The success of public security policy is determined not only by the competence of the relevant field officials, but also by reasonably prepared strategic plan for public security measures and its implementation. Such a plan must be prepared on a regular basis in the context of the application of public safety measures - the state of social life and trends in its development. Therefore, the article analyzes the guidelines for the study of the state of social life and trends in trends. The paradigm of social life is a set of theoretical and methodological assumptions that can be used to reveal the features of social sociality, its value status and the evolving tendencies of development. The main attention is paid to revealing the basic ideas of social life, whose interaction plays a methodological role in examining the state of social life of a particular society. They are based on three paradigms of social life - closed, open and hollow society. This methodology reveals the features of the development of the social life status of Lithuanian society. In the process of transition from the state of the sovietised closed society to a classical open society, a collage society, characterized by a distinctive cluster of closed and open society, arose. The study revealed that the emergence of a new paradigm of social life, the tendency for the formation of a hollow society, is emerging.
The success of public security policy is determined not only by the competence of the relevant field officials, but also by reasonably prepared strategic plan for public security measures and its implementation. Such a plan must be prepared on a regular basis in the context of the application of public safety measures - the state of social life and trends in its development. Therefore, the article analyzes the guidelines for the study of the state of social life and trends in trends. The paradigm of social life is a set of theoretical and methodological assumptions that can be used to reveal the features of social sociality, its value status and the evolving tendencies of development. The main attention is paid to revealing the basic ideas of social life, whose interaction plays a methodological role in examining the state of social life of a particular society. They are based on three paradigms of social life - closed, open and hollow society. This methodology reveals the features of the development of the social life status of Lithuanian society. In the process of transition from the state of the sovietised closed society to a classical open society, a collage society, characterized by a distinctive cluster of closed and open society, arose. The study revealed that the emergence of a new paradigm of social life, the tendency for the formation of a hollow society, is emerging.
The subject of the thesis: the influence of social investigation to the efficiency for the activity of educational organizations. The objective of the thesis is to determine the significance of the results of social investigation to the educational organizations. In the first part of the thesis it is made the analysis of the scientific research. It is discussed the condition of the educational institutions, the analysis of its situation and solving the problems. It is being determined the indicators of the activity for the educational organizations and it is discussed the social investigation which are being performed in the years of 2003 - 2012. Also it is being discussed the perspectives of the activity of educational institutions in order to improve their work. In the second part of the thesis it was performed an investigation by applying the method of survey by making a questionnaire and the purpose of it is to clearify the influence of social analysis for the efficiency of educational institutions. The respondents will help to identify what kind of social investigations are being applied in the educational institutions and what is their benefit for the efficiency of education. The relevancy of this thesis: the main problem is the efficiency of investigations for the educology. The investigator of the educational problems is not able to create his secondary or high school where he could try one of the other novelties of the education. Rare head of secondary school or the dean of the faculty of university will risk to rely on the scientist especially young one competence and the reality of his ideas. In the politics of education it is being permitted to apply just trustful pedagogical measures if there are no conditions for this; mostly it is not even able to reward for the teachers for their job in realizing the ideas of the scientists. In the world it is permitted a lot of narrow purposes educological scientific and methodical magazines. In the aspect of the amount of educological articles Lithuanian scientists are far from the world practice. One of the main reasons of that is the insufficient qualified culture of application of the investigation methodology. It is because of the lack of the sponsorship, the social investigations in the education sphere takes a lot of time, use the resources, the incompetence of the workers is making the influence for the results of the investigations. Hypothesis: the social investigations applied in Lithuania are not determining the results of the activity of the educational organizations. The main conclusions of the investigation: Investigation revealed the main defects for which it should be put more attention in order to improve the organization of social investigations and to improve the efficiency of the educational organizations. Relying on the opinion of the respondents it should be put more financial support while applying social investigations. Most of the employers of the educational institutions have no competence to organize and perform the social investigations. Lecturers / teachers have no time to apply the social investigations. There is no stability, clearance and concreteness. Most of the respondents think that social investigations have no big influence for the efficiency for the activity of the educational institutions.
