakat Sami berjuang untuk mempertahankan keunikan identitas budaya dan praktik hidup yang telah dimiliki secara turun temurun. Tulisan ini ingin melihat pembentukan gerakan masyarakat adat Sami di Norwegia serta praktik gerakan sosial yang dilakukan untuk menuntut perubahan sosial terkait dengan self-governancedan otonomi pengelolaan sumber daya alam.Kata kunci: Gerakan Masyarakat Adat, Sami, Identitas, Otonomi, Pengelolaan Sumber DayaAlam

This text provides a comprehensive, definitive account of the history of the international indigenous rights movement, culminating in the UN's adoption of a Declaration on the Rights of indigenous peoples. This account reveals for the first time the diversity of agendas and argument advanced by advocates split broadly between northern and southern movements. Based on this political history, the book presents a new way of interpreting and implementing the Declaration - a method that is true to the aspirations of the movements in the Declaration negotiations and coherent and compelling in the context of implementation. This method also assists in clarifying, with more certainty than other methods, the meaning of indigenous peoples for the purposes of international law.

Testimony: human rights, and social movements -- Histories and movements : antecedents to the social movement of 2006 -- The emergence of the APPO and the 2006 Oaxaca social movement -- Testimony and human rights violations in Oaxaca -- Community and indigenous radio in Oaxaca : testimony and participatory democracy -- The women's takeover of media in Oaxaca : gendered rights "to speak" and "to be heard" -- The economics and politics of conflict : perspectives from Oaxacan artisans, merchants, and business owners -- In indigenous activism : the triqui autonomous municipality, APPO Juxtlahuaca, and transborder organizing in APPO-L.A. -- From barricades to autonomy and art : youth organizing in Oaxaca. -- Asamblea Popular de los Pueblos de Oaxaca.

Rio Tinto's destruction of Juukan Gorge brought international condemnation. The subsequent interim report commissioned by the Australian Parliament was entitled 'Never Again'. But was this a 'never again' to the logic of settler colonialism? Or to the extractive capitalism that rearranges
economic and social life with the sole objective of wealth accumulation? Or to the legislative collaboration between settler colonial states and capitalism? Environmental injustice is sustained internationally through the many entanglements at the intersection of law, coloniality, corporate
extractivism and Indigenous sovereignty. These entanglements are explored here in relation to: the idea of a 'trade-off' between Indigenous rights and 'economic benefits' (e.g. the Shenhua coal mine in Australia); the over-riding of local rights through a corporate-driven developmental narrative,
which results in the erosion of Indigenous ways of life over a long period, rather than through a singular dramatic event (e.g. oil extraction by Chevron in Ecuador); the difficulties in bringing cases to justice (e.g. the Mount Polley dam collapse in Canada); the need for 'green alternatives'
to also respect Indigenous rights; and the potential for greater legal regulation (e.g. the ruling by the Supreme Court of Panama on Indigenous rights; recent legal challenges to the Brazilian government's failure to meet its environmental responsibilities). Social movements and juridical
spaces need to adopt a radical shift in their vocabulary and in their world-making practices. Courts play a major role in shaping the way Indigenous environmental justice is understood, and are a vital site of contestation for radical environmental justice movements.

This article analyzes the Indigenous Peasant Movements (IPM) of Ecuador as a social force and political actor. By proposing an alternative to the Ecuadorian crisis based on the Sumak Kawsay (Good Living) values, the IPM expand democratic spaces and formulate an extended sense of citizenship. The text focuses on the events of the 2019 national strike in Ecuador, in retrospective dialogue with previous uprisings. It draws on the testimonies of the Kayambi people, collected before and after the strike, in semi-structured interviews, and ethnographic work. Results show that the memory of previous struggles was an essential motivation for the emergence of the uprisings. Besides, unity and solidarity among rural actors and other sectors of Ecuadorian society were the basis for the strike's strength and power. Finally, in dialogue with the Emancipatory Rural Politics, the article contributes to critical approaches to the role of indigenous peasant peoples in struggles for life alternatives.

