Suchergebnisse

The aim of the study was to interpret and understand the institutionalization of public health care in the state of Sao Paulo over the years 1930-1940, based on the history of medical specialties. The methodology involved analysis of new sources of documents, which were compared with the existing literature, thereby leading to identification of new indices relating to the issue of eugenics and the presence of physicians' religious beliefs as a social movement. As physicians became public health experts, they proposed a project to elevate the Brazilian race, by merging the hygienist discourse with sanitary actions. Sao Paulo sought primacy in this project, believing that this was a State already constituted by a race of "historically healthy men". Religious beliefs influenced the debate and the decisions of that time with regard to the established order within public health. In this manner, it could be shown that, historically, public health discourse was constituted by merging technical-scientific issues with political-ideological and cultural issues, producing a mixture of different interests and corporative perspectives of the profession. ; El objetivo del estudio fue interpretar y comprender la institucionalización de la salud pública paulista en los años 1930-1940, basándose en la historia de las especialidades médicas. Se analizaron nuevas fuentes documentales cónsonas con la literatura existente, llevando a la identificación de nuevos indicios relativos al aspecto eugenesia y a la presencia de creencias religiosas de médicos como un movimiento social. Los médicos, en la medida que se especializaban como sanitaristas, proponían un proyecto para elevar la raza brasileña, mezclando discursos higienistas con acciones sanitarias. Sao Paulo buscó la primacía en este proyecto, por considerarse un Estado detentor de una raza ya constituida "hombres históricamente saludables". Las creencias religiosas influenciaron el debate y las decisiones de época para la orden sanitaria. Históricamente, el discurso sanitario compone aspectos técnico-científicos con las político-ideológicas y las culturales, produciendo una mezcla de los diferentes intereses y perspectivas de orden corporativa de la profesión. ; O objetivo do estudo foi interpretar e compreender a institucionalização da saúde pública paulista nos anos 1930-1940, com base na história das especialidades médicas. Foram analisadas novas fontes documentais em diálogo com a literatura existente, levando à identificação de novos indícios relativamente à questão eugênica e à presença de crenças religiosas de médicos como um movimento social. Os médicos, à medida que se especializavam como sanitaristas, propunham um projeto para elevar a raça brasileira, mesclando discursos higienistas com ações sanitárias. São Paulo buscou a primazia nesse projeto, por se acreditar um Estado detentor de uma raça já constituída de "homens historicamente saudáveis". Crenças religiosas influenciaram o debate e as decisões de época para a ordem sanitária. Historicamente, o discurso sanitário compõe questões técnico-científicas com as político-ideológicas e as culturais, produzindo uma mescla dos diferentes interesses e perspectivas de ordem corporativa da profissão.

Water resources management has become a prominent issue in Brazil's regional political agendas but understanding the limits of its practices and policy choices is yet to be achieved. This article presents an analysis of environmental management in the state of Minas Gerais during 1995-2014, a period characterized by a neoliberal political and economic approach. It seeks to identify possible trends, limitations, and possibilities for institutional and administrative development in this area. The research included a revision of documents dealing with the insertion of public policies in the institutional agendas linked directly or indirectly with the management of water resources. These documents cover legal, legislative, and executive aspects of State performance in this sector, as well as information related to the models of environmental management implemented in the State of Minas Gerais, during the period of study. The conclusions suggest that the practices of water resources management in the State were greatly influenced by neoliberal prescriptions, whether by the increase in the institutional public deficit of the environmental sector or by the contextual and political difficulties facing the implementation of long-term integrated management of water resources.