The subject of the thesis: the influence of social investigation to the efficiency for the activity of educational organizations. The objective of the thesis is to determine the significance of the results of social investigation to the educational organizations. In the first part of the thesis it is made the analysis of the scientific research. It is discussed the condition of the educational institutions, the analysis of its situation and solving the problems. It is being determined the indicators of the activity for the educational organizations and it is discussed the social investigation which are being performed in the years of 2003 - 2012. Also it is being discussed the perspectives of the activity of educational institutions in order to improve their work. In the second part of the thesis it was performed an investigation by applying the method of survey by making a questionnaire and the purpose of it is to clearify the influence of social analysis for the efficiency of educational institutions. The respondents will help to identify what kind of social investigations are being applied in the educational institutions and what is their benefit for the efficiency of education. The relevancy of this thesis: the main problem is the efficiency of investigations for the educology. The investigator of the educational problems is not able to create his secondary or high school where he could try one of the other novelties of the education. Rare head of secondary school or the dean of the faculty of university will risk to rely on the scientist especially young one competence and the reality of his ideas. In the politics of education it is being permitted to apply just trustful pedagogical measures if there are no conditions for this; mostly it is not even able to reward for the teachers for their job in realizing the ideas of the scientists. In the world it is permitted a lot of narrow purposes educological scientific and methodical magazines. In the aspect of the amount of educological articles Lithuanian scientists are far from the world practice. One of the main reasons of that is the insufficient qualified culture of application of the investigation methodology. It is because of the lack of the sponsorship, the social investigations in the education sphere takes a lot of time, use the resources, the incompetence of the workers is making the influence for the results of the investigations. Hypothesis: the social investigations applied in Lithuania are not determining the results of the activity of the educational organizations. The main conclusions of the investigation: Investigation revealed the main defects for which it should be put more attention in order to improve the organization of social investigations and to improve the efficiency of the educational organizations. Relying on the opinion of the respondents it should be put more financial support while applying social investigations. Most of the employers of the educational institutions have no competence to organize and perform the social investigations. Lecturers / teachers have no time to apply the social investigations. There is no stability, clearance and concreteness. Most of the respondents think that social investigations have no big influence for the efficiency for the activity of the educational institutions.
Women's exposure to political power and their influence on policies has expanded tremendously in recent decades. However, females are nowhere proportional to males in their impact and practice of political legitimacy although political empowerment research on women's role is continuing. The Indian government national program of 'Panchayati Raj Institutions' act of 1992 was an outstanding policy mechanism for increasing women's political participation at the national level. This act provides 50 % reservation seats for women in the Local Self Government, and thus women were capable of attaining power in the political realm. Through this policy, there is a greater possibility for women to elected in the political realms and thus process a higher role in welfare mechanisms in their respective administrative locality than before. In this context, this article aims to explore the importance of the Panchayati Raj Institution policy on the political empowerment of women in the panchayat. To find out the impact of policy, this paper conducted an empirical study by collecting the primary data from elected women representatives in one district of Kerala. The results could assess the significance of increasing women's political empowerment and their position in Kerala society.
Women's exposure to political power and their influence on policies has expanded tremendously in recent decades. However, females are nowhere proportional to males in their impact and practice of political legitimacy although political empowerment research on women's role is continuing. The Indian government national program of 'Panchayati Raj Institutions' act of 1992 was an outstanding policy mechanism for increasing women's political participation at the national level. This act provides 50 % reservation seats for women in the Local Self Government, and thus women were capable of attaining power in the political realm. Through this policy, there is a greater possibility for women to elected in the political realms and thus process a higher role in welfare mechanisms in their respective administrative locality than before. In this context, this article aims to explore the importance of the Panchayati Raj Institution policy on the political empowerment of women in the panchayat. To find out the impact of policy, this paper conducted an empirical study by collecting the primary data from elected women representatives in one district of Kerala. The results could assess the significance of increasing women's political empowerment and their position in Kerala society.
