In regard to the principle of separation of powers, the distribution of competences between the administrative and the ordinary courts is based on the nature of the litigations. If the matter concerns the public law, the administrative court is competent. Whereas the ordinary court would have jurisdiction whenever the litigation in question is related to a matter of private law. However, this principle is not absolute. The French and Lebanese laws admit that there are cases where the judicial court would have competence in administrative litigations. This jurisdiction may be by nature when the litigation is related to infringement of private rights or individual liberty when the litigation concerns the personal status. The competence of the civil judge can also be by accessory when it's basically the competence of the administrative judge but is given exceptionally to the judicial judge. This is the case of public utilities managed by private management such as industrial and commercial utilities or concerning the litigation related to the management of the private domain of the government who behaves like a normal person. This judicial competence is at its height when the judicial judge interprets and appreciates by himself the legality of the administrative acts. The competence of the judicial judge in administrative acts is not only the result of the jurisprudence since the legislator interferes in many cases and grants competence to judicial judge in litigations that fall normally under the competence of administrative judge. If this competence is in most cases justified by the concern of good administration of justice, there are cases where there is no judicial nor legal reason for not granting competence to administrative judge who is the normal judge in administrative matters. ; En vertu du principe de séparation des autorités, la répartition de compétence entre le juge administratif et le juge judiciaire se base sur la nature des matières en cause. Si les matières visées concernent le droit public, c'est la juridiction administrative qui est compétente. En revanche, le juge judiciaire serait compétent en cas où le litige en cause est lié à une matière de droit privé. Toutefois, ce principe n'est pas absolu. La jurisprudence française ainsi que libanaise, admet qu'il existe des cas où le juge judiciaire serait compétent en matière administrative, au motif, entre autres, d'une bonne administration de la justice. Cette compétence judiciaire peut être par nature lorsque le litige concerne des droits liés à la personne comme par exemple en cas d'atteinte à la propriété privée ou à une liberté individuelle, ou encore s'il s'agit d'un litige relatif à l'état des personnes. Cette compétence serait par accessoire lorsqu'on est en présence d'une matière où le juge administratif est principalement compétent et la compétence du juge judiciaire n'existe qu'exceptionnellement. C'est le cas par excellence des services publics à gestion privée, comme les services publics industriels et commerciaux, où il y a une grande marge de compétence attribuée au juge judiciaire. Le juge judiciaire aura également compétence dans les litiges relatifs à la gestion du domaine privé de l'Administration, où cette dernière se comporte comme un simple particulier gérant sa propriété. Cette compétence judiciaire par accessoire trouve son apogée dans le cas où le juge judiciaire interprète et apprécie lui-même la légalité des actes administratifs. Cette compétence du juge judiciaire en matière administrative n'est pas uniquement l'œuvre de la jurisprudence. Le législateur intervient parfois pour octroyer compétence à la juridiction judiciaire dans des matières qui devraient normalement relever de la compétence du juge administratif. Si cette compétence est, dans la plupart des cas, justifiée par un souci de bonne administration de la justice, il existe des cas où il n'y a aucune raison juridique ni légale de ne pas attribuer compétence au juge administratif, qui est le juge naturel en matière administrative.
Educar en la ciudadanía y para la participación es un compromiso de una sociedad que se dice democrática, sin embargo, para participar es necesario aprender a hacerlo, de ahí la necesidad de que las escuelas de educación básica conviertan a la participación del alumnado, en el eje rector de sus actividades diarias, para coadyuvar en el desarrollo de una ciudadanía responsable. Siguiendo las ideas anteriores, se realizó un estudio exploratorio-descriptivo, que tuvo como objetivo general: analizar las ideas de docentes de primaria de escuelas públicas de la ciudad de Querétaro, sobre participación infantil; así como develar si dicen promoverla en su práctica, para conocer si las ideas que tienen sobre participación infantil se relacionan con la percepción que tienen de la infancia. La investigación se realizó en dos fases. En la primera se realizaron 16 observaciones en ocho grupos de distintos grados de una escuela primaria pública de la ciudad de Querétaro. En la segunda se aplicaron 15 entrevistas semiestructuradas a docentes de educación primaria de la misma ciudad. De la información derivada de las observaciones se realizó un análisis basado en la tipología de participación infantil de Trilla y Novella (2001). De la información obtenida de las entrevistas, se realizó un análisis de tipos de respuesta, y a partir de éstas se propusieron categorías. Los resultados de la observación muestran que la estructura del centro escolar fomenta relaciones autoritarias entre docentes y estudiantes, que los ambientes de aprendizaje no promueven, ni propician posibilidades reales de que exista una participación genuina del alumnado. En cuanto a las entrevistas, se encontró que la mayoría de los docentes definen a la participación infantil como el que sus estudiantes emitan su opinión, por lo que el tipo de estrategias que dicen utilizar tienden a promover este tipo de práctica. Consideran que la participación es un derecho que tiene esta población. A partir de los resultados podemos afirmar que es necesario fomentar en los docentes la reflexión acerca de las ventajas educativas que se promueva la participación como proceso educativo. ; Educating in citizenship and participation is a commitment of a society that calls itself democratic, nevertheless, participation must be learned. As a result, it is necessary for elementary schools to convert student participation in the chief focus of daily activities in order to aid in the development of a responsible citizenry. An exploratory-descriptive study was carried out with the general objective of analyzing the ideas of public elementary school teachers in the City of Queretaro concerning child participation, as well as to find out if they say they promote it in their practice in order to ascertain if the ideas they have about child participation are related to their perception of childhood. Research was carried out in two phases. In the first 16 observations were made among eight groups from different grades in a public elementary school in the City of Queretaro. In the second, 15 semi-structured interviews were given elementary teachers from the same city. From information based on the observations, an analysis was done based on Trilla and Novella's (2001) child participation typology. From information obtained from the interviews, an analysis was done of the types of answers: and then categories were proposed. Results of the observation show that the structure of the school promotes authoritarian relationships between teachers and students and that the learning environments do not promote or provide real possibilities for the existence of genuine student participation. Regarding the interviews, it was found that the majority of teachers define child participation as the students' expressing their opinion, therefore, the strategies they say they use tend to promote this type of practice. They consider that participation is a right of this population. Based on results, we can affirm that there is a need to promote in teachers reflection on the educational advantages stemming from participation as an educational process.
O objetivo do artigo é discutir alguns desafios para o projeto brasileiro de desenvolvimento, baseado no consumo de massas dos três últimos Planos Plurianuais, que consiste na busca de equacionamento entre a ampliação da renda nacional através do trabalho, com aumento da empregabilidade e eliminação da precarização do trabalho. A pesquisa procura avaliar e comparar alguns indicadores sobre qualidade no emprego formal, tal como definido pela proposta da Organização Internacional do Trabalho (OIT) para a Agenda do Trabalho Decente, em conjunto com dados que mostram a trajetória de inserção do Brasil no comércio internacional. O estudo levanta questões sobre as possibilidades de se garantir uma política de maior inserção no processo de globalização e, ao mesmo tempo, rever as consequências diretas da internacionalização da produção e do comércio sobre a qualidade do trabalho e a geração de renda. O texto conclui apontando que a formação de uma política de desenvolvimento centrada na ampliação do mercado interno, com propostas de expansão do consumo de massas, requer a definição de metas, não apenas de empregabilidade, mas voltadas à formação de empregos que atendam aos direitos fundamentais dos trabalhadores, seguindo os parâmetros da Agenda do Trabalho Decente.
In: Revista internacional del trabajo, Band 123, Heft 3, S. 312-334
ISSN: 1564-9148
Reseñas críticas: Gender, growth and trade: The miracle economies of the postwar years. Por David KUCERAReseñas críticas: New frontiers of democratic participation at work. Obra dirigidaReseñas críticas: Le travail dans l'histoire de la pensée occidentale. Por Daniel MERCURE y Jan SPURK (directores)Libros recientes: Des banes de 1'école aux postes de travail… Chronique d'une ségrégation annoncée. Por Thomas COUPPIÉ y Dominique EPIPHANELibros recientes: Flexibilités et performances. Stratégies d'entreprises, régulations, transformations du travail. Obra dirigida por Rachel BEAUJOLIN‐BELLETLibros recientes: L'organisation de la production et du travail: vers un nouveau modèle? Obra dirigida por Gregor MURRAY, Jacques BÉLANGER, Anthony GILES y Paul‐André LAPOINTELibros recientes: Santé mentale et travail. L'urgence de penser autrement I'organisation. Obra dirigida por Michel AUDETNuevas publicaciones de la OIT: Actas. Conferencia Internacional del Trabajo, 91. a reunión, Ginebra, OIT, 2003. Disco CD‐ROMNuevas publicaciones de la OIT: Aplicación de las normas internacionales del trabajo, 2004. Informe de la Comisión de Expertos en Aplicación de Convenios y RecomendacionesNuevas publicaciones de la OIT: Aplicación de las normas intcrnacionak'S del trabajo, 2004. Documento informativo sobre ratificaciones y actividades normativasNuevas publicaciones de la OIT: Promover el empleo. Políticas, capacitación, empresas. Conferencia Internacional del TrabajoNuevas publicaciones de la OIT: Condidones de trabajo en el sector pesquero. Una norma general (un convenio complementado con una recomendación) sobre el trabajo en el sector pesqueroNuevas publicaciones de la OIT: Economic security for a better worldNuevas publicaciones de la OIT: En busca de un compromiso equitativo para los trabajadores migrantes en la economía globalizadaNuevas publicaciones de la OIT: Les fonds sociaux: Réflexions et perspectives nouvelles. Por Philippe GARNIER y Marc VAN IMSCHOOTNuevas publicaciones de la OIT: Fuentes y Métodos. Estadísticas del Trabajo. Complemento del Anuario de Estadísticas del TrabajoNuevas publicaciones de la OIT: Volumen 4. Empleo, desempleo, salarios y horas de trabajo (registros administrativos y fuentes conexas)Nuevas publicaciones de la OIT: The global seafarer. Living and working conditions in a globalized industry.Nuevas publicaciones de la OIT: Indkadores Claves del Mercado de Trabajo (ICMT). Tercera editiónNuevas publicaciones de la OIT: Key indicators of the labour market 2001–2002Nuevas publicaciones de la OIT: Jobs after war: A critical challenge in the peace and reconstruction puzzle. Obra dirigida por Eugenia DATE‐BAH. Programa InFocus de la OIT sobre Respuesta a las Crisis y ReconstructiónNuevas publicaciones de la OIT: Organizarse en pos de la justicia social. Informe global con arreglo al seguimiento de la Declaratión de la OIT relativa a los principios y derechos fundamentales en el trabajoNuevas publicaciones de la OIT: Policies for small enterprises. Creating the right environment for good jobsNuevas publicaciones de la OIT: Por una globalizatión justa. Crear oportunidades para todos. Informe de la Comisión Mundial sobre la Dimensión Social de la GlobalizatiónNuevas publicaciones de la OIT: Por una globalizatión justa. El papel de la OIT. Informe del Director General sobre la Comisión Mundial sobre la Dimensión Social de la GlobalizatiónNuevas publicaciones de la OIT: Las práctical óptimas en los sistemas de trabajo flexible y sus efectos en la calidad de la vida laboral en las industrias químicas. Informe para el debate de la Reunión tripartita sobre las prácticas óptimas en los sistemas de trabajo flexible y sus efectos en la calidad de la vida laboral en las industrias químicasNuevas publicaciones de la OIT: Preventing and responding to violence at work. Por Kimberly Ann ROGERS y Duncan CHAPPELLNuevas publicaciones de la OIT: Protectión en los puertos. Repertorio de recomendaciones práctical de la OIT Le Travail Décent Points de vue philosophiques et spirituels. Obra dirigida por Dominique PECCOUD. OIT, Consejo Mundial de Iglesias e Instituto Internacional de Estudios LaboralesNuevas publicaciones de la OIT: La violencia en el trabajo en el sector de los servicios y medidas para combatir este fenómenoNuevas publicaciones de la OIT: Women seafarers. Global employment policies and practices. Obra colectiva realizada en colaboración con el Seafarers International Research Centre (Cardiff, Reino Unido)