In order to deal with the institutionalization process of initial and continuing education politics of Basic and Higher Education teachers, starting from the management and curricular politics in the degree programs, the article sociologically problematizes the conflicts and curricular episodes of the historical and contextual trajectory that configures the period of 1996 to 2018 in Brazil, through the analysis of reference educational documents that materialize curriculum expressions. In the sequence, it debates propositions, tensions and resistances perceived in the constitution process of the state politic of teacher formation in Paraná, taking as a curricular-historical clipping Resolution CNE / CP nº 02/2015, make interface by the collective alternatives of pedagogical management presented by Progrades ( Permanent Forum of IEES / PR Graduation Pro-rectors). As one of the results of the postdoctoral probation, this qualitative research, both bibliographical and documentary, starts from the reflections of curriculum as a contest field, based on the Pierre Bourdieu contributions. ; Para hacer referencia al proceso de institucionalización de la política de formación inicial y continuada de profesores de la Educación Básica y Superior, a partir de la gestión y de las políticas curriculares en las carreras de profesorado, el artículo problematiza sociológicamente las tensiones y los marcos curriculares de la trayectoria histórico-contextual que configura el período de 1996 a 2018 en Brasil, permeando por el análisis de documentos educacionales de referencia que materializan expresiones de currículo. A continuación, debate proposiciones, tensiones y resistencias percibidas en el proceso de constitución de la política estadual/provincial de formación docente en Paraná, tomando como recorte histórico-curricular la "Resolução CNE/CP nº 02/2015", interfacetada por las alternativas colectivas de gestión pedagógica presentadas por el Progrades (Fórum Permanente dos Pró-reitores de Graduação das IEES/PR). Como uno de los resultados de las prácticas post-doctorales, esta investigación cualitativa, de carácter bibliográfico y documental, parte de las reflexiones de currículo como campo de disputa, basándose en las contribuciones de Pierre Bourdieu. ; Para tratar do processo de institucionalização da política de formação inicial e continuada de professores da Educação Básica e Superior, a partir da gestão e das políticas curriculares nas licenciaturas, o artigo problematiza sociologicamente as tensões e os marcos curriculares da trajetória histórico- contextual que configura o período de 1996 a 2018 no Brasil, perpassando pela análise de documentos educacionais referenciais que materializam expressões de currículo. Na sequência, debate proposições, tensões e resistências percebidas no processo de constituição da política estadual de formação docente no Paraná, tomando como recorte histórico-curricular a Resolução CNE/CP nº 02/2015, interfacetada pelas alternativas coletivas de gestão pedagógica apresentadas pelo Progrades (Fórum Permanente dos Pró-reitores de Graduação das IEES/PR). Como um dos resultados do estágio pós-doutoral, esta pesquisa qualitativa, de cunho bibliográfico e documental, parte das reflexões de currículo como campo de disputa, embasando-se nas contribuições de Pierre Bourdieu.

Abordamos a história política da psicanálise como um movimento em torno de ideias e práticas psicológicas não para construir uma historiografia desse movimento, mas para esboçar uma narrativa de valor histórico sobre certos aspectos institucionais da psicanálise que indicam o modo pelo qual ela fez política em meio a sua institucionalização. Partimos do posicionamento político dos psicanalistas e suas teorias para delimitar algumas interpenetrações entre ambos, examinando três autores, Paul Federn, Otto Fenichel e Ernest Jones, passando em seguida à constituição do movimento psicanalítico e à propaganda da causa freudiana. Nossa hipótese é de que, apesar das diferentes posições e forças políticas dentro da psicanálise, elas convergiram em direção à defesa de uma causa. Assim, fica mais clara a constituição e a expansão do movimento psicanalítico durante suas primeiras cinco décadas rumo a uma aparente unificação. ; Abordamos la historia política del psicoanálisis como un movimiento alrededor de ideas y prácticas psicológicas no para construir una historiografía de este movimiento, sino para bosquejar una narrativa de valor histórico respecto de ciertos aspectos institucionales del psicoanálisis que indican el modo en que este hace política durante su institucionalización. Partimos del posicionamiento político de los analistas y su producción teórica para delimitar algunas interpenetraciones entre ambos. Examinamos tres autores: Paul Federn, Otto Fenichel y Ernest Jones. A continuación, abordamos la constitución del movimiento psicoanalítico y la propaganda de la causa freudiana. Nuestra hipótesis es que, pese a las diferentes posiciones y fuerzas políticas en el psicoanálisis, estas convergieron hacia la defensa de una causa. Así queda más clara la constitución y expansión del movimiento psicoanalítico durante sus cinco primeras décadas hacia una aparente unificación. ; The political history of psychoanalysis is approached as a movement around psychological ideas and practices not in order to draw a historiography of such movement, but to sketch a historically valuable narrative in regards to certain institutional aspects of psychoanalysis, which show the way through which it has taken political actions within its institutionalization. Based on the psychoanalysts' political stances and their theories, we outlined some intersections among them, analyzing three authors, Paul Federn, Otto Fenichel, and Ernest Jones, and then analyzing the constitution of the psychoanalytical movement and the Freudian cause propaganda. Our hypothesis is that, despite the different stances and political forces that exist within psychoanalysis, they have converged towards the defense of one cause. Thus, the constitution and expansion of the psychoanalytical movement becomes clearer during its first five decades towards a seeming unification ; Nous abordons l'histoire politique de la psychanalyse comme un mouvement autour des idées et pratiques psychologiques non avec l'intention de construire une historiographie de ce mouvement, mais d'ébaucher une narrative de valeur historique sur certains aspects institutionnels de la psychanalyse qui indiquent la manière dont elle fit de la politique dans son institutionnalisation. Nous commençons à partir de la position politique des psychanalystes et ses productions théoriques pour définir des interpénétrations entre les deux dimensions. Nous examinons trois auteurs : Paul Federn, Otto Fenichel et Ernest Jones. Ensuite nous abordons la constitution du mouvement psychanalytique et la propagande de la cause freudienne. Notre hypothèse est que, malgré les différentes positions et forces politiques au sein de la psychanalyse, elles convergent vers la défense d'une cause. Il devient donc clair l'établissement et l'expansion du mouvement psychanalytique au cours de ses cinq premières décennies en direction d'une apparente unification.