Women's exposure to political power and their influence on policies has expanded tremendously in recent decades. However, females are nowhere proportional to males in their impact and practice of political legitimacy although political empowerment research on women's role is continuing. The Indian government national program of 'Panchayati Raj Institutions' act of 1992 was an outstanding policy mechanism for increasing women's political participation at the national level. This act provides 50 % reservation seats for women in the Local Self Government, and thus women were capable of attaining power in the political realm. Through this policy, there is a greater possibility for women to elected in the political realms and thus process a higher role in welfare mechanisms in their respective administrative locality than before. In this context, this article aims to explore the importance of the Panchayati Raj Institution policy on the political empowerment of women in the panchayat. To find out the impact of policy, this paper conducted an empirical study by collecting the primary data from elected women representatives in one district of Kerala. The results could assess the significance of increasing women's political empowerment and their position in Kerala society.
Women's exposure to political power and their influence on policies has expanded tremendously in recent decades. However, females are nowhere proportional to males in their impact and practice of political legitimacy although political empowerment research on women's role is continuing. The Indian government national program of 'Panchayati Raj Institutions' act of 1992 was an outstanding policy mechanism for increasing women's political participation at the national level. This act provides 50 % reservation seats for women in the Local Self Government, and thus women were capable of attaining power in the political realm. Through this policy, there is a greater possibility for women to elected in the political realms and thus process a higher role in welfare mechanisms in their respective administrative locality than before. In this context, this article aims to explore the importance of the Panchayati Raj Institution policy on the political empowerment of women in the panchayat. To find out the impact of policy, this paper conducted an empirical study by collecting the primary data from elected women representatives in one district of Kerala. The results could assess the significance of increasing women's political empowerment and their position in Kerala society.
The article is dedicated to the discussion about the notions of the 'political system' and 'political regime' in the fields of its meanings as autonomous analytical constructions. The main arguments are that the 'political system' describes a stable and normal political process and determinate interrelations between power structures and civil society institutions as a complex sociopolitical unity. On the other hand, concept of 'political regime' stresses dynamic aspects of the government activity as a realization of the basic political functions. Pointing to the fact that a political system explains events and relations in the modern democratic context and a regime -- its peculiarities in the process of decision-making, the authors share attention to specific negative aspects of the separate interpretation and recognition of the various forms in the national politics spheres. All these conditions may sharp influence over the quality of the authority decisions, feedback among political institutions as a civic interests representatives etc. And otherwise, this implies that the political systems and political regimes realize an isomorphic similarity for taking evasive action between them. Adapted from the source document.
This article is focused on the relation between the political institutional conditions (regime properties) and collective violence. Relying on works of Charles Tilly, two most important properties of regimes (political institutional conditions) that could affect the occurrence and intensity of collective violence are discerned: regime (governmental) capacity and democracy level. Empirical-graphical analysis finds no relation between the democracy level and degree/occurrence of collective violence. However, statistically significant relationship between the governmental capacity (measured as polity fragmentation index) and degree of collective violence is found. Moreover, higher levels of collective violence are observed in the low capacity- undemocratic regimes, but the most successful in terms of containment of collective violence are high-capacity undemocratic regimes (not high capacity-democratic, as formulated in the hypothesis). Adapted from the source document.