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I will begin with a story. When I was in graduate school I returned to Hampshire twice to teach as part of the Jan Plan. The college was interested in elevating its January term, which up until then had been a free for all of student led courses. I was looking to get out of Binghamton for a few weeks. Even in the bitter cold of January, Amherst has more to offer than Broome County. I saw the first Scream during one of those Januarys, and the next January I taught it.My course was meant to be fun. We read some of Lawrence Grossberg's We Gotta Get Out of this Place, some of Steven Shaviro's The Cinematic Body, some Jameson, and probably some of Men, Women, and Chainsaws (Basically books that I thought were cool). My approach to Scream was ambitious. I assigned some of Paolo Virno's writings on opportunism and cynicism as the prevailing attitudes of modern life, and tried to make a connection, albeit an uncertain one, between his description of cynicism and the self aware nature of Scream. The basis of this connection is the way in which the cynic is aware of both the arbitrary and binding nature of nature of certain rules, norms, and protocols. As Virno writes:"The cynic recognizes, in the particular context in which he operates, the predominate role played by certain epistemological premises and the simultaneous absence of real equivalences. To prevent disillusion, he forgoes any aspiration to dialogic and transparent communication. He renounces from the beginning the search for an intersubjective foundation for his practice and for a shared criterion of moral value … The decline of the principle of equivalence, a principle intimately connected to commerce and exchange, can be seen in the cynic's behaviour, in his impatient abandon of the demand for equality. He entrusts his own affirmation of self to the multiplication and fluidification of hierarchies and unequal distributions that the unexpected centrality of knowledge in production seems to imply."This awareness of rules seemed to apply to the self aware nature of the Scream films which attempt to both recognize the conventions of the slasher film, "there are rules for surviving a horror movie," and keep those conventions in place as the basis for the film. (It is worth noting that the Scream films never offer a justification for a convention, never goes the route of later films, like Cabin in the Woods that ground the conventions of one genre by explaining them by way of another, in this case cosmic horror/government conspiracy). The Scream films both acknowledge the cliched nature of the rules while simultaneously using them as rules, saying that "You will be right back" is a sure guarantee that you won't, engaging in sexual activity is a death sentence. (it demands both a knowing wink and a terrified scream).This put the Scream films in a difficult position, of constantly commenting on while utilizing the conventions of slasher films, a task made more difficult by the fact that that specific sub genre of horror is subject to its own cycles of exhaustion and renewal. The recent Scream films, the one just called Scream and the recent sequel, that resumes the sequence with the number VI, have offered their own meta-commentary on the genre, and the current state of the culture industry. Scream coined the term "requel," a sequel that is also a reset or reboot of the series. Usually such requels attempt to right a series which has lost its way, or its audience.The requel brings back a major character or original director as an attempt to restore continuity and trust. A list of such requels includes the recent Halloween films with Jamie Lee Curtis, Terminator: Dark Fate, Jurassic World: Dominion, and Prometheus. All films that reboot and restore a series. It could be argued, however, that the Scream films have never needed such a reset. The original cast, Neve Campbell, Courtney Cox, and David Arquette, have been in all of the films, and there has been no diversion from the formula that needed correction just the exhaustion brought about by repetition. This tension between the concept and the film is resolved in Scream (5) by having The Stab series, the films within the film, lose sight of the slasher premise of the earlier films. The reference here seems to be to such series wrecking deviations as the Friday the Thirteenth in space, Jason X and the convoluted mythos of the later Halloween films. Scream is oddly a better work of film criticism than a film. The film is fine, for what it is, but it follows its own predictable set of rules, rules not mentioned, opening with a menacing phone call and a killing, and ending with a revelation of who is wearing the Ghost Face mask this time and why. The better the films get at commenting on the unwritten rules of the culture industry the more glaring there own unwritten rules stand out. The latest installment, Scream VI continues this odd trajectory in which the commentary and plot increasingly diverge. The commentary now focuses on the idea that the killers are building a franchise. A franchise has its own rules, most importantly legacy characters can now be killed off in order to further the franchise. The intellectual property is the real main character. Such a description fits such films as The Force Awakens and The Last Jedi, which bring back Han Solo and Luke Skywalker only to kill them off so that the franchise could live on. Once again this is a point of criticism that does not exactly describe the latest Scream film. David Arquette's Dewey character was killed in Scream (5); Courtney Cox's Gail Weathers character is attacked but seems to survive this film, and Neve Campbell's Sydney character does not even appear in the latest installment, but that is because they did not offer her enough money. The tension between intellectual property and actor is one of the defining characteristics of modern filmmaking. It is a conflict between an old world of marketing movies based on bankable stars and a new world of carefully managed franchises, and in this interregnum CGI monsters are born. This can be seen in the MCU, which as much as it hides actors behind interchangeable digital masks, putting out three different Spider-Men, three Hulks, and countless Batmen, still has to make an entire film about the death of one of its stars, Chadwick Boseman, and struggles to draw audiences after the departure of Robert Downey Jr. and Chris Evans. Although that last point has to do with another tension, the tension between serial repetition and narrative closure. To cite the MCU once again, Avengers: Endgame felt like an end to a story spanning dozens of films, and when the story comes to an end people are not immediately ready to just jump back in. The recent Indiana Jones movies are defined between both of these tensions, between actor and property, brand repetition and narrative closure. There is no small bit of irony to the second tension. At the level of structure the films revival an older serial form, that of Saturday adventure serials that is completely at home in the modern serialization of intellectual property. One gets the impression in watching the films that they could have made a ton of these movies, there are always new treasures to find and Nazis to punch. Residual meets the emergent, old serials meet the serial form of the sequel. The moment to do that has passed, however, and now the recent films struggle with Harrison Ford, the aging bankable star beneath the IP hat, and the sense that the last film ended with the closest thing to a happily ever after the series offered--Indy and Marion are married and Shia LeBeouf does not put on the hat. Indiana Jones and the Dial of Destiny resolves the first issue, that of Ford's age, with an extended opening sequence set at the end of World War II made possible by the combination of old film stock and modern AI imaging. What we get is not so much a young Harrison Ford, but at least a reminder that he existed, somehow his charm eludes CGI reproduction. The opening sequence devolves into the weightless cartoon world of so much modern digital effects. With respect to the later we learn that Shia LeBeouf's Mutt died in Vietnam and the grief of his loss destroyed Indy's marriage. All of this means that he is off an another adventure again with a young god daughter, played by a (hopefully more bankable) Phoebe Waller-Bridge. The film follows the rules of an Indiana Jones film. There are chases, horse chases, car chases, plane chases, some version of creepy crawly creatures, this time eels, and ancient booby traps, all of which are punctuated by jokes about how old Harrison Ford is this time out. The film is slightly better than the last, but, in the final scene, when Marion and Indy are not only reunited but they repeat there "where doesn't it hurt" flirtation from the first film, you get the sense that the directors are searching for their own dial of destiny, a device that could turn back time and make a half dozen Indiana Jones films between nineteen eighty and eighty nine, back when the IP was fresh and Ford was bankable. As I began this piece with my own bit of nostalgia. In the nineties, I tried to make a connection between the Scream film's self aware commentary on the rules of its genre and Virno description of the cynic as the prevailing attitude of postmodernism. I remember saying to the class, "we see these films because we are aware of the rules, the cliches, but we still want to enjoy them." I would add now that in the age of Intellectual Property we are aware that all of these films are made to build, and capitalize on the brand, the IP, but we want to pretend that they are driven by something else, by something more compelling. The task of modern filmmaking, of the contemporary culture industry, is to make what is driven by market forces feel like it is made for our enjoyment. This task appears to be harder to pull off than digitally deaging an old movie star.
*Bayartsengel Damdinjav, Chuck Davis, Steven Jones, Zach Long, Claudia Risner, Sydney Sheppard, Christina Slentz Climate change is the global challenge of the twenty-first century, a threat that carries dire environmental, social, security, and economic implications for every region of the world. According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, the primary driver of climate change is the increase in greenhouse gas emissions attributed to human activities. Although climate change must be met with a comprehensive global response in order to effectively address the effects of harmful greenhouse gases (GHG), these efforts depend on the actions taking place within nations. The United States, the greatest per-capita emitter of GHG, and China, that produces the largest amount of GHG overall, bear a good deal of responsibility for the problem. The United States, in particular, with its rejection of the Kyoto Protocol and its inability to craft a viable climate change agenda, has failed to offer the leadership needed to secure meaningful reductions in GHG. This essay seeks to establish perspective by profiling the political, social, and economic circumstances within six nations (three advanced industrial countries and three newly modernizing countries) and the European Union (EU) in order to better understand the dynamics involved in achieving a global solution to climate change.Case Studies1.- European UnionThe European Union has led the push for climate change regulationsto curb emissions 30% by 2030 and 80%-95% by 2050. To reach that goal, it has invested significant funds targetting 20% of the EU budget from 2014-2020 towards climate related measures. The EU believes that climate change policies will not only preserve the planet for generations to come but will also create greater long-term health and economic benefits. This position can be attributed to the lack of politicization of climate change in the EU allowing politicians to advocate forward thinking policies without the constant fear of political or electoral retribution. Furthermore, the close proximity of EU member states and their relatively small size creates an "all in this together" mentality allowing them to harness their resources to compete with larger world powers.2.- United KingdomWidely acknowledged as one of the foremost countries addressing climate change, the United Kingdom moved definitively to establish a science-based framework for approaching this global phenomenon even prior to the Earth Summit in Rio in 1992. This de-politicizing effort is revealed in the staunch support of conservatives like Margaret Thatcher, whose instrumental leadership set this critical tone and aided in the formation of the UN's Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change in 1990, and Tony Blair, who seized his 2005 G-8 presidential term as an opportunity to promote the reduction of GHG through mitigation technologies, sustainable energy, and adaptation strategies. The UK has fostered domestic integration of climate and energy policies to reduce ill effects at home as well as international cooperation in the form of a post-Kyoto strategy and the ongoing European Union's Emission Trading Scheme (ETS), designed to blend climate change collaborative goals of equity distribution and cost effectiveness.3.- CanadaCanada's efforts to address climate change can be best described as leaping forward, stepping back and, finally, standing in place. An original early proponent for mitigation since 1975, under the Chrétien administration in the 1990s, the country committed to relatively aggressive reductions - - a 30% decrease over projected 2010 emissions - - as part of the Kyoto Protocol. However, a clear implementation plan proved elusive until 2005, at which time "Project Green" successfully established meaningful initiatives. Although temporarily rolled back the following year under the more business-friendly Harper administration, a brief surge in climate change public awareness subsequently forced the return of some mitigation initiatives. Currently, climate change policy stagnation is largely explained by prioritizing economic growth over environmental concernsparticularly in the wake of the 2008 Credit Crisis.It is further complicated by Canada's neighbor to the south - - the administration of President Barack Obama who supports addressing GHG emissions and a clean energy future.4.- AustraliaAustralia's international position on climate change reflects its domestic policy agenda. For the first 10-years of the Kyoto Protocol, 1997-2007, Australia was a climate change laggard based on both its refusal to ratify the agreement and its largely symbolic GHG reduction policies. In 2007, Australia ratified the Protocol and implemented stringent abatement policies but is now reversing course. What caused the shifts Down Under? Two domestic factors, electoral interests and political leadership, are most influential. Compared to economic growth, voters' prioritization of environmental issues rose until 2007 and then declined. The political leadership within the Coalition government (1996-2007, reelected in 2013) favors business and the fossil fuel industry, and is skeptical of climate change. This stands in contrast to the Labor Party (2007-2013) that favors GHG emissions reductions. So, although Australia has committed internationally to a 5% reduction of 2000 level emissions by 2020, it still lacks a consistent domestic policy to achieve this goal. Russia Russia experienced massive industrial decline in the immediate aftermath of the Soviet Union's collapse in 1991. Despite the fact that there has been a significant reduction of GHG emissions, Russia still ranks third on the list of the largest greenhouse gas emitters in the world. Problems caused by climate change in recent decades include public health risks, increased recurrence, intensity and duration of droughts in some regions, extreme precipitation patterns, floods, and over-moisturized soil and permafrost degradation in the northern regions. However, the climate change issue does not constitute a priority for Russian authorities. Several internal factors, such as a well-rooted skepticism within the Russian scientific community towards anthropogenic global warming, low environmental awareness among Russian citizens, and the priority given to the country's economic restoration, suggests that Russian climate policy is to a great extent being driven by the pursuit of benefits in areas other than that of environmental policy.ChinaOne of the best ways to summarize China's approach to climate change is via a domestic politics model. Decisionmakers involved in China's climate change policy belong to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and there is little or no foreign influence over them. Among these decision makers, the most influential have managed to frame the issue as one of sovereignty and economic development. These hardliners see climate change as an issue that threatens China's sovereignty and its right to develop economically. As such, it has taken a stance of not joining any multilateral agreement until the U.S. does so. Thus, China's right to develop economically is assured. Domestically, China has made progress developing solar and wind technology for domestic use and for foreign markets. However, it continues to use fossil fuels, especially coal,to ensure that it develops along the lines deemed acceptable to the CCP.IndiaIndia's position on climate change is guided by two priorities - - namely, sustainable development and the elimination of poverty. With a growing economy that demands more energy for growth, there are hundreds of millions of people without access to electricity in India. Energy use and consequently greenhouse gas emissions will grow substantially in the coming decades. As a modernizing country, India is not bound to any GHG emission reduction goals under the Kyoto Protocol. However, it has established a National Action Plan on Climate Change and implemented a combination of mitigation and adaptation policies to reduce the country's contributions to climate change. These policies include energy conservation, promotion of renewable energy, abatement of air pollution among others. While India's development will require growth in energy use, the country must work to reduce the energy intensity of its production