This article discusses the schooling of people with intellectual disabilities in Brazil during 1973-2013. This study analyzed federal documents and data from ethnographic studies conducted in municipalities of the state of Rio de Janeiro. Data from the study were then compared with statistical data and trends presented in the scientific literature. This article focuses primarily on three dimensions. The first dimension is the historical dispute over the locus of schooling for people with intellectual disabilities, between segregationist perspectives advanced by philanthropic-private initiatives and inclusive perspectives advanced by the public sector (increasingly focused on principles of inclusion since the 1990s). The second dimension refers to the lack of clear guidelines about the curricular practices to be developed by school systems to ensure the development of students, especially those considered severely intellectually disabled. The third dimension analyzes problems of pedagogical support, particularly in Specialized Educational Services (AEE), as current federal law requires. The results call attention to historically-constructed contradictions in the arena of political disputes in the country and the fragility of the public system in providing conditions for the identification and promotion of educational practices promoting learning and development for people with intellectual disabilities. ; El artículo aborda cuestiones de enseñanza-aprendizaje de personas con discapacidad intelectual en Brasil en el período 1973-2013. Metodológicamente fueron analizados documentos y datos oficiales del gobierno, correspondientes a estudios etnográficos realizados en diferentes ciudades del estado de Río de Janeiro/Brasil, los cuales se compararon con los indicadores estadísticos y la literatura producida en cada época del período en cuestión. El texto discute, entre otros aspectos, principalmente tres dimensiones. La primera se refiere a las disputas sobre el lugar de escolarización de estas personas, entabladas históricamente entre las iniciativas filantrópicas y privadas (en su mayoría segregacionista) y públicas (progresivamente centradas en principios de inclusión a partir de la década de los 90). La segunda se refiere a la ausencia de directrices claras sobre prácticas curriculares a ser adoptadas por los sistemas escolares para garantizar el desarrollo de los estudiantes, especialmente aquellos con acentuado nivel de discapacidad intelectual. En la tercera dimensión se analizan los problemas de apoyo pedagógico, especialmente en lo que se refiere a los servicios de Atención Educacional Especializada (AEE), conforme determina la ley federal vigente. En resumen, los resultados indican, entre otras cosas, las contradicciones históricamente construidas en el escenario de los conflictos políticos del país. También revelan la fragilidad del sistema público de enseñanza en proporcionar condiciones para la identificación y la promoción de prácticas educativas con apoyo pedagógico, cuando sea necesario, para promover el aprendizaje y el desarrollo de esta población. ; O artigo discute a escolarização de pessoas com deficiência intelectual no Brasil no período de 1973 a 2013. Metodologicamente foram analisados documentos federais e dados de estudos etnográficos desenvolvidos em diferentes municípios do estado do Rio de Janeiro/Brasil, os quais foram cotejados com indicadores estatísticos e a literatura especializada produzida em cada época. O texto problematiza, entre outros aspectos, prioritariamente três dimensões. A primeira diz respeito às disputas pelo lócus de escolarização dessas pessoas travadas historicamente entre iniciativas de cunho filantrópico-privadas (majoritariamente segregacionistas) e públicas (focadas crescentemente em princípios inclusionistas a partir dos anos 1990). A segunda se refere à falta de diretrizes claras sobre as práticas curriculares a serem desenvolvidas pelos sistemas de ensino para garantir o desenvolvimento dos alunos, sobretudo daqueles considerados deficientes intelectuais graves. A terceira dimensão discorre sobre os problemas do suporte pedagógico, especialmente no Atendimento Educacional Especializado (AEE), conforme prevê a legislação federal atualmente. Em síntese, os resultados indicam, entre outros aspectos, as contradições historicamente construídas na arena das disputas políticas no país. Igualmente revelam a fragilidade do sistema público para oferecer condições de identificação e promoção de práticas educativas, com suporte pedagógico, quando necessário, para a aprendizagem e desenvolvimento dessa população.

