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Abstract. The article analyses the innovative Marxist conceptualisation of
politics proposed by the Slovenian political scientist Adolf Bibič. The latter
built on the contributions of Heglo-Marxists and Gramsci to political theory.
At the core of his theory, he placed the question of the political power–class exploitation relationship. He distinguished political politics from self-managing politics, and problematised the dominant Western understandings of politics as well as the theories of elitism and pluralism. Moving away from such theories and dogmatic Marxist notions about the withering away of politics, he formulated his project of humanising politics beyond class exploitation and capitalist relations of production. This project assumed a necessary transformation of political practice in terms of the dialectical process of the socialisation of politics and the politicisation of society.
Keywords: Adolf Bibič, politics, political science, class relations, economic
exploitation.

Abstract. The article explores the significance held by political myths for
legitimacy and politics. To that end, we examine political myth in line with
the contemporary theory of political myth, which understands political
myths as an integral part of all political communities that is not inherent
to just authoritarian and totalitarian regimes. Every political community
has their own stories/narratives that are accepted by most of the population and form the base of the legitimacy of the political order, whether it be a democratic or a non-democratic political order. In the final part of the article, we examine which narratives had such a legitimising power by analysing the political speeches of Franjo Tuđman while he was in office.
Keywords: legitimacy, politics, political myth, political speech analysis,
Tuđman.

Although the new international economic
order (NIEO) has mostly been assessed as a failure, its
ideas still seem relevant in today's crisis environment.
The new context clearly shows that the existing liberal
international order is ineffective and calls for deep
changes like in the times of the developing countries'
fight for the NIEO. The article considers whether its
principles remain of relevance today, which ones have
been amended and which should be newly introduced,
all based on NIEO-related lessons. Dilemmas between
international law or a rules-based order as a framework for global governance and whether the proposed
new inclusive global economic order is to be based on
values (and if so, which) are evaluated.
Keywords: new international economic order, new
inclusive global economic order, rules-based order, values, principles, international law, global governance,
lessons

This article addresses the deficiency in the area of human rights scholarship in International Relations (IR) by examining the theoretical advancements in IR theory that have led to the emergence of non-state collective actors as a pertinent research topic. It provides a review of the trajectory of the constructivist theoretical approach, which has brought major advancements in how international non-state actors are conceptualised in the human rights IR literature. This considers the limitations and implications of side-lining collective non-state actors within IR theory, arguing that expanding the theoretical understanding of how different collective actors are constituted and attributed with agency can enrich IR human rights scholarship. The article also proposes a potential way forward with respect to non-state collective actors in human rights in IR by identifying a research programme based on practiceoriented approaches to help broaden the ability of scholars to foster interdisciplinary conversations. Expanding along these lines would bridge the existing boundaries within scholarly and disciplinary contexts. Keywords: non-state actors, state-centrism, collectives, international relations, human rights, international actors, constructivism

Notions of the power associated with the European Union's foreign policy and its role in international relations are mostly liberal in origin. This explains the EU's special role in the Cold War era and that it has since emerged more as a moral, ethical and normative power. The EU's lack of military capability has probably been the main cause that prevents it from acting as a great or superpower. The distinction between materialistic and immaterial elements of power has been a crucial point of contention between realists and liberal thinkers. In international relations, we are also witnessing the trend of the EU increasingly using the geopolitical approach (such as in the Ukrainian crisis) besides the normative one. In the article, different concepts of EU foreign policy regarding power in the light of realism and liberalism are compared where, alongside the descriptive method, a SWOT analysis is performed. Keywords: realism, liberalism, power, European Union, Ukraine, foreign policy, international relations

The decision by the Council of Europe to ter minate the Russian Federation's membership of the Council of Europe on 16 March 2022 makes the issue of legal certainty for aliens actively participating in the war in Ukraine as part of the Ukrainian Armed Forces completely unpredictable. The academic literature and the case law of the European Court of Human Rights in the field of the legal status of alien combatants is limited, and the International Criminal Court has not complet ed any cases on this topic. This article addresses the prin ciple of case law and, above all, the principle of legality with regard to aliens and their active participation in the armed forces of Ukraine. This issue has become cen tral since the Russian Federation may or may not grant these persons the status of prisoner of war according to the Third Geneva Convention, relating to Protocol I, or may characterise them as criminal offenders or terro rists. Keywords: aliens, combatants, mercenaries, prisoners of war, war, armed conflict, terrorists

There are two distant conceptual cousins that analyse the external mobilisation of subnational entities, one being European Studies – Multi-Level Governance and the other International Relations – Paradiplomacy. The article first aims to analyse each concept against the dimensions of the politik to determine the conceptual focus and find more pronounced differences in the policy and politics dimensions. The second aim is to identify the theoretical bedrock underpinning both concepts. This article proposes the analogous theory of Neo-Medievalism, establishing that it has some application here; in this sense, the two concepts may be better at explaining wider territorial reconfiguration underway in Europe. Keywords: Paradiplomacy, Multi-Level Governance, Neo-Medievalism, European Union

This essay is an attempt to explore the status of otherness in politics & psychoanalysis by analyzing & bringing into question the seemingly self-evident relationship of the mutual exclusion between politics & psychoanalysis. In an attempt to move beyond the traditionally hostile polarities of the singular & the universal & to reverse the usual perspective, the author considers the relationship between psychoanalysis & politics from the point of view of the community "for all" constituted through a complex practice of disidentification & production of the "whatever" singularities. Adapted from the source document.