processes.Comparative AnalysisOn the basis of political, economic and social factors, a comparative analysis of the case studies reveals three key groupings: supporters of international climate change policy that involves implementing significant carbon mitigation reduction requirements; fickle hesitators who, if cooperative, face major reduction requirements; and unburdened supporters who face little-to-no mitigation requirements. The EU and the UK, as a climate change leader, fall into the first category, politically defined as highly democratic and economically and regionally integrated. The EU and the UK have softened views on sovereignty, have historically utilized the market for political/social ends, and normatively seek international cooperation as a means of reducing risk.For Canada and Australia,reduced support for international action on climate change is largely based on modern era socio-political attitudes and a perceived threat to their economic viability. Stemming from strong political views on state sovereignty, they are historically less likely to cooperate on international initiatives and, unlike the economically integrated EU and UK, are not willing to constrain markets in the name of political or social ends. These nations traditionally prefer individualistic as opposed to collective responses to major issues and consequently see cooperative action as risky.The newly modernizing countries of China, India and Russia exhibit different degrees of democracy and are not economically integrated nor fully industrialized. While highly centralized political authority is helpful in making international level commitments, enforcement capacity is hindered domestically. Willingness to cooperate is generally conditional upon gaining financial assistance and technical support needed for development. For China and Russia, the first priority is maintaining state authority and social well-being for the sake of stability. Environmental policy is put forward only when these priorities are not threatened. For India, the focus centers on lifting its population out of poverty that takes precedence over international climate change cooperation.ConclusionOverall, countries willing to cooperate internationally and make sacrifices to mitigate the causes of climate change perceive a lower economic and political threat for doing so than countries that refuse. In fact, the supporters of international climate change policy are more likely to view global warming as an all-encompassing economic, political, and social threat rather than as a discrete environmental threat. Having said this, they also see potential opportunities in assuming the role of early adaptors to climate change.Countries reluctant to support international cooperation face domestic political barriers that the comparative analysis above indicates is due primarily to economic perceptions and viability. Some countries that have rejected a commitment to international cooperation have, in fact, implemented national or sub-state abatement policies. At the same time, others ignore the threat entirely.In short, differences in behavior toward climate change indicates that not all countries perceive the threat the same. The task for climate change leaders, therefore, is to maintain their resolve to educate global populations such that perceptions of economic risk become less significant than perceptions of climate change risk. At the same time, they must offer best practices of reducing compliance costs and sharing knowledgeto build a clean energy agenda in order to ensure a sustainable global solution to climate change. *Students in the Graduate Program in International StudiesOld Dominion University, USAUnder the Direction of Professor Glen Sussman
This paper offers estimates of US foreign-born populations that are eligible for special legal status programs and those that would be eligible for permanent residence (legalization) under pending bills. It seeks to provide policymakers, government agencies, community-based organizations (CBOs), researchers, and others with a unique tool to assess the potential impact, implement, and analyze the success of these programs. It views timely, comprehensive data on targeted immigrant populations as an essential pillar of legalization preparedness, implementation, and evaluation. The paper and the exhaustive estimates that underlie it, represent the first attempt to provide a detailed statistical profile of beneficiaries of proposed major US legalization programs and special, large-scale legal status programs. The paper offers the following top-line findings: Fifty-eight percent of the 10.35 million US undocumented residents had lived in the United States for 10 years or more as of 2019; 37 percent lived in homes with mortgages; 33 percent arrived at age 17 or younger; 32 percent lived in households with US citizens (the overwhelming majority of them children); and 96 percent in the labor force were employed. The Citizenship for Essential Workers Act would establish the largest population-specific legalization program discussed in the paper. 7.2 million (70 percent) of the total undocumented population would be eligible for legalization under the Act. Approximately two-thirds of undocumented essential workers reside in 20 metropolitan areas. The populations eligible for the original Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program and for permanent residence on a conditional basis and removal of the conditions on permanent residence under the Dream Act of 2021 are not only ready to integrate successfully, but in most cases have already done so. A high percentage are long-term residents, virtually all have completed high school (or attend school), a third to one-half have attended college, and the overwhelming majority live in households with incomes above the poverty level. The median household income of California, Illinois, New York, and New Jersey residents that are eligible for the original DACA program is higher than the US median household income. New York and New Jersey residents that are eligible for removal of conditions on permanent residence under the Dream Act of 2021 also have median incomes above the US median household income. The total eligible for removal of conditions on permanent residence under the Dream Act of 2021 have median household incomes that are 99 percent of the US median income. Unlike populations eligible for most special legal status and population-specific legalization programs, childhood arrivals can be found in significant numbers and concentrations in communities throughout the United States, particularly in metropolitan areas. More than 1.8 million persons from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras would be eligible for TPS if the Secretary of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) designated Guatemala for TPS and re-designated El Salvador and Honduras. Local communities can best prepare for legalization by collaborating on: (1) the hard work of assisting individual immigrants to meet their immigration needs; (2) dividing labor, integrating services, screening the undocumented for status, and building legal capacity; and (3) implementation of special legal status programs. This collective work should be viewed as a legalization program in its own right. The populations eligible for legalization and legal status under the programs analyzed in the paper have overlapping needs and large numbers of immigrants would be eligible for more than one program. However, substantial differences between these populations in size, geography, length of residency, education, socio-economic attainment, and English language proficiency argue for distinct preparedness and implementation strategies for each population. The paper also makes several broad policy recommendations regarding legalization bills, special legal status programs, and community-based preparedness and implementation efforts. In particular, it recommends that: Congress should pass broad immigration reform legislation that includes a general legalization program or, in the alternative, a series of population-specific programs for essential workers, childhood arrivals, agricultural workers, persons eligible for Temporary Protected Status (TPS) and Deferred Enforced Departure (DED), and long-term residents. In the interim, the Biden administration should also designate and re-designate additional countries for TPS. Immigration reform legislation should allow the great majority of US undocumented residents to legalize, should reform the underlying legal immigration system, and should provide for the legalization of future long-term undocumented residents through a rolling registry program. Congress, the relevant federal agencies, and advocates should ensure that any legalization program be properly structured and sufficiently funded, particularly the work of CBOs, states, and localities. Local communities should continue to build the necessary partnerships, capacities, skills, and resources to implement a legalization program. They should do so, in part, by collaborating on special legal status programs such as DACA, TPS, and naturalization campaigns, as well as through the steady-state work of assisting immigrants in their individual immigration cases and funding their representation as necessary in removal proceedings. Section I of the paper describes the populations that would be eligible for legalization under pending bills and that are potentially eligible for special legal status programs. Section II presents top-line findings based on the Center for Migration Studies' (CMS's) estimates and profiles of these populations. The report offers estimates of each population by characteristics — such as length of time in the country, English language proficiency, education, household income, health insurance, and homeownership — that are relevant to preparedness and implementation activities. Section III makes the case for immigration reform and a broad legalization program. Section IV offers detailed recommendations on the substance, structure, and implementation of these programs.
Mental health is an integral part of health and well-being. Mental health enables people to realize their potential, cope with the stressors of everyday life, and make contributions to society. Mental, neurological and substance use (MNS) disorders constitute 13% of the global burden of disease. And yet, across all countries, public investment in preventing and treating this cluster of disorders is disproportionately low relative to this disease burden. Health systems have not adequately or sufficiently responded to the burden of MNS disorders: the gap between the need and supply of treatment ranges from 76% to 85% in low- and middle-income countries, and from 35% to 50% in high-income countries. Mounting evidence underlines the inequitable distribution, poor quality, and inefficient use of scarce resources to address mental health needs. Globally, annual spending on mental health is less than US $2 per person in high-income countries and less than US $0.25 per person in low-income countries, with 67% of these financial resources allocated to stand-alone mental hospitals. Flagrant abuse of human rights and discrimination against people with mental disorders and psychosocial disabilities have been found in such psychiatric institutions. The redirecting of mental health budgets toward community-based services, including the integration of mental health into general health care settings, is needed. To address this state of affairs, this dissertation takes a fresh look at the actions taken to formulate a comprehensive, coordinated response from health and social sectors. It is founded at the nexus of new institutional, world culture, and diffusion of innovation theories.This dissertation employs a mixed methods approach, combining statistical and survey analyses. A mental health policy is an official statement of a government that defines its vision, values, principles, and objectives to improve the mental health of a population. It also outlines the areas of actions, strategies, timeframes, budgets, targets and indicators used to realize the vision and achieve the objectives of the policy. In the first study, I examine the coercive and emulative isomorphic effects on the diffusion of mental health policy across geopolitical borders. Using discrete-time data for 193 countries covering the period from 1950 to 2011, I conduct an event history analysis to examine the influence of WHO accession, foreign aid, and peer influence on mental health policy adoption. The results confirm that the act of adopting mental health policy is partly owed to membership in the World Health Organization, as well as influence of neighbors in the same World Bank and World Health Organization regions. National mental health policy adoption is trumpeted as a milestone for mental health reform. Is mental health policy limited to a rhetorical plane or taken up for pragmatic reasons? The effectiveness of this "upstream" factor could be realized based on examining "downstream" models of deinstitutionalized programming. While mental health policy adoption is treated as an outcome of interest in the first study, it is treated as a predictor in the second study. More specifically, I test the phase of policy adoption as a determinant of psychiatric bed rate changes using panel data for the same 193 countries between 2001 and 2011. The analysis finds that late-adopters of mental health policy are more likely to reduce psychiatric beds in mental hospitals and other biomedical settings than innovators, whereas they are less likely than non-adopters to reduce psychiatric beds in general hospitals. Deinstitutionalization is a much more complex and sophisticated process than reducing dehospitalization, or the reduction of psychiatric beds. It is also about improving the quality of care provided by inpatient facilities while increasing access to care through the development of mental health services in other medical and community settings. However, progress towards mental health reform is often stalled because it is an essentially contested issue in professional and advocacy circles and a highly politicized one among governments. For these reasons, the third study gathers contemporary perspectives on deinstitutionalization from 78 mental health experts. The survey administered assesses their knowledge, attitude, and practices of expanding community-based mental health services and/or downsizing institution-based care. The respondents also attested to the enabling, reinforcing, and constraining factors prevalent in the 42 countries they collectively represent. The qualitative evidence is complementary to the quantitative evidence in that it portrays the contemporary mental health system as being controlled by a nucleus of inpatient care. It further suggests that innovations are made in linking specialty services with primary and social services to support people with mental, neurological, and substance use disorders and their families as they (re)integrate into their communities. Mental health care has branched out in new directions at the turn of the 21st century. Time and again when governments are in the throes of strengthening their mental health systems, a closer look into the setup of infrastructure, essential medicines, human resources, and civil society involvement becomes necessary. This dissertation demonstrates that deinstitutionalization is a result of mental health policies imposed from the top down by the government. The experience with deinstitutionalizing mental health care also involves grassroots mobilization of social change by citizens, clients, families, and other advocates. In parallel with service reorganization, advances have been made in training lay personnel to offer services to people with MNS disorders. Research and development have made treatment more cost-effective and accessible. Cutting across temporal and geographic borders, tradition and modernity, this dissertation probes into the permeability of mental health policy and unpacks the complexity of deinstitutionalization.