Brasil ha sido un lugar importante para implementar prácticas participativas después de su democratización. En 2011, junto con otros siete gobiernos fundadores, Brasil respaldó la Alianza para el de Gobierno Abierto (OGP) y anunció los planes del país para promover una mayor transparencia en las prácticas gubernamentales. El país se convirtió en parte de una iniciativa multilateral que hoy reúne a más de 70 países. Desde su difusión internacional, esta iniciativa fue incorporada por la ciudad de San Pablo, que creó el Comité Intersecretarial de Gobierno Abierto en 2014. Describimos la incorporación de la OGP y de su proceso de difusión y discutimos los desafíos de difusión e institucionalización de una política global a nivel local, entre 2013 y 2016. Las principales conclusiones abordan la importancia de institucionalizar las prácticas políticas además de la difusión de políticas; la importancia del análisis microinstitucional y del trabajo institucional en la teoría organizacional para comprender la importancia de los actores clave en el proceso de implementación; y la influencia de la arquitectura institucional en la implementación de la OGP. ; Brasil ha sido un lugar importante para implementar prácticas participativas después de su democratización. En 2011, junto con otros siete gobiernos fundadores, Brasil respaldó la Alianza para el de Gobierno Abierto (OGP) y anunció los planes del país para promover una mayor transparencia en las prácticas gubernamentales. El país se convirtió en parte de una iniciativa multilateral que hoy reúne a más de 70 países. Desde su difusión internacional, esta iniciativa fue incorporada por la ciudad de San Pablo, que creó el Comité Intersecretarial de Gobierno Abierto en 2014. Describimos la incorporación de la OGP y de su proceso de difusión y discutimos los desafíos de difusión e institucionalización de una política global a nivel local, entre 2013 y 2016. Las principales conclusiones abordan la importancia de institucionalizar las prácticas políticas además de la difusión de políticas; la importancia del análisis microinstitucional y del trabajo institucional en la teoría organizacional para comprender la importancia de los actores clave en el proceso de implementación; y la influencia de la arquitectura institucional en la implementación de la OGP. ; O Brasil tem sido um importante locus de implementação de práticas participativas após sua democratização. Em 2011, ao lado de outros sete governos fundadores, o Brasil endossou a Open Government Partnership (OGP) e anunciou os planos para promover maior transparência nas práticas governamentais. O país passou a fazer parte de uma iniciativa multilateral que hoje reúne mais de 70 países. A partir de sua difusão internacional, essa iniciativa foi incorporada pela cidade de São Paulo, que criou o Comitê Intersecretarial de Governo Aberto em 2014. Descrevemos a incorporação do OGP a partir de seu processo de difusão e discutimos os desafios de difusão e institucionalização de uma política global no nível local, ocorrida entre 2013 e 2016. As principais conclusões abordam a importância da institucionalização das práticas políticas além da difusão de políticas; a importância da análise microinstitucional e do trabalho institucional na teoria organizacional para compreender a importância dos principais agentes no processo de implementação; e a influência da arquitetura institucional na implementação do OGP.

A intelectualidade vivencia uma ruptura com os padrões de consagração vigentes na Primeira República. A partir da tomada do poder por Getúlio Vargas e a Revolução de 1930, tem-se início um novo cenário político. Devido à queda do preço do café, o modelo agroexportador encontrava-se em processo de decadência, pois já não era mais possível manter artificialmente o valor deste produto. Somam-se a este fator as restrições provocadas pela crise financeira de 1929, o que implicou na queda da demanda externa e no surgimento de novos competidores. Neste contexto, os intelectuais estão subordinados de um modo mais intenso à conjuntura política do que propriamente às questões culturais. A função e atuação dos intelectuais ultrapassam, desta maneira, o campo estritamente intelectual e adentram o do político. Assim, o presente trabalho tem como objetivo demonstrar a relação entre a modernização brasileira e o desenvolvimento institucional e intelectual das Ciências Sociais no Brasil. ; La intelectualidad experimenta una ruptura con los estándares de consagración vigentes en la Primera República. A partir de la toma del poder por Getúlio Vargas y la Revolución de 1930, comenzó un nuevo escenario político. Debido a la caída en el precio del café, el modelo de agroexportación estaba en proceso de descomposición, ya que no era posible mantener artificialmente el valor de este producto. A este factor se suman las restricciones causadas por la crisis financiera de 1929, que implicó una caída de la demanda externa y la aparición de nuevos competidores. En este contexto, los intelectuales están más fuertemente subordinados a la situación política que a los asuntos culturales. La función y el desempeño de los intelectuales, de esta manera, van más allá del campo estrictamente intelectual y entran en el de lo político. Así, el presente trabajo tiene como objetivo demostrar la relación entre la modernización brasileña y el desarrollo institucional e intelectual de las Ciencias Sociales en Brasil. ; Intellectuality experiences a rupture with the standards of consecration in force in the First Republic. From the seizure of power by Getúlio Vargas and the 1930 Revolution, a new political scenario began. Due to the drop in the price of coffee, the agro-export model was in a process of decay, as it was no longer possible to artificially maintain the value of this product. Added to this factor are the restrictions caused by the financial crisis of 1929, which implied a drop in external demand and the emergence of new competitors. In this context, intellectuals are more intensely subordinated to the political situation than to cultural issues. The function and performance of intellectuals, in this way, go beyond the strictly intellectual field and enter that of the political. Thus, the present work aims to demonstrate the relationship between Brazilian modernization and the institutional and intellectual development of Social Sciences in Brazil.