In this paper, the author gives a detailed critical discussion of the conditions of possibility of the politics &/or ethics of enjoyment such as that conceived by Sade. She begins by discussing the hypothesis advanced by a set of eminent interpretations of Sade's work according to which there is an irreducible antagonism between disruptive passions & social bonds. The central theme of this essay -- that society is rooted in the imperative of enjoyment -- is elaborated on. As a consequence of this discussion, the author turns to the question of the evil inherent to enjoyment. She concludes that the entire project of the politics & ethics of enjoyment is centered on the deculpabilization of passions & enjoyment since, in Sade, the evilness of enjoyment is imputed to Nature. It could thus be said, argues the author, that Nature is Sade's "symptom," denouncing in this way that Sade, the theorist of enjoyment, is unable &/or unwilling to assume the evilness of enjoyment. Adapted from the source document.

This article deals with the problems Foucault's work is faced with when entering its later phase. The analysis of discontinuities in history is replaced by an analysis of continuities in subjectifying sexuality. If in the first part of The History of Sexuality the subject was still the effect of power relations, the latter two parts introduce the possibility of the subject of mastery over pleasures, which can only affect politics through ethics. In analyzing the late Foucault & two contemporary authors inspired by his work, namely Judith Butler & Giorgio Agamben, we assert that Foucault's project encounters difficulties precisely at the point where it is supposed to be the strongest: thinking the ruptures & the excesses in both the flux of power relations as well as on the level of the singularity of enjoyment. Why can he not cope with this in a different manner than by animating the antique subject of "the care of the self," which searches for its consistency in self-control? Instead of resorting to the virtues of moderation, why does he not rather deal with the problems of the discontinued subject with the construction of a subject that would subjectify the discontinuity itself? Adapted from the source document.

Abstract. Nativism does not only present a concept,
but also an ideological framework as well as a political practice related to identity politics. In the article we
firstly present the theoretical reflection of nativism and
operationalise the most important terms and characteristics of this phenomenon. Later, we apply the concept of nativism to the analysis of conservative populist
and/or nativist political actors in the Central European
region. The analysis shows how nativism, as a relatively
peripheral issue in the first 10–15 years after the democratic transition, became stronger in the next period
characterised by a set of crises after 2008. The analysis
demonstrates how the mainstream parties in Central
Europe adopted the nativist and conservative populist
agenda and implemented it into mainstream politics.
Furthermore, the analysis shows how Central European
nativism correlates with the long-term existence of antiliberal streams that were revitalised after the fall of
Communist regimes. These anti-modern societal groups
were reformulated as the counter-cosmopolitan camp
within the polarisation process that is clearly visible in
the political arena.
Keywords: nativism; national conservatism; identity
politics; Central Europe

The focus of this article is on the rise of populism and Euroscepticism in the context of the crisis of
liberal internationalism and of the EU in particular.
The article considers the view that the weak integration
of Slovenian–EU politics makes the country vulnerable
to this trend. Modern-nationalist, postmodern-cosmopolitan and faux-modern-partially modernised variations of populism are explored. The research draws on
public opinion surveys, party manifestos, focus groups
with party supporters, and interviews with mediators
in elite and popular debates. The dominant modern
economist/functionalist view of the EU is shown to have
fed into different framings in line with the underlying
thick ideologies. On the right, this has been a retro-modern nationalist reaction to the EU's overly progressive
policy and polity, with certain illiberal faux-modern elements like authoritarianism and ethno cultural exclusivism. On the left, it has reinforced the already existing contradictions with (neo)liberalism on the level of
politics, leaving the post-modern post-nationalist framing detached from the EU's polity and policy. The article
offers some proposals for better integrating the EU politics in Slovenia.
Keywords: EU, Euroscepticism, populism, illiberalism,
Slovenia, public opinion, political parties

The study of electoral campaigns is nowadays one of the very topical & popular themes in the field of the scientific-research work. Electoral campaigns can be defined in several ways & from several points of view. In this paper, a campaign is understood as a set of diverse activities performed to influence the electoral result. These activities can be studied according to the political-system, time-space, organizational & instrumental dimensions of their performance. The key purpose of the paper is to analyze & typologize the features of electoral campaigns of today's urban municipality mayors in Slovenia during their standing as candidates in local elections in 2006. By using various methodological & statistical approaches & tools, it was found out in the analyzed cases that electoral campaigns were an important part of the electoral process & that, according to planning features & implementing plans, they were very specific in all the studied municipalities. Because of this, the campaigns in the studied elections were characterized as particular & highly localized. Despite these particularities, four different types of campaigns were highlighted according to the groups of similar features: a) traditional campaigns; b) charismatic candidate campaigns; c) modern local campaigns & d) an intense campaign mosaic. Regardless of the particularities of the campaign activities & processes, it turned out that they played an important role at the local level of political activity. Adapted from the source document.