Posted by permission of Cambridge Scientific Abstracts (CSA). (c) CSA 2004. All rights reserved. ; A broad definition of forestry would be the study of trees, forests, and their use by people. Modern science-based forestry is thought to have begun in the nineteenth century when Europeans looked to specialists to address questions of wood supply and extraction both in their forests at home and in their colonies. The threat of forest loss and wood scarcity resulted in concern for increased forest growth and management techniques for improved yield. By 1891 the United States had established publicly owned forest reserves. In 1900 the Society of American Foresters was established, as was the first School of Forestry in North American at Yale University. The U.S. Forest Service was formed three years later, and this combination of professional, scholarly, and governmental resources constitute the core of U.S. forestry research today. Since the mid-1940s the scope of forestry has grown in response to economics, demography, politics, and social change as well as developments in related fields of study. While at one time German was the primary language of forestry, since World War II most research is reported in English. Knowledge of inter-national research and practices has grown in importance since the 1980s. In addressing global forest concerns, international and local researchers have begun to discover reservoirs of indigenous knowledge concerning forests and their use. Modern forestry education has a tradition of integrating concepts from a variety of disciplines and creating new specialties. These include forest genet-ics, forest ecology, forest recreation, forest economics, forest engineering, urban forestry, plantation forestry, forest pathology, and wood science. The questions addressed by forestry are often interdisciplinary or require a deep understanding of a complementary discipline. As a result, a forest science collection will not be useful in isolation from access to sound collections in the natural, environ-mental, and agricultural sciences. Likewise, a wood science or forest engineer-ing collection will rely on user access to collections in the physical sciences and civil, mechanical, and chemical engineering. Finally, to address the interaction of humans and forest resources, whether looking at income generation, recreational use, traditional knowledge and practices, or conservation strategies, a forestry researcher will need access to collections in the social sciences. Given these assumptions about access to other collections, we can define a distinct serial literature for forestry. It is defined by the history of forestry and as a result is composed largely of government document series, international, and nongovernmental organization reports as well as trade, scholarly professional, and, more recently, scholarly commercial journals. The selected list of periodicals included here does not include government publications, although these are an important source of technical as well as scientific information. Governmental agencies such as the regional research and experiment stations of the U.S. Forest Service are vital sources of information on all aspects of forestry. Series titles such as the regional General Technical Reports are numerous. They are now published electronically in full-text and are available from the Forest Service web site. Canadian libraries will benefit from their easy access to this literature and that of the National Research Council of Canada's many serial publications. Although they are important sources of information, statistical series and serials available from nongovernmental, nonprofit international organizations and research institutions have not been included in this listing. Several statistical series and The State of the World's Forests are available as searchable datasets and in full-text online from the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) Forestry Sector web site. There are numerous serial publications now available via the Internet from other nongovernmental, nonprofit agencies. These are particularly important for coverage of international forestry. The FAO Forestry Sector web site will help identify and serve as a portal to many of these resources as will the AgNIC Forestry web site. The selection of scholarly, academic, and trade journals is primarily representative and by no means exhaustive. Added to the list of forestry titles with this edition are Agroforestry Systems and International Review of Forestry as representative titles for international forestry, as well as Forest Policy and Economics and the JAWA Journal. Deleted from the list is Forestry Source because the nonmember highlights are now available from the Society of American Foresters web site. In reviewing the periodicals from the 11th edition and considering new titles, I looked for titles widely held by other libraries. In 2001, faculty members in the College of Forestry at Oregon State University were asked to list their most used or top ten journals. This listing provided me with evidence of the multidisciplinary underpinnings of forestry and new titles for consideration. In assessing scholarly titles, I looked for titles with high impact factors or a high journal citation half-life using the Journal Citation Reports from the Institute for Scientific Information. When deciding between comparable titles I took into consideration the journal subscription price, and gave preference to professional society publications over journals from commercial publishers. In the earlier editions of this section, Carol C. Green of the University of Washington has recommended using Literature of Forestry and Agroforestry, published by Cornell University Press in 1996.1 would like to acknowledge that I too have made use of this bibliography and reiterate its importance to anyone managing a forestry collection. In addition to giving a useful history of forestry, it identifies both monographs and serials that have provided the foundation for science-based forestry.
Part one of an interview with Aldo and Anna Mazzaferro. Topics include: Family history. How his parents came to the United States from Italy. How his parents were married and moved to Leominster, MA. Aldo's education and memories from Leominster High School and Holy Cross. Aldo's work at the DuPont company. What life was like during World War II. Aldo's work history. How Aldo and Anna were married. In 1953, Aldo started his CPA business in Leominster and Fitchburg. The different clients he had. His work at Art Plastics and the plastics business in general. His sons joined the plastics business. ; 1 INTERVIEWER: October 4, 2011. This is Linda [Rosenwan], with the Center for Italian Culture at Fitchburg State College with Aldo and Anna Mazzaferro's house, 575 West Street in Leominster. So maybe we should begin, Aldo, if you could just give me some personal information regarding when you were born and where. SPEAKER 1: Very definitely. But I must say that October 4th, 1955, our second son was born. Today is his birthday. SPEAKER 2: That's right. SPEAKER 1: But getting back to me, I was born on November 11th, 1921, in Leominster, Massachusetts. And I went to the public schools here, graduated from Leominster High School 1939. And I went on to Holy Cross College after graduation from Leominster High School. INTERVIEWER: Okay. Were your parents both born in Leominster? SPEAKER 1: No, they were not. They were both born in Italy. My dad was born in the province of Abruzzo in a town called [Scafa]. And my mother was born in Abruzzo on the Adriatic Sea in a town called Pescara. And my dad was born in 1880, and my mother was born in 1882. INTERVIEWER: And when did your father come to this country? SPEAKER 1: My father came to this country, I would say, around 1900. In the winter, they lived in the Bronx within New York. [Unintelligible - 00:01:52] Ellis Island. He lived in the Bronx. INTERVIEWER: And your mother? SPEAKER 1: And my mother arrived, I would say, probably 1902, 1903. And she also went to live in the Bronx, New York with her sister. And her sister was married, had a family, and so my mother came over. And prior to my mother's coming over here in the Bronx, my dad and my mother conducted a romance by way of correspondence through letters. They didn't know each other. So he paid for -- my dad paid for my mother's passage here.2 SPEAKER 2: Your dad boarding at… SPEAKER 1: Yeah. My dad was a boarder. In those days it was frequent -- frequently, the immigrants would come over and they would go to places where they have some relatives or friends. And they were taken in as boarders. My dad was a boarder at my mother's sister's house or apartment in New York City. It is how my dad saw pictures of my mother and how it all started. SPEAKER 2: Sent for her to come from Italy to America. SPEAKER 1: Yeah, he paid for her passage. INTERVIEWER: So they followed. SPEAKER 1: So they courted, married a couple of days later. SPEAKER 2: It was all done that way, the parents would pick a mate for their son or their daughter. In fact, I think it was done on the next generation, too. I have a cousin that was married that way. She lived in Italy, and her husband lived in New York. And they sent for one another and met through pictures and photographs. INTERVIEWER: And did the female part of this arrangement, did she have much to say about it? SPEAKER 1: I'm sure she did. I'm sure that -- my mother is a very strong-willed person, and she did what -- she preferred -- to do it, apparently, it was a great attraction between my parents, and -- it wasn't pre-arranged. It was sustained correspondent with each other and having interests, and it materialized when they met it New York. INTERVIEWER: Interesting. So what brought them to Leominster? SPEAKER 1: Well, they had their children in New York. They're nine -- they had nine children. I believe -- let's see, four or five were born in the Bronx, New York. And my dad wound up in a basement apartment in New York and ran the apartment building for the landlord. And as part of the rent, he lives rent-free with his family. And it came about that my mother's brother, Horrace, came to Leominster and found that there was work here at the DuPont 3 Company. And so he sent news back to the Bronx, and so my dad came along. He got a job at the DuPont Company in Leominster, and he came here with all his family. He works here I don't know for how long a period of time. Let's say around 1950 or 1970, and he brought his family to New York and settled down in Leominster. And they settled at 53 [unintelligible - 00:06:00], and that particular house was owned by one of the mayors of Leominster, Mayor Burdett, and they rented that house. It was a cottage with three bedrooms upstairs and with some land [unintelligible - 00:06:17]. But they eventually purchased that property after a few years. INTERVIEWER: So what kind of work did he do at DuPont? SPEAKER 1: Well he was a -- not a laborer. A benchman, I would believe, at the DuPont Company. But it wasn't to his liking, so he left DuPont Company and went to work for the Leominster Fuel Company and became the delivery person, delivered coal. The Leominster Fuel Company, in those days had the [unintelligible - 00:07:00], and they were always delivered. Those were the days they really have oil burners. And so frankly, our homes, all the boilers used coal. INTERVIEWER: Did you ever go with him to make a delivery? SPEAKER 1: No, no. No, I never did. I was not quite three years old when my dad died. INTERVIEWER: That must have been tremendous hardship for your mother. So your family decided to stay in Leominster? SPEAKER 1: Oh, yes. Yeah. Yes. After my father died, the ninth child was born a couple of months later. Well, the family stayed in Leominster. My oldest brother was probably 16 or 17. He left high school and went to work to support the family. And then each brother, you know, took his turn and went to work and supported the family. And one of my brothers -- I have five brothers ahead 4 of me, and only one was able to complete high school. And I was the sixth brother, and I was able to complete high school. INTERVIEWER: And are you the only one that attended college? SPEAKER 1: Yes, I'm the only one who attended college. INTERVIEWER: Would you like to stop for a minute? SPEAKER 1: Okay. All right. Well as I grew up, without my dad, my mother always impressed upon me the fact that my dad long ago wanted his children to go to college, to get a good education. She was quite disappointed that it wasn't happening. So I guess I was determined to do that, go to college, so that my mother would be happy. So when I was in junior high school I took the classical course, and in most days, junior high school went through the ninth grade. So when I was in ninth grade I questioned whether or not I had the financial resources to go to college. So I determined that there was no way that I could go to college. We don't have enough funds. So when I went to Leominster high school in my sophomore year, I switched from the classical course to college course to the commercial course. And then during my sophomore year at Leominster high school, I trained my mind [unintelligible - 00:10:07] determination that I wanted to go to college bad enough that I would find some way to go. And so my junior/senior year, I switched back to the college course in Leominster High School, and in those days it was a three-year high school, you had to have a minimum of 40 credits a year to pass. We have to have 120 credits to graduate, but because of the fact that I had to cram two college preparation years in my junior/senior year, I was required to take extra courses. So I had hardly any -- I don't think I had any study periods in my senior year. I recall only having one [unintelligible - 00:10:54] period and some semester not having [unintelligible - 00:10:59]. So as a result of that I took a great deal of courses at 5 Leominster High School. I had one year of business courses in commercial, which helped me later on in college. In my junior/senior year I had the college courses. So I was graduated with 151 credits from Leominster High School. We were only required 120, 125. The average credits that they got when we graduate, probably 125. I had 151, and a lot of course were behind me. INTERVIEWER: Did you have to work while you were in high school? SPEAKER 1: Yes, while I was in junior high school, actually junior high school, I got a job working at a Chinese laundry. I learned how to man load shirts, [unintelligible - 00:11:51] the collar, the collar, [unintelligible - 00:11:54] the cuffs, and to iron the shirts. So I learned -- I did very well. I worked at various Chinese laundries in Leominster, Fitchburg on Saturdays, especially. Also my high school years, I started to work at a Chinese laundry while I was in junior high school. And before the Chinese laundry career, I shined shoes at Monument Square in Leominster on Fridays and Saturdays. In most days everyone went downtown. On Saturdays, it's quite crowded downtown, and I did okay shining shoes. INTERVIEWER: I bet you could bank quite a bit of money doing that. SPEAKER 1: I don't have a bank. INTERVIEWER: You don't have a bank. You gave it to your mother? SPEAKER 1: There wasn't enough to go around. I can remember one time when I was in junior high school, I believe, it was during the Depression days in 1930s, and corduroy breeches were very popular in those days. They are the corduroy trousers that went down just below your knees, just below your knees, they had a little [unintelligible - 00:13:12], and they would walk, and they would try to meet that. Everybody at school would have a pair of corduroy breeches. I never had any. INTERVIEWER: Did you wish you did?6 SPEAKER 1: Well, I pushed my older brother Tony, who worked at the DuPont Company—he used to work four to twelve—and you know, just begged him to buy me a pair. He