Tese de doutoramento em Democracia no séc. XXI, apresentada à Faculdade de Economia da Universidade de Coimbra ; Nas últimas décadas, houve um crescimento exponencial das iniciativas focadas na democracia participativa e deliberativa ao redor do mundo, com um predomínio de experiências locais. No entanto, ao longo do tempo, ficou claro que as experiências em pequena escala apresentam limitações em consubstanciar os novos ideais democráticos. Como tentativas de superar tais limites, é percebido o surgimento de processos supralocais, em contextos regionais e nacionais. Este salto de escala muitas vezes é promovido por instituições estatais e é acompanhado por uma tendência de institucionalização da participação. O objetivo central desta investigação foi analisar as potencialidades e limitações das formas participativas institucionalizadas em nível supralocal enquanto elemento capaz de democratizar a democracia. Para tanto, a investigação teve como objetos de estudo duas políticas públicas institucionalizadas em nível regional, uma no continente europeu e outra na América Latina. O caso do norte global refere-se à Política Toscana de Participação Social, na Itália. Já o caso do sul global trata das formas de participação no âmbito do orçamento do Rio Grande do Sul, no Brasil, as quais incorporam as iniciativas da Consulta Popular e do Sistema Estadual de Participação Popular e Cidadã. Em cerca de dois anos de pesquisa de caráter qualitativo, foram realizados trabalhos de campo que acompanharam a implementação dessas experiências e contaram com a realização de 47 entrevistas semiestruturadas. Os resultados da investigação podem ser divididos em duas categorias, uma com implicações teóricas e outra direcionada às peculiaridades dos processos empíricos. Do ponto de vista teórico, a investigação mostra como as vertentes "puras" da democracia participativa e da democracia deliberativa são inadequadas para compreender e analisar processos institucionalizados supralocais. Nenhuma das duas correntes conseguiu questionar de forma satisfatória os limites de escala definidos por autores que sustentam teoricamente o modelo representativo hegemônico. No que diz respeito à institucionalização, as vertentes puras foram erigidas a partir de uma concepção que trata o Estado e a sociedade civil como categorias distintas, com objetivos e lógicas próprias de funcionamento. No entanto, os processos institucionalizados têm levado ao questionamento das fronteiras entre tais polos e enfatizado a interpenetração entre formas estatais e não-estatais. Para dar conta de refletir sobre casos institucionalizados em larga escala, enfatiza-se o giro teórico identificado no início do século XXI e que trabalha a partir de perspectivas híbridas, que revitaliza conceitos criticados pelas abordagens puras e mescla elementos de ambas as vertentes. Dessa forma, enfatiza-se as abordagens híbridas dos sistemas deliberativos e dos públicos participativos. A primeira surge no norte global, e trabalha a ideia de deliberação possível em contraposição ao ideal deliberativo, retomando a aspiração de transformação ampla do sistema político. A perspectiva sistêmica transita da microescala para a macroescala, onde a ênfase recai na articulação entre instituições e na divisão do trabalho deliberativo. A segunda vertente híbrida abordada tem origem no sul global e percebe o Estado e a sociedade civil como entes não monolíticos, questionando as fronteiras fixas entre ambos. Tal vertente tende a perceber a institucionalização da participação como algo não pernicioso, ao mesmo tempo em que enfatiza objetivos como inclusão política e justiça social. Do ponto de vista empírico, esta investigação mostra que os casos do Rio Grande do Sul e da Toscana representam dois modelos distintos de promover o salto de escala. Nos casos estudados, o aumento de escala foi insuficiente para garantir uma maior influência das formas participativas e deliberativas na transformação ampla do sistema político. No que diz respeito à institucionalização, foi identificado que a formalização por meio de leis contribuiu para a perenidade das políticas, ampliando a resiliência às mudanças de governo. No entanto, a institucionalização formal não garantiu, por si só, a manutenção das iniciativas. Coalizões de defesa foram fundamentais para mobilizar politicamente as leis para que essas garantissem o sustento das experiências. Por fim, foi notado que perenidade e resiliência não significam influência no núcleo central de governo. Em Estados fragmentados e marcados por disputa entre projetos políticos, as iniciativas toscana e gaúcha foram institucionalizadas às margens do sistema político. Assim, apesar de institucionalizadas e relativamente perenes, as iniciativas supralocais estudadas estiveram longe de promover a participação como método de governo, sendo inaptas a estender o ímpeto democratizante para outras arenas no interior do aparato estatal. In the last decades, there has been an exponential growth of initiatives focused on participatory and deliberative democracy around the world, with a predominance of local experiences. However, over time, it has become clear that small-scale experiences have limitations in bringing forth the new democratic ideals. As attempts to overcome such limits, supralocal processes have emerged both in regional and national levels. The scaling-up is often promoted by state institutions and is accompanied by a trend toward the institutionalization of participation processes. This research aims at analysing the potentials and limits of the scaling-up and institutionalization of participatory and deliberative democracy as a tool for democratizing democracy. To this end, this dissertation focuses on the implementation of two public policies at the regional level, one in Europe and the other in Latin America. The global north case is the Tuscan Participation Policy, in Italy. The global south case deals with the social participation in the Rio Grande do Sul state budget, in Brazil, which incorporate the initiatives of the Popular Consultation and the System of Popular and Citizen Participation. I carried out two years of qualitative research and fieldwork on the implementation of these policies, involving 47 semi-structured interviews. The results can be divided in two dimensions, one with theoretical implications and the other related to the empirical processes. From a theoretical point of view, the research shows how the "pure" participatory and deliberative democracy theories are inadequate to analyse the supralocal institutionalized processes. Neither of the two approaches addresses satisfactorily the limits of scale defined by authors who theoretically support the representative hegemonic model. Referring to institutionalization, the "pure" approaches were built on a conception that treats the State and the Civil Society as independent categories, each one with its own objectives and working logics. However, institutionalized