Until the last major recession, there was an approach in macroeconomics that income distribution was not significant for macroeconomic processes. However, the recent major recession has prompted policymakers and economists to take into account the phenomenon of income inequality, its economic and social causes and consequences related to poverty, social inclusion, social trust, support of democratic institutions, economic growth, financial and other issues. In recent years, income inequality has been rising in many countries, and the International Monetary Fund, the OECD and other organizations underline the importance of addressing this problem. It is important to choose the right measures to make the right decisions in order to address the issues of growing income inequality. Their choice is influenced by the identification of factors influencing the change of income inequality and the impact assessment. The scale and change of income inequality can be influenced by the factors related to the market economy (globalization, technological progress) and the institutional factors (setting the rules of the game on the market, creating a certain environment). According to the factors analysed in the research, three groups of authors can be distinguished. Some authors (Asteriou, Dimelis, Moudatsou, 2014, Cabral, García-Díaz, Mollick, 2016, Lim, McNelis, 2016, Sheng, 2015, Haan, Sturm, 2017, Wade, 2004, Alvarez, 2015, Elmawazini, Sharif, Manga, Drucker, 2013, Jaumotte, Lall, Papageorgiou, 2013, Çelik, Basdas, 2010, Hermes, 2014, Richmond, Triplett, 2017, Franco, Gerussi, 2013, Stockhammer, Guschanski, Köhler, 2016, Soons, 2016, Jaumotte, Lall, Papageorgiou, 2008) investigate and assess the impact of market factors (globalization, financialization, technological progress) on income inequality, while other authors or the group of authors (IMF, 2014, Arestis, Gonzalez-Martinez, 2016, Checchi, Josifidis, Supic, Beker Pucar, 2017, Feld, Schnellenbach, 2014, Obadić, Šimurina, Sonora, 2014, Calderón, Chong, 2009, Checchi, García-Peñalosa, 2008, Saez, 2017, Jaumotte, Buitron, 2015, Bastagli, Coady, Gupta, 2012, Kenworthy, Pontusson, 2005) distinguish the impact of institutional factors (labour market institutions, welfare state) on income inequality. According to J. E. Stiglitz (2016), the market does not operate in a vacuum – it operates within an institutional setting. Therefore, the third group of authors can be identified that assess the impact of both market and institutional factors on inequality (Stiglitz, 2016, Atkinson, 2003, Josifidis, Supic, 2017, Josifidis, Mitrović, Supić, Glavaški, 2016, Huber, Stephens, 2014, Darcillon, 2015, Lin, Fu, 2016, Ghossoub, Reed, 2017, Kristal, Cohen, 2017, Alderson, Nielsen, 2002, Kus, 2012, Tridico, 2015, Dabla-Norris, Kochhar, Ricka, Suphaphiphat, Tsounta, 2015, Jain-Chandra, Kinda, Kochhar, Piao, Schauer, 2016). The results of empirical studies assessing the impact of different factors on income inequality are contradictory. There is a disagreement on the distinction between different factors influencing the change of inequality as well as the direction and strength of their impact. Therefore, it is relevant to determine what factors determine income inequality and what is their impact on income inequality. The aim of the research is on the basis of empirical research to analyse the impact of factors influencing the change of income inequality, to identify which factors have the greatest impact. Research methods are as follows: analysis, grouping and generalization of scientific articles. On the basis of the analysis of the studies, which evaluated the factors determining income inequality, five groups of factors determining income inequality have been identified: 1) globalization; 2) technological progress; 3) financialization; 4) labour market institutions; 5) welfare state. It is possible to state that some studies assess the impact of only one set of factors on the change of income inequality: globalization, financialization, labour market institutions or technological progress, while other studies assess more than two groups of factors. This reflects the authors' differing views on the factors and how they influence the change of income inequality. On the basis of the empirical results analysed in this research, it can be concluded that globalization tends to increase income inequality. However, the results of some studies show that globalization increases income inequality in both developed and developing countries, while the results of other studies show that globalization reduces income inequality in developing countries. The research assessing the impact of factors determining income inequality in EU countries (Asteriou, Dimelis, Moudatsou, 2014) found that in some countries (Austria, Belgium, Germany, France, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Greece, Italy, Ireland, Portugal, Spain) the