did finally buy me a pair, but I don't know what it costs. It costs less than a dollar, I think, in those days. And I was very proud that I had it. INTERVIEWER: And when you went to Holy Cross, what year was that? SPEAKER 1: Well, in 1939, I graduated -- I graduated in Leominster High School in 1939 in June. I went to Holy Cross in September 1943. And I was admitted to Holy Cross on a scholarship work program, and I was required to pay about one-third of the tuition. In those days, tuition was $280, and I was required to pay $100 of that tuition. And the balance I was required to earn at a rate of approximately 35 cents an hour credit working in the college library. INTERVIEWER: Thirty five cents… SPEAKER 1: … an hour would be credited towards… INTERVIEWER: To the $100 or the $200? SPEAKER 1: … to the 180 balance. That's what I was required to do. So I worked in my freshman year at the college library, normally evenings from about six o'clock to nine o'clock five and six evenings a week, unless there was some college event that I couldn't do it. Basically I did that all during my freshmen year, I worked at the college library, even some Saturdays and Sundays. In those days we went to college, we had classes on Saturday mornings until noontime. So, college was six days a week way back in the '30s and '40s. INTERVIEWER: So you lived on campus then? SPEAKER 1: No, I did not. I lived -- in my freshman year, I lived in Worcester with my older sister. She was married and lived in Worcester, and I stayed with her and I took the bus. And in my freshman year, I commuted, went to Holy Cross. And I lived with her in my 7 freshman year. And then from my sophomore year on, I stayed in Leominster. I lived in Leominster and I commuted daily to Holy Cross. In those days class started at nine o'clock in the morning and ran until 3:30. And then lab would be in the afternoon until 5:30, six o'clock. INTERVIEWER: And then you worked. SPEAKER 1: [Unintelligible - 00:16:20]? INTERVIEWER: No, that's fine. We're going to edit this anyway. Then you would work until nine o'clock at night? SPEAKER 1: No. Well, yes, in the college library. So I'd get home at -- in my freshman year I'd probably get back at 9:30, 10:00 to my sister's house. That was during my freshmen year. That was quite a program. I was gone all the time. But I didn't look upon it -- I shifted to something that had to be done. So I might say that during my freshman year, that the library, right after the football season was over, that one of the -- my good friend in class that played in the college band showed up at the library to work and told me that he was on the same scholarship work program that I was on, and that he had to play in the band and then work at the library to earn his credits. And he told me that next year, because he was in the college band, it would not be necessary for him to work at the library, just be in the college band he would get enough credits so he wouldn't have to work in the library. Just play in the college band. So I didn't know one note of music, and I heard about this. So in those days, they have the WTA Recreation Week, and they [unintelligible - 00:18:04]. They were offering the class on how to play musical instrument at the [unintelligible - 00:18:10] in Worcester. And this was during my freshman year. And so there was a Professor Castana who taught music, and I decided that I wanted to learn to play the cornet so that I could fit into the college 8 band in my sophomore year. So I approached him and told him that I had not -- I'm not looking to be a music major. I just wanna know enough music so that I could play well enough to play the Star-Spangled Banner and probably the football march and some things like that, and national anthem so that I could be admitted into the college band. So I took music lessons in the spring of my freshman year from about, I'd say from January to May in Worcester while I lived with my sister. So I used to go down there, so I'm busy weekends, and whenever I could fit it in, sometimes during the afternoon. INTERVIEWER: So was that a success? Did you get admitted? SPEAKER 1: Yes, yes. I came back after my freshman year was over in the summer of 1940, there was a Professor [unintelligible - 00:19:40] that taught music, and I finished my musical education with him. And I got to play the cornet, and I told him the same thing. I just want him to know that I wasn't gonna do a major in music. So then in my freshmen year, I was admitted to the college band. And I played the second cornet, second trumpet. So I knew all the [unintelligible - 00:20:18]. In a couple of weeks, I learned all the songs that have to be played, probably 12 or 15. And I played in the second cornet. I didn't require the music sheet on the lyre. And so because I could play by heart all the numbers, they placed me outside of the band. When you go on the outside so that you could [unintelligible - 00:20:49] the person on the outside will all be going [unintelligible - 00:20:54]. So that's where I wound up with the college band. INTERVIEWER: Do you still play? SPEAKER 1: No, I don't. I quitted after my junior year, and I haven't played. I'm not a musician.9 SPEAKER 2: Wasn't there a story where you started to usher because you found you got more credits being in the usher than you were playing in a band? SPEAKER 1: Well, what happened was half of my freshmen year, I was able to find a job with the DuPont Company. And in the summer after my freshman year, I worked on the 12-8 shift at the DuPont Company. Then when school started in the fall in my sophomore year, I was able to continue working at the DuPont Company. In order to keep my job with them, I was required to work 82 hours a week, and I would be considered a permanent employee. And if I put in 32 hours or more per week, I would be entitled to a two-week vacation period and paid holidays. So that's what I did in my sophomore, junior, and senior years. While I was at Holy Cross I had a full-time job working at the DuPont Company. My normal schedule after the football season was over, that I had to work on a Saturday from 4-12. I would get 8 hours. Then on a Sunday I would go to mass at 7 o'clock, and I would be at the DuPont Company from 8 o'clock, and I would work 8-4. So on a Saturday and Sunday, I got 16 hours, and I have the rest of the week to get in another 16 or more hours. So the way the classes were at Holy Cross on a Tuesday and a Thursday, the class schedule was light. I would have I think two classes at night on Tuesdays and Thursdays. I was normally to class about 1:30 to two o'clock and it was all done class on two o'clock. So I would get back to Leominster at three o'clock, four o'clock, usually five or six o'clock, and I would work from 6-9 and 7-10, something like that. Or even sometimes 7-12. And once in a while, if I was up to it, I would even go beyond 12 o'clock at work. If I have an exam the next day I would probably work until… INTERVIEWER: I guess I'm wondering when did you study? I think…10 SPEAKER 1: Going to see if I'm coming too strong enough [unintelligible - 00:24:06]. Ah, let's see. When did I study? I didn't study as much as I would've wanted to. In order to make up for the fact that I couldn't study as much as I wanted to, when I was in class I really focused on what the professor was talking about. I would not permit myself to be distracted by what was going on in class. I just focused right on that professor and tried to understand what they were trying to put across. And I think that saved me a lot of -- I did my homework, less consuming. But I studied between classes, and I actually used to study on the job at the DuPont Company. I had a job running an automatic comb-polishing machine, was about 40 or 50 feet long. And I sat at the beginning of the machine, and said comb fell into a belt. And after a while you'll get so used to it you didn't have to look at what you're doing. You just grab a handful of combs, and one by one you would put those combs down the belt about a half an inch a pack. And you didn't have to watch it too carefully. So I used to set up the machine with a book in my lap if I have some studying to do. So I used to get some studying done that way. And the… INTERVIEWER: And what was your major? SPEAKER 1: My major at Holy Cross was economics, Bachelor of Science in Economics. But that's when I enrolled there. But then in the senior year, they changed the name of the degree to Business Administration. Actually, my concentration there was in Economics, actually. I took the accounting -- the accounting program was required for the first two years. And then after the junior and senior year, then you decide whether or not to continue on the accounting later on. I decided to get into economics, applied economics. INTERVIEWER: What was it like going to school during the war?11 SPEAKER 1: Well, it wasn't really until December 7, 1941, the day of Pearl Harbor, that I think that the [unintelligible - 00:26:52] heavily involved in. There was a -- I don't exactly know when. I don't think that the interest in following through -- there would seem to be a "Let's get it over with. I'm gonna be in the service anyway. Let's get education over with," and everything was accelerated. After 1942, they dispensed with the summer vacation from college. Normally you would get out of college in first week of June. We went right through, started our senior year in June of 1942. We finished our -- we finished our junior year in May of 1942. It took just a few weeks, two days before we started the senior year, went right through the summer. [Unintelligible - 00:28:17] a week down to July 4th, holiday. It was like that right through the summer of 1942. And with the accelerated program, we graduated February 1943 where we should have been graduated in June of 1943. And there was gas rationing in those days, and travel was my priority. So it was difficult to travel. INTERVIEWER: At that time you were traveling back and forth at Leominster? SPEAKER 1: I was commuting back and forth. INTERVIEWER: So how did you do that? SPEAKER 1: We have enough gas. It was rationed. We have enough gas to go to school. But because of the travel restriction, they cancelled our graduation exercises. So we had no graduation exercises in 1943, and we received our diplomas through the mail. I might say that about traveling, it wasn't commuting back and forth that was the worst to Holy Cross from Leominster that my brother and myself, in my sophomore year, bought a 1929 Packard that I could use and was gonna use later on in this business. So when I went back to school in September of my sophomore year with the Packard, I had about four, five other students as passengers, and that helped to defer the cost of traveling gas and oil back and forth to Worcester. 12 And this Packard broke down after the second week that I was in college. I had to tow it back to Leominster. So over the weekend there was an old 1934 Packard that was for sale, so my brother purchased this 1934 Packard for $50. And I used that, but it consumed a lot of gasoline. I probably got six or seven or eight miles a gallon at the most. But gasoline was not expensive in those days. You can probably get -- I think we were paying 12 to 15 cents a gallon of gasoline in 1940, 1941. So… INTERVIEWER: So it sounds as if your brothers gave out a lot for the family. SPEAKER 1: Well, I always -- they helped, definitely. When I need a couple of dollars here and there, and usually they would let me have a dollar or two if I need it. But then as I worked at the DuPont Company and got in, got my time, especially in the summer, I worked full time. I worked 40 hours a week and probably even 48 or 50. I put in plenty of time. And then the two-week vacation period that I got paid for, I actually worked at the DuPont Company, so I developed this sufficient income stream to carry, to support myself. INTERVIEWER: Did anyone else go to college from your family? SPEAKER 1: No. Not anyone. No. INTERVIEWER: Again, going back to the war. Did you have to serve? SPEAKER 1: No, I didn't. I was eligible for limited service. So I wasn't eligible for the draft until I was graduated from college. In those days I believe all the college students were permitted to finish their college career as long as they are in good standing. And so I was eligible for limited service. First time that the draft board called upon me, I went down and they didn't need anyone for limited service. And at that time I was working for Peat Marwick Mitchell Company. This was in 1943, and I was involved in auditing in the British West Indies, Central America, Northern South America. There was security involved in auditing, and I was doing it, and it 13 involved auditing for the United States government. And so I never got into the service. INTERVIEWER: Is this company in Leominster? SPEAKER 1: No. Peat Marwick Mitchell is one of the big three accounting firms in those days. There were Peat Marwick Mitchell, Price Waterhouse, [unintelligible - 00:33:52], companies like that. And today, Peat Marwick Mitchell is now known as KPGM, one of the big, large international firms. So I went to work for them in November of 1943. INTERVIEWER: And where was it located? SPEAKER 1: They have -- well, they have had their worldwide headquarters in London, in Scotland, in New York, throughout the United States, and I worked at the Boston office in the Worcester branch. I had assignments. I went to work with them in November. We audited companies like Melville Shoe, which became the Thom McAn shoe stores, the General Electric company, American Optical, [unintelligible - 00:34:50] Electronics… INTERVIEWER: Did you stay in Leominster and commute? SPEAKER 1: Yes. I probably -- much of the time I was with Peat Marwick Mitchell, I was traveling. And for instance, we would go to Southbridge and audit the books of American Optical; that would take about six weeks, seven weeks. And we would stay at the Columbia Hotel in Southbridge, Massachusetts all week long. So I would come home on weekends. It was like that. We audited the General Electric Company in Pittsville, Massachusetts with the same arrangement. We would stay at the hotel. There was lot of traveling away from -- in fact, in 1944, I was on assignment to Central America from Labor Day to Thanksgiving. So I was away and conducting audits for the United States Commercial Company, that supplies corporation that was part of the security that Peat Marwick Mitchell was involved in during the war. There was also, 14 in Panama, there was a tropical radio and telegraph company, which was very important for communication. That was part of the auditing contract that Peat Marwick Mitchell had with the United States government. But the big account that was prevalent throughout those areas was United Food Company, which was like a government unto itself. It had schools. It supported the schools. It had its own schools, education, railroads throughout the Central America. INTERVIEWER: And how long did you go with that company? SPEAKER 1: I was with Peat Marwick Mitchell until November of 1947. No, December, end of December, until January 1948 I was with Peat Marwick Mitchell. I left Peat Marwick Mitchell and went to work with Baker and Baker. It was another CPA firm out of [Worcester in] New York. And one of the assignments I had with them, the longest, was down in New York City working at 90 Broad Street, and we conducted investigation of the New York Waterworks. Investigation involves contracts and transactions that dated back to the early 1900s when they installed the water supply from New York City in Long Island. So I worked in the fraud investigation regarding a case that was going on. And as I lived in New York from -- I think I was assigned there from the end of July of 1948, July or August of 1948, and I was there until November of '48. We stayed at the St. George Hotel or St. Charles Hotel in Long Island. I would take the subway to Wall Street to 90 Broad Street where we were working on the audit. INTERVIEWER: Okay, and how long were you with that company? SPEAKER 1: I was with them I would say until 1950. And then I went to work -- one of the accounts that Baker and Baker had was the Dollar Greeting Cards, which was located in Fitchburg, Massachusetts. And I had conducted the audit of Dollar Greeting Cards for Baker and Baker Company. And then you recall there was a recession in 15 1949, and so Baker and Baker had to let much of its staff go. And I was one of the staff that was let go in probably August or September of 1949. SPEAKER 2: In May. SPEAKER 1: Well, they told me they were gonna let me go in May, but then after our wedding we came back, and they told me they're gonna keep me on. So that's an interesting story if you want me to tell you a little bit about it. INTERVIEWER: I was just about to ask you when you got married. 