processes put into question these boundaries between State and the Civil Society. In order to better analyse the large-scale institutionalized cases, it is necessary to work with hybrid perspectives, which revitalizes concepts criticized by the "pure" participatory and deliberative approaches, merging elements of both lines. In this way, the hybrid approaches of the Deliberative Systems and of the Participatory Publics are emphasized. The first emerges in the global north and works with the idea of "good enough" deliberation and not with the deliberative ideals, revitalizing the aspiration for a broad transformation of the political system. The systemic perspective moves from the microscale to the macro-scale, where the emphasis is on the articulation between institutions and in the deliberative division of labour. The Participatory Publics perspective has its origins in the global south and perceives the state and civil society as non-monolithic entities, questioning the fixed boundaries between these categories. The Participatory Publics approach perceives the institutionalization of participation in a non-negative way, emphasizing goals such as political inclusion and social justice. From an empirical point of view, this research shows that the cases of Rio Grande do Sul and Tuscany represent two different models of promoting the scaling-up of participation and deliberation. In these cases, the increase of scale was insufficient to promote a broad transformation in the political system. In respect to institutionalization, it was identified that the formalization through laws increases the resilience to government changes, contributing to the maintenance of the policies. However, the institutionalization is necessary but not sufficient. Defense Coalitions were fundamental in politically mobilizing the laws to ensure the policies' survival. Finally, it was noted that resilience does not mean influence in the heart of government and in the agenda setting processes. In fragmented states marked by a dispute between political projects, the Tuscan and Rio Grande do Sul initiatives were institutionalized on the margins of the political system. Despite being institutionalized and relatively resilient, the supralocal initiatives studied have not promoted participation as a method of government, and are incapable of extending the democratizing impetus to other arenas within the state apparatus. ; In the last decades, there has been an exponential growth of initiatives focused on participatory and deliberative democracy around the world, with a predominance of local experiences. However, over time, it has become clear that small-scale experiences have limitations in bringing forth the new democratic ideals. As attempts to overcome such limits, supralocal processes have emerged both in regional and national levels. The scaling-up is often promoted by state institutions and is accompanied by a trend toward the institutionalization of participation processes. This research aims at analysing the potentials and limits of the scaling-up and institutionalization of participatory and deliberative democracy as a tool for democratizing democracy. To this end, this dissertation focuses on the implementation of two public policies at the regional level, one in Europe and the other in Latin America. The global north case is the Tuscan Participation Policy, in Italy. The global south case deals with the social participation in the Rio Grande do Sul state budget, in Brazil, which incorporate the initiatives of the Popular Consultation and the System of Popular and Citizen Participation. I carried out two years of qualitative research and fieldwork on the implementation of these policies, involving 47 semi-structured interviews. The results can be divided in two dimensions, one with theoretical implications and the other related to the empirical processes. From a theoretical point of view, the research shows how the "pure" participatory and deliberative democracy theories are inadequate to analyse the supralocal institutionalized processes. Neither of the two approaches addresses satisfactorily the limits of scale defined by authors who theoretically support the representative hegemonic model. Referring to institutionalization, the "pure" approaches were built on a conception that treats the State and the Civil Society as independent categories, each one with its own objectives and working logics. However, institutionalized processes put into question these boundaries between State and the Civil Society. In order to better analyse the large-scale institutionalized cases, it is necessary to work with hybrid perspectives, which revitalizes concepts criticized by the "pure" participatory and deliberative approaches, merging elements of both lines. In this way, the hybrid approaches of the Deliberative Systems and of the Participatory Publics are emphasized. The first emerges in the global north and works with the idea of "good enough" deliberation and not with the deliberative ideals, revitalizing the aspiration for a broad transformation of the political system. The systemic perspective moves from the microscale to the macro-scale, where the emphasis is on the articulation between institutions and in the deliberative division of labour. The Participatory Publics perspective has its origins in the global south and perceives the state and civil society as nonmonolithic entities, questioning the fixed boundaries between these categories. The Participatory Publics approach perceives the institutionalization of participation in a nonnegative way, emphasizing goals such as political inclusion and social justice. From an empirical point of view, this research shows that the cases of Rio Grande do Sul and Tuscany represent two different models of promoting the scaling-up of participation and deliberation. In these cases, the increase of scale was insufficient to promote a broad transformation in the political system. In respect to institutionalization, it was identified that the formalization through laws increases the resilience to government changes, contributing to the maintenance of the policies. However, the institutionalization is necessary but not sufficient. Defense Coalitions were fundamental in politically mobilizing the laws to ensure the policies' survival. Finally, it was noted that resilience does not mean influence in the heart of government and in the agenda setting processes. In fragmented states marked by a dispute between political projects, the Tuscan and Rio Grande do Sul initiatives were institutionalized on the margins of the political system. Despite being institutionalized and relatively resilient, the supralocal initiatives studied have not promoted participation as a method of government, and are incapable of extending the democratizing impetus to other arenas within the state apparatus. ; CNPq, Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico – Brasil (ref. 211410/2013-6)