globalization led to the decrease in income inequality and in other countries (Finland, Sweden, Denmark and the new EU countries) it led to the increase. It has been found that: 1) the impact of trade globalization on changes of income inequality is ambiguous: in some studies it reduces income inequality, in others it increases income inequality or the impact is insignificant; 2) the impact of financial globalization on changes of income inequality is usually positive. Summarizing the impact of technological progress on income inequality, it has been found that technological progress increases income inequality, but the use of information and communication technologies (Internet and mobile communication) reduces income inequality. The impact of the group of financialization factors on income inequality is also ambiguous: 1) financial deepening increases income inequality by investigating the impact in many countries of the world, but it decreases it in developed countries; 2) if the impact of some financial development indicators on inequality is insignificant, then the impact of ratio between bank credits and GDP increases income inequality; 3) financial liberalization increases income inequality; 4) banking crises increase income inequality; 5) the intensity of microfinance reduces income inequality. One of the indicators of labour market institutions (trade union membership) is mentioned in the studies as both reducing and increasing (through channels of wage differences and unemployment rate) income inequality. The results of empirical research show that income inequality is reduced by labour protection laws, bargaining power in wage setting, and it is increased by labour market flexibility, capital per worker (through part of work and unemployment channels) and the ratio of minimum and average wage (through the gap of pay and unemployment rate channels). The factors of welfare state have a positive impact and reduce income inequality. The results of the research do not provide an unambiguous answer, but most evidence shows that labour market institutions and welfare state factors reduce income inequality, while factors of technological progress and financialization increase income inequality. In summary, technological advances, labour market institutions and globalization have the greatest impact on changes of income inequality.
Until the last major recession, there was an approach in macroeconomics that income distribution was not significant for macroeconomic processes. However, the recent major recession has prompted policymakers and economists to take into account the phenomenon of income inequality, its economic and social causes and consequences related to poverty, social inclusion, social trust, support of democratic institutions, economic growth, financial and other issues. In recent years, income inequality has been rising in many countries, and the International Monetary Fund, the OECD and other organizations underline the importance of addressing this problem. It is important to choose the right measures to make the right decisions in order to address the issues of growing income inequality. Their choice is influenced by the identification of factors influencing the change of income inequality and the impact assessment. The scale and change of income inequality can be influenced by the factors related to the market economy (globalization, technological progress) and the institutional factors (setting the rules of the game on the market, creating a certain environment). According to the factors analysed in the research, three groups of authors can be distinguished. Some authors (Asteriou, Dimelis, Moudatsou, 2014, Cabral, García-Díaz, Mollick, 2016, Lim, McNelis, 2016, Sheng, 2015, Haan, Sturm, 2017, Wade, 2004, Alvarez, 2015, Elmawazini, Sharif, Manga, Drucker, 2013, Jaumotte, Lall, Papageorgiou, 2013, Çelik, Basdas, 2010, Hermes, 2014, Richmond, Triplett, 2017, Franco, Gerussi, 2013, Stockhammer, Guschanski, Köhler, 2016, Soons, 2016, Jaumotte, Lall, Papageorgiou, 2008) investigate and assess the impact of market factors (globalization, financialization, technological progress) on income inequality, while other authors or the group of authors (IMF, 2014, Arestis, Gonzalez-Martinez, 2016, Checchi, Josifidis, Supic, Beker Pucar, 2017, Feld, Schnellenbach, 2014, Obadić, Šimurina, Sonora, 2014, Calderón, Chong, 2009, Checchi, García-Peñalosa, 2008, Saez, 2017, Jaumotte, Buitron, 2015, Bastagli, Coady, Gupta, 2012, Kenworthy, Pontusson, 2005) distinguish the impact of institutional factors (labour market institutions, welfare state) on income inequality. According to J. E. Stiglitz (2016), the market does not operate in a vacuum – it operates within an institutional setting. Therefore, the third group of authors