1949? SPEAKER 2: May 1949. He was unemployed. SPEAKER 1: Well, let me tell you the story is that that we had our wedding date set up May 7, 1949. It was two or three weeks before the wedding, Baker and Baker notified me that they're gonna have to let me go during my vacation, because of the, you know, the recession. So I didn't mention that to her. And so we were married. I think we were honeymooning in Canada, we went up to Canada, I said, well this is a safe place to tell her. So I let her know that she had married an unemployed person but not to worry about it because things will work out okay. And so we got back, and Baker and Baker kept me on for another two months, and I land the Dollar Greeting Cards audit after that. And then when they had to leave Baker and Baker, and so they came about the Dollar Greeting Card. Dollar Greeting Card needed assistants in the accounting department, the special projects that they had going on. So I was hired. So I left them. I was hired by Dollar Greeting cards. So I left Baker and Baker on a Friday, and on Monday I showed up at the Dollar Greeting Cards Company. And I worked there on special projects, and probably important projects. I worked onwards on assignments that determine the tax advantages and disadvantages of transferring Dollar Greeting Cards from being a Massachusetts corporation to a 16 North Hampshire corporation. That was one of the assignments I had, and I made the recommendation that it would be a great tax saving by relocating to North Hampshire. And so shortly after I made that report, I left. I left Dollar Greeting cards. I passed the CPA exam in November of 1949. Yes. And so it's 1950, I left Dollar Greeting Cards, and I went to work for Colorado Fuel and Iron Corporation that had the large steel manufacturing company. They had headquarters in Buffalo, Colorado. The eastern division was headquarters and offices at 585 Madison Avenue, and I worked out of the New York office. And my position with them is -- I was named assistant to the chief plant department for the Eastern division for of Colorado Fuel and Iron. And it had various divisions, it had the [unintelligible - 00:44:06] Iron and Steel division, which was located in New England. And while I was an auditor with Peat Marwick Mitchell, I ran -- Colorado Fuel was one of the clients of Peat Marwick Mitchell. So I ran the audit of the [unintelligible - 00:44:24] Steel division in Worcester, Clinton, and [unintelligible - 00:44:27], Massachusetts. And over this part there was a problem. There was an accounting problem regarding the inventory problem, which was quite serious, that I was involved in. And as a result of the examinations that I had to make, I got to meet the treasurer of the Colorado Fuel, [unintelligible - 00:44:54] from New York City during the course of this audit, which sort of took place in 1947, when I was auditing the [unintelligible - 00:45:07] Steel division. So we finally settled our differences and we certified the statements for Colorado Fuel and Iron. And at the end of the meetings that we had, the treasurer mentioned to me that most fellas in public accounting where I was, after four, five years, they tire up. They wanna find a place where they can have a career with a great company. And he said to me, think of Colorado Fuel 17 and Iron when you're ready to leave public accounting. So when I was with Dollar Greeting Cards in 1949 or 1950, I didn't see that I had a future there. And so I contacted the treasurer of Colorado Fuel and Iron and went down for an interview in New York City. I was hired immediately, and I went to work for them in 1950. INTERVIEWER: And after that you stayed behind? SPEAKER 2: We stayed in Leominster. SPEAKER 1: Yeah, they lived in Leominster. SPEAKER 2: He'd worked -- he'd come home weekends. And then we'll drive him to the Union Station in Worcester for him to take the midnight train, the sleeper, to go to work maybe Chicago, Buffalo, New York… SPEAKER 1: Not only Buffalo. They had a big -- so in Buffalo, in [unintelligible - 00:46:32] New York, the big steel facility requires [unintelligible - 00:46:36] Steel division. SPEAKER 2: It was -- Sunday night I would drive to Worcester for the midnight train. SPEAKER 1: So I would spend time away. INTERVIEWER: And how long did you stay with them? SPEAKER 1: I was with them -- I can remember the day exactly, April Fools' Day, April 1, 1953, I left. And I was traveling all the time. I was hardly ever home. Closest I ever worked was Clinton. They had a [unintelligible - 00:47:10] Steel, and then in Worcester. But they were all very small in comparison to the other facilities that Colorado Fuel had. In Buffalo there are probably 5,000 or 6,000 workers. And then in Trenton, New Jersey, we acquired the [unintelligible - 00:47:32] division, probably 5,000 or 6,000 people at work there. The nearest facility [unintelligible - 00:47:39] Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Claymont, Delaware, all these facilities that they have, I worked there. INTERVIEWER: So what happened in 1953?18 SPEAKER 1: Well, in 1953, I decided to come back to Leominster and establish my CPA practice. I always wanted to have a CPA practice to public accounting. And I had, I was certified. And so while I was head, all these employments out of town, I developed an accounting practice in Leominster and Fitchburg. And so what was important in getting back to Leominster is I had one account. And I had many, but one of the accounts I had was the Art Plastics Company, and it was a very successful plastics company. And it did the greatest volume of [unintelligible - 00:48:48] would be SS Kresge Company, which today is known as the Kmart. And so in 1951 or 1952, they started to lose their bargain in business that was the Kresge Company, and it got to the point where in late 1952, early 1953, they lost money, the volume of their business with the Kresge Company. And so they became insolvent. And they had -- they owed money to the major chemical manufacturer in those days. Dall Chemical, [unintelligible - 00:49:43] and so, the credit offices of these companies were located in the New York City area. And while I was with Colorado Fuel working down in Madison Avenue in New York, I contacted the credit department of the Dall Chemical, [unintelligible - 00:50:00], and was able to affect the settlement for Art Plastics of 10 to 25 cents on a dollar, they would settle for it, because I was able to show that without some compromise, the Art Plastics was gonna go out of business. They were insolvent, they were heading to bankruptcy. And so as a result of these accommodations I made for the Art Plastics Company, it was able to exist in not just to keep it running from day to day. And they had one account, a custom molding account, which was enough to keep it alive. So they wanted me to see what I could do, improve the facility and join the company and make it viable. And so I accepted an arrangement after great discussion to go to work with them on April 1 and leave Colorado Fuel. And19 my salary was $100 a week, which was less than what I was earning with Colorado Fuel. But the arrangement that I would stay long enough to either make a [unintelligible - 00:51:36] company or not, and that I would put all the time that I could, especially every morning, but then afternoons I would be free if I had to take care of my accounting practice, which I was going to build up. So I used Art Plastics as a steppingstone to develop my public accounting practice. And so I joined Art Plastics, and simultaneously, when I joined, there were three main stockholders, three partners at Art Plastics. One of them left abruptly as I joined the company, and so I joined the company and made all kinds of drastic cuts, like slashed salaries of the remaining partners, almost 50 percent, and you know, in [unintelligible - 00:52:40] warehouse based at [unintelligible - 00:52:44]. I made a lot of cost-cutting procedures. INTERVIEWER: So you were a very popular guy? SPEAKER 1: I was not popular at all. And so at the end of the first month, six to seven weeks that I was there, the second partner approached and said I can't get along on my meager income now, and what I'd like to do is leave the company but I'd like to take the machine shop as a swap for my share in the company. So I okayed it, and I checked with the other partner, the other remaining partner, who was elderly and who was not that active in the plastics business but who was the investment person, the person who put up the fund at the start the company. And so it was fine with him. So at the end of two months, I was -- I found myself there with just one partner. Then he suddenly developed an ulcer and was hospitalized, and he was told to stay away from the plastics company. So in the short space of time, I found myself running the plastic company that I didn't completely understand, and I was learning. And so that went on. I managed to keep running, and…20 INTERVIEWER: Doing all of these for a $100 a week? SPEAKER 1: Well, yes. But I had my accounting practice, and I was earning about as much in my accounting practice on a part-time basis, because I was working for the Art Plastics Company. And the practice was that I would hold my payroll checks for perhaps two or three weeks, whatever I had to, when there was not enough money in Art Plastics to cover the payroll checks. So we managed to stay alive and keep Art Plastics running. We get down to the point where we -- normally, Art Plastics had 60, 70 employees when it was running. But they kept down to the point where we only had five or six employees when there was hardly any business. But we managed to hang in there by cost cutting and settling with creditors in giving us time to pay. We managed to stay alive. And I stayed in the plastics business longer than what I had planned. So I was busy running the plastics business, running my public accounting practice, time goes by. And the plastics business was seasonal, and it worked out that public accounting in those days was seasonal. You were busy from about December until about April, and that's about when the plastics company was not that busy. So I was able to balance the two and keep the plastics company alive. And after three, four, five years, we developed new customers in the plastics, with Art Plastics. I made a decision around 1960 after just being so busy running the plastics business during the day and running my public accounting practice in the evening and weekends, and taking time away from the plastics business during the week, I made the decision to stay in the plastics business. And I thought that I might take my public accounting practice alive by bringing somebody in. And so it was 1959 or 1958, one of those years, that I brought in one of my colleagues that I work with at Peat Marwick Mitchell Company, 21 and he came to work with me, and I was passing on -- he handled all the public accounts. We set up an office, and the [unintelligible - 00:57:31] building downtown, I remember. And that went on for a year or a year and a half, maybe two years, and he abruptly passed away. And right in the middle of taxing, probably February or March. And so all these taxes returns we were working on, I had to get extensions. And so that's when I decided that I wouldn't be able to keep up my public accounting practice, so that's when I divested my accounts and made arrangements for other CPAs in the area to take over some of my accounts. But I wasn't able to give them all up. I kept a couple. Not that I wanted to, but because they wanted to. There was some loyalty there. And so I [unintelligible - 00:58:39] that I kept maybe for another 10, 15 years. It was not a very… INTERVIEWER: What made you stay in the Art Plastics Company? Sounds like an incredible amount of work. SPEAKER 1: Well, there is a lot of work. But we have 30, 40, 50 people there. You can delegate a lot. I think in public accounting, it was -- for me, it was more time-consuming to get the work done, whereas in manufacturing you delegate and you're more of a manager and you have time. And I can recall a conversation that I had with two of my colleagues when I was working in Southbridge at the American Optical, and we were talking one evening, the three of us, as to what we wanted to after we get out of public accounting. And one of them said, "Well, I wanna become the comptroller of a large gold chip firm." And he did, he became comptroller and assistant treasurer of the Pittston Company. And the other fellow wanted to stay in public accounting and be partner, and he did that. He stayed. I remember saying I wanna be a manufacturer. I just think that the opportunity in manufacturing, owning your own business. 