With the theme arrangements for Brazilian municipalities in the field of public policy and education management from the late 1980s, this article is the result of bibliographic and documental study, seeks to map/describe the changes regarding the role of municipalities in the definition of public policies and management education in their territories, forged from the late 1980s to the early twenty-first century, particularly by the context of political liberalization; by the rules; by acts of the National Council of Education; for programs, projects and activities of federal governments; and actions of entities linked by the municipal education. The literature, the paper reports that in the history of Brazilian education, content of municipal autonomy does not remain uniform. In the late 1980s, education, municipalities experience assignments education system. In the 1990s, at least formally, the emphasis and technical guidance turn to the actual process of institutionalization of municipal systems of education / teaching and the need to address the efficiency of municipal systems. In the 2000s, continuing educational programs to support municipalities and is strengthened defense Contribution System, for the establishment of municipal systems of education/teaching. However, problems persist and historical weaknesses with the performance of these federal spheres institutionalization of municipal education and, therefore, to guarantee the right to education.

The aim of the present article is to assess the main aspects of the institutionalization of party politics at the European Union level. The Political Parties at European Level (PPELs) originated outside the European institutions and were basically, before the approval of Regulation 2004‑2003, transnational federations of national political parties. The introduction of public funding from the eu budget to the PPELs aimed to institutionalize and reinforce these organizations. However, the influence of ppels in the European political sphere is still limited. Two institutional and political changes – namely the approval of a new Statute for European Parties and the nomination of candidates for the Presidency of the EU Commission – have been implemented, but their consequences on the consolidation of PPELs still need to be verified empirically.

Since the 1988 Constitution was enacted, the agenda of social participation in the policy process has acquired a remarkable importance in Brazil. It is no wonder that policies in the public security sector also came to experience a quick development in that regard. In 2009-2010, the country saw both the first National Conference on Public Security (CONSEG) and a reform of the National Council on Public Security (CONASP). Drawing from a neoinstitutionalist perspective, at the theoretical level, and mobilizing multiple research methods, at the empirical level, this article looks at: i) the process of CONASP's reform; ii) the experience of the transitional CONASP; and iii) the possible forms of interaction between the permanent CONASP and the National Policy on Public Security (NPPS). In doing so, the article wishes to contribute to the institutionalization and effectiveness of democratic forms of governance in the public security sector.