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This article critically engages with the question of mobility in the study of international politics by centering the concept of resistance. It starts with the example of the Canadian Government blocking the Roxham Road irregular border crossing in March 2023 and Canadian officials arguing in favour of normalizing movement between the US/Canada. In general, the paper challenges the global state centric project of normalizing movement by arguing that resistance always comes first. As such, this challenge does not only ask who/what gets to move freely and when; it is centers the very resistances to normalizing movement that emerges from within and without movement itself. The paper has three sections: the first acknowledges that celebrating movement is important because it loosens the state centric study of international politics and sets borders, states, and migrants adrift in a sea of irregular movements. It creates a differential analysis of movement which I refer to as "differential encounters". In the context of this article, recasting the state in the context of movement demands an engagement with Indigenous and migrant histories beyond the modern categories of immigrant or settler. It requires going beyond merely placing Indigenous peoples into other non-Indigenous migrations stories since it reproduces the colonial efforts to exceptionalize the immigrant experience in and through its universalization/provincialization. Such practical efforts to normalize movement allow the Canadian state to present itself as the apolitical and fixed arbiter of different movements and thereby displace the unceded mediating role inherent to Indigenous relationships to the land and its peoples. The second section shifts to an epistemological register of movements to recognize that celebrating movement can also depoliticize movements differences. Therefore, movement is not simply given; it is itself treated as diagnostic and productive by attending to the function of friction inside and between movements. Following the work of Anna Tsing, frictions are not only the product of movement but also the shapers and materializers of movement(s). They are the encounters that actualize, materialize, and define movements. They occur when movements interact, and they produce something new within the specific place-based context of differential encounters. Friction is becoming movement because nothing moves or matters without friction. This section "matters" the nine individuals, including two children, who lost their lives while being smuggled through the Akwesasne district of the St. Lawrence River, which straddles the US/Canada border. Their lives are mattered in and through the materialization of movements. Yet, in differential encounters, there can be no sovereign, disciplinary, or biopolitical accounting of bodies and lives: only frictions, movements, and resistances. These frictions both materialize and are material. They are historical and immediate. From macro to micro: the decision to deploy a particular technology is as significant as the reliability of an operation, machine, or equipment in the day to day.
The political frictions between movements, as such, become the focus of studies which centre movement. To find politics one must move with resistance. To move with resistance is to open untoward frictions. Moving with resistance politicizes those very movements and frictions that have become regularized and/or normalized. The final section argues that despite the emancipatory narrative attached to privileging ontological and epistemological approaches, resistance should always be situated as a generative force that comes first. This section uses the four-part documentary series Thunder Bay (2023), by Ryan McMahonm, the award winning Anishinaabe journalist, to investigates forms of resistance in Thunder Bay, Ontario, which sits at the head of Lake Superior. The history of Thunder Bay is defined by Indigenous/settler relations —a complex of trade, employment, governance, policing, and personal frictions —and amass into the colonial frictions of the city. Thunder Bay's purpose has not changed. It continues to exist in order to control, extract and extinguish Indigenous futures. While the documentary challenges the audience to see Thunder Bay as both an exceptional crisis in policing and as an exemplar case of continued Canadian colonialism, McMahon's series also helps the effort in this paper to rethink the concept of resistance in the context of movement and friction. To think about resistance as coming first, the concept of resistance itself must be redefined, not as opposition or reaction, but as an enduring medium of escalation and indifference. Resisting colonialism cannot erase its constitutive frictions; colonialism is a movement responding to already existing resistance, friction and movement. As such, the colonial project remains intact, and escalation adds new opportunities for the state to escalate in turn. Thunder Bay laments that, despite the inspiring efforts of individuals and movements, Indigenous resistance is reduced to new and further instances of friction that keep the wheels of the Canadian state turning. Resistance in movement is a prior interplay of indifferently releasing one movement and politically escalating other emergent movements that resurface in the wake. The article puts special attention to the concept of indifference since "to indiffer" break or turn away from the modern state form, is to actively dismantle those escalatory forces of resistance and friction captured by the state's ambition to appear static. However, just as resistance has come to mean opposition to movement and lost its political value, indifference has also been cast as a static apolitical form of being. Again, just as resistance escalates, it also indiffers. To indiffer evokes differing, but not in ways that contribute to a particular movement's escalation or friction. Instead, indiffering releases, liberates, suspends both escalation and friction. This does not mean that indifference has no relationship with escalation or friction in the abstract. To indiffer is an active unattending to a movement's particular escalation and friction. It is resisting, releasing, and forgetting and generating new frictions and movements. Yet indifference is not innocent —it is not only a weapon of the weak. The state also practices indifference. The indifferent state actively uncares about Indigenous lives because its own future requires unmaking of Indigenous future horizons. This article suggests that if resistance is no longer believed to be a willful action of the liberal subject, and resistance always comes in advance, then the frictions that unfold as movements inevitably unmap geographies of the state and open untoward irregular movements and futures.