22 I remember saying that maybe if turned up that I had that opportunity to work on… INTERVIEWER: So tell me, what did Art Plastics make? SPEAKER 1: Art Plastics had their line of horticultural flower pot ornaments, that was its line. It made these trellises for flower pots, it made the ornaments that you would stick in the flower pots, like the flamingoes, [unintelligible - 01:00:45] watering flowers, those palm trees, a frog on the… INTERVIEWER: And this was very popular in the '60s? SPEAKER 1: Well, it was -- yes, it had a line. But we developed a -- we got into custom molding products. Custom molding is more than we did, the proprietary line. So we became custom molders, basically. That's when we would -- people would come to us with molds of their own, and we would mold their products. And we used to -- one of our big accounts had a big line of toy dolls. And you know that Barbie doll that was popular? We used to mold that. We used to mold it in acetate. That was our main account. We mold it for the company that put the [unintelligible - 01:01:45] sprayed the eyes on it, the eye lashes. INTERVIEWER: The Barbie doll, the Mattel Company? SPEAKER 1: No, they were competitors. Got to be competitors. This was back in the late 1950s, '60s. Yeah. So we were custom molders. We used to mold for other big companies, like [unintelligible - 01:02:16]. They manufacture beautiful knives, forks, and spoons, and we used to mold those. And companies like Tupperware. Have you heard of Tupperware? They would get extremely busy, and they would approach molders like Art Plastics. And we would mold their basins and dish bowls and things like that on a seasonal basis. SPEAKER 2: Clothes hangers?23 SPEAKER 1: Clothes hangers. That was one big account. But we made all their hangers that they made—not for the consumer market but for the display of hangers in stores and department stores like Saks, and… [Lauren] Taylor, companies like that. They have a very expensive line of plastic hangers, and we were their molders. So we were -- we get a great deal of custom molding with Art Plastics. SPEAKER 2: May I insert a story? We were on the trip, and Aldo's looking at the store with fur coats in the windows. And our friends said, "Oh Aldo's looking to buy you a fur coat." I says, "No, he wants to see if that was one of the hangers molded at Art Plastics." SPEAKER 1: I want to see it that was one of our hangers. SPEAKER 2: So I had many stories little stories like that. He'd be looking to see if it was done at Art Plastics Company or some other place. INTERVIEWER: Now, what would happen if you saw that it was done at another? SPEAKER 1: Well, if it was a competitor's, I would report it back to our customers; say you got to get your salesman out there. So that's what Art Plastics did. And so it leads to some [unintelligible - 01:04:15]. INTERVIEWER: But I'm not sure I fully understand Art Plastics, meaning after the partners that you had suddenly died. You decided no longer… SPEAKER 1: No, he developed an ulcer, and he was advised not to return to work for a few months. INTERVIEWER: Oh yeah, not him, but during your public accounting. SPEAKER 1: Oh. Well, I liquidated my company, public accounting practice, and couple of other CPAs in the area took the accounts over. INTERVIEWER: And then you continued with… SPEAKER 1: Then I stayed in plastics; I stayed in plastics and developed Art Plastics. And in 1960, we were paying rent in what they called in those days the old DuPont building. So we had an opportunity to buy a piece of real estate owned by the Borden Chemical Company at 75 Water Street in Leominster. And so we acquired that 24 property I believe in 1960. And so Art Plastics relocated and moved up to this new facility, and that's when I made all my decision that I'm gonna stay in the plastics business, liquidate my public accounting. It was around 1960 when we purchased the Art Plastics building on the Walter Street from the Borden Chemical Company. INTERVIEWER: Now 40 years later, are you in the same location? SPEAKER 1: Comes about it, I'm going back. That's a long circle around. So… SPEAKER 2: That building has always been Art Plastics and Cardinal Co. Then we have another building. But now, Art Plastics is back on 75 Water Street. Lots of stories in between. SPEAKER 1: Lots of stories in between. INTERVIEWER: Do you want to say all of them? Because we're up to 1960, so we might as well go on. SPEAKER 1: All right. So in the '60s we developed Art Plastics in custom molding. And I decided that, that we had culturally floral [unintelligible - 01:06:55] that we had, the trellises and things like that, were not developing the way I thought. And I was looking for a proprietary line to get into. So we had a lot of experience molding combs for the DuPont Company, the Tupperware Company, hangers and things like that, and also standard home products that we used to custom mold. So we had a background in molding combs. And Leominster is known as the combing city that it always had. They manufacture combs here. So I had an opportunity to employ somebody who was knowledgeable in comb business, so I decided to be in the comb business, and that was in 1969, that the first thing we did was we had a pocket comb mold built. That caught, let's say, 36-cavity 5-inch pocket comb, heavy-duty pocket comb that cost us $7,200. That was our first mold to go into the comb business. INTERVIEWER: And that cost you $7,200 for the mold?25 SPEAKER 1: For that one mold to introduce us. That was a very pro -- and that was a man's pocket comb. Every man has a pocket comb, a black pocket comb in those days, and it was a bread and butter entry to the business. So we started Cardinal Comb in 1969. Around 1970, there was a -- another company in Leominster that was involved in the comb business, and they have been in business two or three or four years. And they were faltering, and they were going out of business. So we acquired their machinery, molds and machinery. INTERVIEWER: Which business was that? Which company? What was the name of it? Can you remember? SPEAKER 1: They call it Rafaeli Plastics. Cardinal Comb acquired all the assets, the machinery, the equipment, the inventory, and the customer list… whom I was already doing business with. But that doesn't matter. So that was in 1999, we acquire Rafaeli Plastics. And after that, going through our line. INTERVIEWER: Were you the only company in the area producing combs? SPEAKER 1: No, we were not. We were a late entry. Probably a half a dozen other people making combs in Leominster, or at least I knew about. So we entered the comb business. INTERVIEWER: And what gave you the courage for that? SPEAKER 1: Well, I hired this person who had experience in sales in combs. I was -- I felt he could do well in the comb business. So during the '70s and '80s, our comb business grew. We had a machine shop, and we built our own molds. In those days it had the black and the [unintelligible - 01:10:52] movement. And so they were the new styles of combs coming in to the market, and molds have to be built. We had the facility, machine shop facility. We built many of our own molds, and it saved us considerable… INTERVIEWER: Who would make a decision like that? Is it something that you read about, knowing what kinds of combs are coming into style?26 SPEAKER 1: Well, we would go to trade shows. We would go to trade shows in New York, Chicago. And you could -- the trend was out there, there was a trend, and you could detect it. And what other people, what other competitors would do, they have a pulse for what the market wanted. And after that was happening in the '70s or '80s, comb business was changing. And people change styles along. They became sharp. For a while they have all these apple comb, shampoo comb, the big 9-inch comb with a handle on it. Normally they have a regular 9-inch dresser comb which was all comb. Half of the comb was fine teeth; the other half was coarse teeth. So the apple comb with the shampoo comb with coarse teeth with a handle on it. So we were probably one of the first to get in on that trend. And they have this list; they give you the afro look. And we were very involved with that. And at the same time, with the change in the style of combs, there was also a change in the color of combs. Because the comb industry, basically, that we started with, we only had about three colors of comb. You'll have black, baby pink, and baby blue. Those were the colors. So if we went to trade shows, and plastics, the new plastics resins coming in to the market where you could color, add all kinds of color very easily. So color became very important in the comb business. So we got in on that trend and started to make a lot of colors, and it's one of the ways I think that we expanded and kept up with the competition. INTERVIEWER: Is Art Plastics and Cardinal Combs two separate companies? SPEAKER 1: Yes. SPEAKER 2: Two separate corporations. Same people. SPEAKER 1: Yes. Two separate corporations. Common ownership. The family owns -- I actually took the beginning. The family, to mention, our family, owned Art Plastics and Cardinal Comb. My son didn't join me in the plastics business until probably 1980 or so. 27 SPEAKER 2: Because of college. INTERVIEWER: Two sons, or… SPEAKER 2: Two sons in the plastics business now. INTERVIEWER: But did they originally all work in the plastics? SPEAKER 1: No. I'll tell you a little story. But the important and interesting is -- so we started to develop these colors like yellow and fuchsia, strawberry and lime, all the different colors of a comb. So it was probably my son Edward -- when did get he out of college? SPEAKER 2: '82. SPEAKER 1: '82. Edward, the youngest of my three sons, joined me at Cardinal Comb, and he was in charge of production, scheduling. And he and I went to trade shows. And then my second son Anthony was working in Boston in public accounting. So at one point my son Anthony said, "Dad I'm gonna be joining Cardinal Comb," and I said, "Are you?" "Yes. Edward wants me to join the company. He said that we need some help." I said that's fine. Glad to hear it. And so Anthony joined the company around 1983, something like that. So then I decided, this is not all the heads that we're gonna have, so we really have to expand to cover Anthony's salary. And so we concentrated more on marketing. So I put Anthony in charge of sales and marketing. And so Anthony would go to the trade shows. And so he came back from one trade show after he's been with the company for a year or so, he said, "Dad, we have to have more colors. We just can't get by with just three or four. We have to have eight or nine different colors. And we can get more of the shares of the market." And so I called Edward in, I said "Edward, we're gonna increase the inventory line of combs from about four colors to about eight or nine." Edward said, "Over my dead body, Dad. I'm not ready to have any more different colors." So I had these two very strong individuals, strong personality, and I could say from my experience from public accounting, I had seen 28 collisions or difficulty come in to certain partnerships and family arrangements. And I sat back and said no, these two [unintelligible - 01:17:11] want to run the show. It can only have one person running an operation; I got to find another way. I got to separate these companies. So that's when I made the decision to purchase another company called St. John, which we renamed First Plastics. And then I put Edward in charge of that. And so each -- it is my decision or purpose or call, really, to have each one of my eldest boys run their own company, which they would run it completely and be responsible. And that would give them the incentive, too. If they did well, they'd be rewarded. So it worked out very well, I think. INTERVIEWER: So is Art Plastics also making combs? SPEAKER 2: No. Just molding. SPEAKER 1: No. First Plastics was strictly a custom molding operation. That had some customers. So we acquired First Plastics in 1987, '88. 1988. We actually acquired it. And we had a relationship of molding with them. When we purchased -- when we set up First Plastics, the name of the company was St. John, and that was owned by the [unintelligible - 01:18:48] family from [unintelligible - 01:18:55] Massachusetts. So we get custom molding for them, and they own it solely because they have to go into plastics to make their plastics and things like that. But after they go on a few years, it didn't work out well for them and they decided that they were going to get out of the plastics business, and that's when St. John was up for sale. And that's when we purchased the company. And they had some custom molding and customer list, small customer list that went a long way. So we set up First Plastics in a separate location down the [unintelligible - 01:19:36], and Edward became the president of First Plastics, and Anthony became the president of Cardinal Comb./AT/jf/kb/es
Part one of an interview with Frances Mercadante. Topics include: Poem for Dorris Catrell. Becoming the Italian Woman of the Year. Her work as a teacher. Being a woman with a family and a career. How her children were well cared for. How expectations and values changed from generation to generation in her family. Her mother played the organ. How her grandparents met in Boston, were married, and had her mother. How Frances' great uncle, Father Angelo Cappenella, ended up coming to the United States from Italy and was positioned at Saint Anthony's Parish in Fitchburg, MA. Frances' mother moved to Fitchburg to help care for her uncle at the rectory at Saint Anthony's. What life was like for Father Cappenella. Speaking Italian. The Venereen Sisters at Saint Anthony's. The importance of family. The tradition of family meals. How Frances dealt with her son's divorce. ; 1 LINDA: Linda [Rosenwan] for the Center for Italian Culture. It is Wednesday, October 24, 2001. We're with Frances Mercadante at her home at 306 Canton Street in Fitchburg. So she is about to read a poem that I believe she wrote. Did you write this poem? FRANCES: Yes, I did. LINDA: For a friend, Doris Catrell. FRANCES: For a friend, Doris Catrell [Disgene]. Doris, small statured woman, a warm smiling face. Whenever she greets you, it's with a hugging embrace. Impeccably dressed each Sunday as she comes to lead the parish in song with her clear, lilting voice at the 8 o'clock mass. After mass, carrying communion to the ill, she brings them consoling joy and contentment. Then, to the Blessed Sacrament she travels spending an hour with the Lord in the Eucharist. During the week, she's at mass each day, later has coffee for our group to enjoy. Always uplifting whenever we're burdened, encouraging and kind in conversation. At home as a child, I remember her presence, practiced the church services with mom in the choir. Reaching high notes as a soprano with ease, always ready to do her part. Later when Saint Anthony's School was in session, she volunteered to cook, serve, and chat with the children from our school and no one, too. Her workers enjoyed her pleasant manner. She was there when our family and neighbors required special care, assisting her parents in their senior years. Helped Margie, a neighbor, when her health began to fail. And still took care of her own family's needs. She has four loving children, Carla, Michael, Jerome, and Antonia; one special granddaughter, Ashley. Has a strong, loving bond with each of them, and especially enjoys their calls and visits. 2 She has a green thumb that is obvious to see as you approach her cottage with bursts of color from flowers of all kinds profusely growing in her yard. Doris, a woman of faith, family, and friends has left an indelible mark on my life. LINDA: Now, what was the occasion that you wrote this? FRANCES: I wanted it to be part of my Italian cultural evening. And I said it would be nice for me -- well, I had already done Luigi Relley years ago in class, in a creative writing class. I said I was going to look into getting a picture of the two of them and frame the write-ups that I did so parishioners going by, especially the older ones and then some of the families, would recognize the two people and want to read them. And that was the whole purpose. LINDA: So this was read at the awards, too? FRANCES: No. LINDA: No? FRANCES: It was just on a table with all the other material that we had, and people could read it if they wished. LINDA: So explain to us just briefly about becoming Woman of the Year, the Italian-American Woman of the Year. FRANCES: Italian-American Woman of the Year. There is a committee of people that look at individuals and usually see whether or not we have been in the community, active in the community somewhat, and also doing well with our church, our family, an all-encompassing thing. When they look at a person, they want you to be many things. I personally felt that I was more involved with church, family, and career. And I did some outside material with, probably, the ecumenical group. I had been in that for a number of years and enjoyed that. And then, I used the telephone to solicit for the Red Cross and cancer, TB-ers. 3 But I wasn't, supposedly as far as I was concerned, the type of person they should select because I wasn't as outgoing as being in politics or being very active in the elderly communities that they have in the cities and whatnot. I just didn't have the time because of my career. I stayed in quite a number of years until -- let's see, I was going on 69 when I left. And a lot of people leave at 52. So I didn't have the time. I enjoyed teaching, and I hated to give it up. LINDA: So now explain to us about being a teacher. I understand that you were the first. Were you the first married woman? FRANCES: Yes. When I came back to Fitchburg from Windsor, Connecticut, I had my training in Windsor, Connecticut. I went to college in Chicopee [unintelligible – 00:05:35]. And when I looked for a position, my mother, of course, wanted me to stay home in my own hometown. She knew I was going to be engaged and getting married, and she really looked forward to that. And I stayed on, was substituting this for almost six months, and was called maybe three times. And I said, "I'm never going to get any experience doing