This paper aims to present the first results of a research that has been developed in the scope of the doctorate about the institutionalization of pharmacy in Brazil in the 19th century - more specifically between 1808 and 1891, that is, from the first medical and pharmaceutical classes. in surgery schools until the creation of the first Faculty of Pharmacy in Brazilian territory. One of the proposals of this research is to investigate the construction and the regularization of the professional of the graduated and licensed pharmacy, according to the requirements of the time. In this way, this article seeks to analyze what the first laws aimed at pharmacy professionals predicted, and how they would have contributed so that the "true pharmacists" could be identified and differentiated from others who, although producing and selling medicines and, consequently, were part of the scenario of the 19th century carioca pharmacy, were not regulated and, under

The article presents an analysis of the recent dismantling of the Union of South-American Nations (UNASUR) under the governments of the liberal-conservative turn recently experienced in South America. Through the mobilization of excerpts from speeches by Heads of State in the region, it is possible to note that the allegedly "ideological" character of UNASUR is presented as the main justification for leaving the institution. Having that in mind, the main objective of the article is to interrogate narratives about the 'ideological' character of UNASUL. For that, the article presents a literature review on regionalism, pragmatism and ideology to challenge this narrative. It is argued, first, that pragmatism and ideology in regionalism are not dichotomous, but complementary concepts. Moreover, despite UNASUR's ideological elements, the organization represents a series of alignments and pragmatic factors in its institutionalization and performance. Finally, it is argued that the proposals for "de-ideologization" and "pragmatic realignment" of the regionalism of the new rights in South America are, in fact, more ideological than pragmatic as they claim.

This text aims to analyze the political dynamics that triggered fundamental changes in the institutional trajectory of PNAE, as well as to differentiate the phases that the program has assumed in its history and the processes of change that occurred between them. In this sense, the effort expended aimed to identify the main determinants (political and economic) of the institutionalization (process of formation of normative standards) of PNAE, emphasizing its conjunctural specificities regarding the assumed intervention patterns, especially regarding financing strategies, inter-federative coordination and definition of suppliers. The systematization of the information allowed us to characterize four very remarkable phases in the development of the program since the 1950s, when the theme entered the federal agenda. The institutional changes that took place followed an incremental trajectory, associated with endogenous and exogenous factors that affected their regulatory dynamics. The theoretical support of historical institutionalism allowed a refinement of the analytical framework of the processes of change between each of the indicated phases.

In this article, we analyze the Universidade Aberta do Brasil (UAB [Open University of Brazil]) program, the aim of which is to democratize the Brazilian educational system, through the distance education modality and its institutionalization in the University of Brasília (UnB). We question the democratizing intent of the program, based on contemporary theses that speak of the renewal of education reproduction dynamics and on the specialized literature already accumulated on the program in question. Precisely, we question whether the educational modality at issue becomes stratified, in a type of intra-institutional duality. For this, interviews were conducted with coordinators of undergraduate distance programs, seeking to analyze the several dimensions of the supposed intra-institutional duality generated by the program. A documental analysis was also conducted, aimed at complementing the understanding of the subject and reaching the goal of the research. A complex institutional scenario was found, with significant changes over the years of application of the program. However, it became clear that institutional and teaching operations, and community relations in distance programs, in several aspects, are marginal to face-to-face programs. After an analysis of the research results, it was concluded that the distance modality is confined to merely partial institutionalization and inclusion, reinforcing the theses of the theory of reproduction in its most current versions. ; Neste artigo, analisamos o programa Universidade Aberta do Brasil (UAB) que visa à democratização do sistema educacional brasileiro através da modalidade a distância e sua institucionalização na Universidade de Brasília (UnB). Questiona-se a pretensão democratizante do programa a partir das teses contemporâneas que versam a respeito da renovação das dinâmicas de reprodução educacional e da literatura especializada já acumulada acerca do programa em questão. Precisamente, se a modalidade educacional em questão se estratificaria na forma de uma dualidade intrainstitucional. Para tanto, foram realizadas entrevistas com coordenadores de curso de graduação a distância, buscando analisar as diversas dimensões da suposta dualidade intrainstitucional gerada pelo programa. Uma análise documental também foi mobilizada, visando a complementar o entendimento do objeto e atingir o objetivo da pesquisa. Constatou-se um complexo cenário institucional, com significativas modificações no decorrer dos anos de aplicação do programa. No entanto, ficou claro que as operações institucionais e didáticas e as relações comunitárias dos cursos a distância, em vários aspectos, ocorrem de forma marginal ao presencial. Após análise dos resultados da pesquisa, conclui-se que a modalidade a distância se encerra em uma institucionalização e inclusão apenas parcial, reforçando as teses da teoria da reprodução em suas versões mais atuais.