2016 Choice Outstanding Academic Title From Eleanor Roosevelt to feminist icon Gloria Steinem to HIV/AIDS activist Dazon Dixon Diallo, women have assumed leadership roles in struggles for social justice. How did these remarkable women ascend to positions of influence? And once in power, what leadership strategies did they use to deal with various challenges? Junctures in Women's Leadership: Social Movements explores these questions by introducing twelve women who have spearheaded a wide array of social movements that span the 1940s to the present, working for indigenous peoples' rights, gender equality, reproductive rights, labor advocacy, environmental justice, and other causes. The women profiled here work in a variety of arenas across the globe: Planned Parenthood CEO Cecile Richards, New York City labor organizer Bhairavi Desai, women's rights leader Charlotte Bunch, feminist poet Audre Lorde, civil rights activists Daisy Bates and Aileen Clarke Hernandez, Kenyan environmental activist Wangari Maathai, Nicaraguan revolutionary Mirna Cunningham, and South African public prosecutor Thuli Madonsela. What unites them all is the way these women made sacrifices, asked critical questions, challenged injustice, and exhibited the will to act in the face of often-harsh criticism and violence. The case studies in Junctures in Women's Leadership: Social Movements demonstrate the diversity of ways that women around the world have practiced leadership, in many instances overcoming rigid cultural expectations about gender. Moreover, the cases provide a unique window into the ways that women leaders make decisions at moments of struggle and historical change

The recently won People's Democracy ( Loktantra ) in Nepal has transpired a contested yet ever demanding platform furthering rights and identity movements. The availability of alternative voices through community radios is a space to emancipate the identity movement towards indigenous empowerment and asserting their respectful and equitable entry in to " New Nepal ." Within the theoretical framework of identity and democracy this research is based on the study of community radios as " case study organizations ." We have used media ethnography and media text analysis including the observation to both corroborate and contradict with the participants' understandings and expressions in the research. We find that indigenous communities can reflect their agenda of identity re - establishment towards empowerment through the active participation in the production of media contents. Active participation of indigenous communities in local radio production not only mandates acknowledgement of ethnic identity in the new nation building but also give an opportunity of lesson learning on the potentiality of using community radios as one of the tools for empowerment. In this context, reestablishment of identity through community radio deserves appreciation because it facilitates the creation of discursive space which will ultimately help to establish pluralist democracy by creating different public spheres.

Front Cover -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction: Women' s Movements and Womanhood -- Part I Representations: Representing Women -- 1 The Religious Roots of Women's Oppression: Feminist Nuns and the Filipino Woman -- 2 Prostitution, Women's Movements, and the Victim Narrative -- 3 The Woman as Worker -- 4 Indigenous Women: Women of the Cordillera -- 5 "There Is No Need to Endure"Women's Health Movements -- Part II Practices: Fashioning Women -- 6 Women's Studies on the Air: Radio, Television, and Women's Movements -- 7 Fashioning Women through Activism, Ritual, and Dress -- Part III Spaces: Locating Women -- 8 Women's Movements in Transnational Spaces -- 9 Women's Movements in Liminal Spaces: Abortion as a Reproductive Right -- Conclusion -- Appendix 1: Women's Organizations -- Appendix 2: Radio and Television Shows Discussed -- Notes -- Selected Bibliography -- Index -- About the Author.

Constructing movements and comparisons -- Toward a political and conceptual genealogy of representation -- Comparing communities, contention, and representation, 1860s-1960s -- Articulating indianness regionally and nationally, 1960s-1990s -- Neoliberal and multicultural encounters, 1990-2005 -- Strategic constructivism and essentialism -- Articulating utopias, histories, and politics