can be identified that assess the impact of both market and institutional factors on inequality (Stiglitz, 2016, Atkinson, 2003, Josifidis, Supic, 2017, Josifidis, Mitrović, Supić, Glavaški, 2016, Huber, Stephens, 2014, Darcillon, 2015, Lin, Fu, 2016, Ghossoub, Reed, 2017, Kristal, Cohen, 2017, Alderson, Nielsen, 2002, Kus, 2012, Tridico, 2015, Dabla-Norris, Kochhar, Ricka, Suphaphiphat, Tsounta, 2015, Jain-Chandra, Kinda, Kochhar, Piao, Schauer, 2016). The results of empirical studies assessing the impact of different factors on income inequality are contradictory. There is a disagreement on the distinction between different factors influencing the change of inequality as well as the direction and strength of their impact. Therefore, it is relevant to determine what factors determine income inequality and what is their impact on income inequality. The aim of the research is on the basis of empirical research to analyse the impact of factors influencing the change of income inequality, to identify which factors have the greatest impact. Research methods are as follows: analysis, grouping and generalization of scientific articles. On the basis of the analysis of the studies, which evaluated the factors determining income inequality, five groups of factors determining income inequality have been identified: 1) globalization; 2) technological progress; 3) financialization; 4) labour market institutions; 5) welfare state. It is possible to state that some studies assess the impact of only one set of factors on the change of income inequality: globalization, financialization, labour market institutions or technological progress, while other studies assess more than two groups of factors. This reflects the authors' differing views on the factors and how they influence the change of income inequality. On the basis of the empirical results analysed in this research, it can be concluded that globalization tends to increase income inequality. However, the results of some studies show that globalization increases income inequality in both developed and developing countries, while the results of other studies show that globalization reduces income inequality in developing countries. The research assessing the impact of factors determining income inequality in EU countries (Asteriou, Dimelis, Moudatsou, 2014) found that in some countries (Austria, Belgium, Germany, France, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Greece, Italy, Ireland, Portugal, Spain) the globalization led to the decrease in income inequality and in other countries (Finland, Sweden, Denmark and the new EU countries) it led to the increase. It has been found that: 1) the impact of trade globalization on changes of income inequality is ambiguous: in some studies it reduces income inequality, in others it increases income inequality or the impact is insignificant; 2) the impact of financial globalization on changes of income inequality is usually positive. Summarizing the impact of technological progress on income inequality, it has been found that technological progress increases income inequality, but the use of information and communication technologies (Internet and mobile communication) reduces income inequality. The impact of the group of financialization factors on income inequality is also ambiguous: 1) financial deepening increases income inequality by investigating the impact in many countries of the world, but it decreases it in developed countries; 2) if the impact of some financial development indicators on inequality is insignificant, then the impact of ratio between bank credits and GDP increases income inequality; 3) financial liberalization increases income inequality; 4) banking crises increase income inequality; 5) the intensity of microfinance reduces income inequality. One of the indicators of labour market institutions (trade union membership) is mentioned in the studies as both reducing and increasing (through channels of wage differences and unemployment rate) income inequality. The results of empirical research show that income inequality is reduced by labour protection laws, bargaining power in wage setting, and it is increased by labour market flexibility, capital per worker (through part of work and unemployment channels) and the ratio of minimum and average wage (through the gap of pay and unemployment rate channels). The factors of welfare state have a positive impact and reduce income inequality. The results of the research do not provide an unambiguous answer, but most evidence shows that labour market institutions and welfare state factors reduce income inequality, while factors of technological progress and financialization increase income inequality. In summary, technological advances, labour market institutions and globalization have the greatest impact on changes of income inequality.
The paper analyses the change in the level of social generalized trust (or trust in people in general) and political trust (or public trust in political institutions) in the three Baltic States (Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia). The study covers data of the period from 1990 to 2018 that allows monitoring whether and how level of trust in the societies of these countries has changed under democratic conditions. Analysis of international comparative studies shows that the level of social and political trust in the Baltic States remained similar during the study period, although overall there has been a slight increase, in particular of trust in political institutions. Comparing the countries, it can be stated that Estonia has managed to accumulate bigger reserve of trust than Latvia or Lithuania. In the latter, trust in the country's political institutions remains relatively low; in all three countries the level of social trust can be described as moderate, with around one third of citizens trusting other people in general. Also, a very low public trust in political parties is commonly characteristic to the three states. Data reveal a tendency of externalisation of political trust. Though citizen of all three Baltic countries have higher than EU average levels of trust in European institutions, the gap between levels of public trust in national and EU institutions is in particular characteristic for Latvia and Lithuania (whereas Estonians trust national and EU institutions at similar levels). Lacking trust in national governments and parliaments, Lithuanians and Latvians tend to compensate placing more trust in the EU institutions. Though the three Baltic States had a similar path of transformation into democratic system, the ability to accumulate trust in people and institutions is somewhat different. The data show that Estonia is slightly more successful in formation of culture of trust whereas Latvia and Lithuania continuously have lower levels of trust over the period.
The paper analyses the change in the level of social generalized trust (or trust in people in general) and political trust (or public trust in political institutions) in the three Baltic States (Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia). The study covers data of the period from 1990 to 2018 that allows monitoring whether and how level of trust in the societies of these countries has changed under democratic conditions. Analysis of international comparative studies shows that the level of social and political trust in the Baltic States remained similar during the study period, although overall there has been a slight increase, in particular of trust in political institutions. Comparing the countries, it can be stated that Estonia has managed to accumulate bigger reserve of trust than Latvia or Lithuania. In the latter, trust in the country's political institutions remains relatively low; in all three countries the level of social trust can be described as moderate, with around one third of citizens trusting other people in general. Also, a very low public trust in political parties is commonly characteristic to the three states. Data reveal a tendency of externalisation of political trust. Though citizen of all three Baltic countries have higher than EU average levels of trust in European institutions, the gap between levels of public trust in national and EU institutions is in particular characteristic for Latvia and Lithuania (whereas Estonians trust national and EU institutions at similar levels). Lacking trust in national governments and parliaments, Lithuanians and Latvians tend to compensate placing more trust in the EU institutions. Though the three Baltic States had a similar path of transformation into democratic system, the ability to accumulate trust in people and institutions is somewhat different. The data show that Estonia is slightly more successful in formation of culture of trust whereas Latvia and Lithuania continuously have lower levels of trust over the period.
The paper analyses the change in the level of social generalized trust (or trust in people in general) and political trust (or public trust in political institutions) in the three Baltic States (Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia). The study covers data of the period from 1990 to 2018 that allows monitoring whether and how level of trust in the societies of these countries has changed under democratic conditions. Analysis of international comparative studies shows that the level of social and political trust in the Baltic States remained similar during the study period, although overall there has been a slight increase, in particular of trust in political institutions. Comparing the countries, it can be stated that Estonia has managed to accumulate bigger reserve of trust than Latvia or Lithuania. In the latter, trust in the country's political institutions remains relatively low; in all three countries the level of social trust can be described as moderate, with around one third of citizens trusting other people in general. Also, a very low public trust in political parties is commonly characteristic to the three states. Data reveal a tendency of externalisation of political trust. Though citizen of all three Baltic countries have higher than EU average levels of trust in European institutions, the gap between levels of public trust in national and EU institutions is in particular characteristic for Latvia and Lithuania (whereas Estonians trust national and EU institutions at similar levels). Lacking trust in national governments and parliaments, Lithuanians and Latvians tend to compensate placing more trust in the EU institutions. Though the three Baltic States had a similar path of transformation into democratic system, the ability to accumulate trust in people and institutions is somewhat different. The data show that Estonia is slightly more successful in formation of culture of trust whereas Latvia and Lithuania continuously have lower levels of trust over the period.