this." And it was a time when they were not hiring as many teachers. LINDA: And what year was this? FRANCES: This was 1953. And so I decided to use a teacher -- what do you call them? I'm trying to think of a word. Where you would look for a position, they would have the listing of different schools. And Massachusetts had a few. They were in Walpole and quite far from Fitchburg, on the other side of Fitchburg, really, going toward the cape. And then, there was this job that I found in Windsor, Connecticut, and my brother-in-law lived in Connecticut in Plainville, in New Britain. And so I decided to look into the Windsor, Connecticut job, and it started in January. And I was taking care of a fifth grade class and decided to accept the position. And I was very, very happy that I did. I had a Mr. John O'Neal, who was just delightful, as a principal. And the teachers were 4 very, very friendly. And it was a very good start for my career as a teacher. We lived in a home where there was a widow with only teachers boarding there. LINDA: And this was before you were married? FRANCES: Before I was married. So I stayed there for the rest of that year and the following year. And then I returned to Fitchburg and looked for a position here, and I was selected at the E Street School. At that time, the superintendent had just been changed, and we had a Mr. Johnson from New York, from the state of New York, I don't know exactly where. And I told him, I said, "You know, I'm going to be getting married." And at that time, they said, "Well, usually you have to retire. You could sub, but you cannot be a permanent teacher in the classroom." And he said, "No, Fitchburg is laidback." He was very get up and go. And he said, "Things are changing." And he said, "They've already changed in New York. So I don't want you to even worry about getting married and losing your job because I think it's going to change within this year." And I said, "Well, all right." So I just listened to him. And as it was, he was correct. So then, I told him the following year… LINDA: And what year is this? FRANCES: I'm very bad with years, so I think it was '54. And I told him, I said, "I'm having a child." And I said, "I know that's definitely a no-no. I'll have to leave." He said, "Oh, no it isn't." He said, "That is changing, also." And so he said, "You continue, but you get your doctor's permission that you're fine and you're able to do it." So I was the first married woman in Fitchburg and the first pregnant woman in Fitchburg. And I stayed on until that whole, entire June, and I 5 had my baby August 6 th. And everybody was very accepting. I was in a small four-room school with just four classrooms and a Mrs. McKeel, who was delightful. She was [unintelligible – 00:10:19] and knew my family. And I was very well treated, so I had no complexes about it at all. LINDA: So you didn't receive any dissention even from the community? FRANCES: No, no, I didn't. Well, I think because I was inobtrusive or unobtrusive. I did not make waves at all. I just did my job, and I was very low-key. That's the way to put it. LINDA: Now, where was this school? FRANCES: This school was on Lindbergh Street, which is Route 2-A going to Boston, the old Route 2-A. And that's where I started here in Fitchburg. And then I decided to stay out until I had my family. So I was out of teaching for six years. I returned to teaching when my husband decided he was unhappy with private accounting and really would like to start his own public accounting business. In those days, a CPA could not do any advertising at all. And I knew he was worried about the fact that he wouldn't be able to support his own family. So I decided to try to get a position, and we could live on my salary. And in the meantime, I spoke to my youngest sister, who is 10 years younger than I, and she was dating seriously. And I said, "Would you mind instead of working somewhere to take care of my children?" And she agreed. And so I had a wonderful setup if I was able to get the position. I talked to my pediatrician because I was very worried about the children. And he said, "If they're ever very seriously sick, I will take the car and drive right to your house." And so I never forgot Dr. Pick for that. And he gave me a couple of articles to refresh my mind that women have a right to have a career as well as a family. And they can do both very well. And so I did. 6 I was given a position by Miss Lyons. She was the assistant superintendent at the time. And I had a fourth grade at Hastings School. And that's where I started my career in teaching. I stayed there four years, and when Crocker School was built, I was one of the first to go into that new school. And I stayed there until I retired. So I was there for 68 years. LINDA: Sixty-eight? FRANCES: Sixty-eight. I'm sorry, 35 years or 36 years, 35 or 36 years. LINDA: Wow. FRANCES: So I was 68 years in age. That's what I meant to say. LINDA: First of all, your family sounds as if they were very progressive, especially your husband. FRANCES: Mm-hmm. The CPA business, of course, you had to wait for the telephone to ring. You could not advertise. LINDA: Why not? FRANCES: It was against their rules and regulations at that time. And it stayed like that for quite a number of years. And now, of course, they can do anything they want, advertise… LINDA: So how did he begin? Did he just hang a shingle out? FRANCES: He had to put a shingle out. And I don't know if he could even put something. I think he could put an announcement in the newspaper, and that was it, and just by word of mouth. And then there were public accountants and private accountants that knew him and liked him and offered to give him one of their jobs, and that helped him to get started. And then he get to know more people. And through word of mouth, really, it was developed. LINDA: And he continues today? FRANCES: Yes, he continues today. And he has his youngest son. And it's a thriving office. Instead of being a one-man band, he has three or four CPAs now there, I think, working in the office. LINDA: And what's the name of the business? 7 FRANCES: It's Mercadante & Mercadante. And then, my daughter-in-law took a payroll business that he had only eight people and made it into, I think, 70 clients now that do the payroll with her. LINDA: And what is that business called, or is that under Mercadante? FRANCES: No, it's her own payroll business. I honestly don't know the actual name of it, but Nick will be able to tell me. LINDA: So were the hardships worth it at the beginning? FRANCES: It was. I still had guilt complex about leaving the children. I came home at three; and in the first years, I did not take any courses. I just took the courses that were given at the school after school hours. And my sister would stay an extra hour, an hour and a half. And then I would come home, and I would just spend my time with the children and then cooking a full meal, and I would have my sister stay with me and have a full meal with her husband. And then eventually, she was married the second year and had a little girl. And I would babysit her little girl—I had a crib for her—so that she could go out and enjoy herself on occasion with her husband. And it worked out very, very well. LINDA: So she must have lived nearby. FRANCES: She lived nearby, yes. And then, when she expected her second child, then my mother talked to me about a Mrs. [Grassi], who was her very dear friend who was 65 years old. And Mrs. Rose Grassi was just unbelievable. She accepted the position here. She lived only five houses down the street from me in this… LINDA: Are we talking about this address? FRANCES: Yes, this address, right on Canton Street. And she enjoyed every single bit being another grandmother. We called her the third grandmother in the family. She was so loving and caring to the children. I would have to hide housework from her so that she wouldn't get worn out because she would always put her whole effort into caring for the needs of the children 8 first, and then worrying about the little things in the house that she thought I wouldn't have time for. She was just so special. And Fridays were a special day for the children. There was always a special goodie because it was the end of the school week and she wanted to have a special treat for them, might have been apple muffins or cookies. She made oatmeal cookies. She did so many things that were special. And to this day -- well, I'm thinking back college days. They would come home, and I never had to tell them to go and visit their grandparents, but they also would never forget her. They would go down and see her husband, Joseph, and Rose. LINDA: And now, these are other Italians, too? FRANCES: They're Italian. And, of course, both of them are deceased. But when Ann Marie got married, she went to the nursing home with her bridal gown on and her husband and had a picture taken. And she has that picture at our house. And whenever we have family gatherings, we talk about her remarks and how she used to cater to Anthony being the youngest child. And she'd say, "Oh, my goodness, your wife is so strict with that little [peachy mean]." Peachy mean is the little one. She doesn't realize he's still little; he shouldn't have the same choice that the other children have. And so we would talk about that. And so then, she would tell that to my husband. She didn't want to hurt my feelings, and so she was hoping that he would tell me to cool it with that youngest son of mine. But, oh, she was just a special, special person. To this day, I miss her whenever I go by her house. LINDA: Now, do you think that you would have continued with your teaching probably if you didn't have your sister and someone like Mrs. Grassi? 9 FRANCES: I think it would have been very difficult for me because I was a very -- they say cancereans are, but I'm very family-oriented, and I worry about the children and not being there if they really needed me. I was very fortunate that the family stayed very healthy in those teaching years. And so when I did have to take time off, it was very few and far between, so I wasn't hurting my teaching career by having a lot of substitutes in and out covering my class. I didn't want to do that because I felt that was my responsibility to my school. LINDA: You're of the generation that really invited people into your home to take care of children. How do you feel about outside daycare now with all the daycare centers sprouting up? FRANCES: I think I would peruse them very carefully. And it wouldn't be just one visit; it'd be several visits to make certain that you walk in there unannounced on certain days just to see what happens when they do have a child that's having a bad day and how they're caring for the child. And that would be my feeling. Then I think you could rest assured. I know we had a girl here on our street—and I know her mother very well —was [unintelligible - 00:21:12] daughter, Nana. And she has done a beautiful job. She takes care of 6 months old right to toddler age. And she has a lot of patience, but she only has maybe five or six children that age, so she can give them a lot of undivided attention. And she has her house set up for it. LINDA: What do you think are the most important attributes to taking care of children? FRANCES: I think loving them and making them feel secure is so important, because you are really taking the place of parents. And they feel very left out, that initial shock. Even when they are starting elementary school, we have a lot of problems with the first time they go to kindergarten or the first time they go to first grade, whatever it might be. That separation is very difficult for children. It's very difficult for parents. And so I think if you 10 have a warm, loving person that gives them the security that they're not going to be invasive and not take mommy and daddy's place, but be there for them, is very important. LINDA: What did you do to make sure that your children still felt important in your life? FRANCES: Oh, I would say, when I came home -- first of all, I always told them if there was anything majorly wrong and they felt they needed me, that they could call dad's office, and either Dad or I would pick them up at school so they would not be left thinking that no one would take care of them if they had something really seriously bothering them or if they were seriously hurt, you know, physical harm. And then when I came home, it was always a special treat. And that treat was to get together, and snack time was talking time. But even though I was talked out teaching, I made sure that I spent at least a half hour talking about the different things that may have happened. Some of them were very talkative and outgoing, and the others were very withdrawn. And so I had to reach them by just questioning very gently and not pushing the issue. And eventually, they started to tell me. If there was something on their mind, it would come out. But it was just during snack time before we started homework. And I would do that. And it worked out. I don't know, I think our parents that had to work in my generation had it easier because we all had the same rules and regulations in every household. So when they were playing with their friends, they heard the same rules. And they didn't feel that they were being slaughtered and overruled by very strict parents that had to work. They didn't feel that it was a difficulty. They just took it upon themselves, "Well, mom has to work because dad is starting a business." And then, of course, I could have left teaching. And 11 they were in the middle grades at that time. And I said, "If you don't mind, mommy would like to --" I'm always with Nana because I'm with the grandchildren now. I said, "Mommy would like to stay on stay on teaching. But if it becomes a problem," and I said, "we'll talk about it." And I stayed on because I wanted them all to get a good education, and I had them very close in years. They were 20 months apart, and the last two were 16 months apart. And so I knew that when the education started and paying the college bills, it was going to be very difficult. And our parents were good-hearted people, but they didn't have any kind of money to help us out. It was going to be our problem. LINDA: How did your mother feel about you working? FRANCES: She didn't mind it at all. Of course, she was an organist for so many years. But of course, that was part of her life because she started playing the organ when she was in her teens for the church. And she did it free of charge. And then I think probably when she was 30 or 40, they started to give her a dollar for playing the mass. And she had to take a cab down to the church there with the dollar. LINDA: So in a way, she was out of the house anyway. FRANCES: She was out early in the morning and then back at home all day. So if we got sick, Mother was there at the house. And the only time she was out of the house was Saturday mornings, and Dad was usually there or she would have a babysitter, or my grandparents were there. So there was always somebody reliable there. And then Sunday masses, she would play one or two. And we would be at one. And then Dad probably took us home. And it was never a problem. LINDA: Now, can you speak a little bit about the different generations? For example, what your parents expected and then what you expect and what your children expect. FRANCES: Well, I think that they wanted us to be kind to one another. Family was very important to them. And they enjoyed having the relatives come to 12 visit and putting a huge spread on at different times. We had my grandmother's people from Roxbury that would come up. And oh, they were such fun times. I remember my grandmother's brother, Uncle Rocco, and -- oh, maybe Great Uncle Rocco. And he was full of fun and had a beautiful singing voice, and they would get at the piano and my mother would play the Italian tunes. And then, of course, there'd be always a delicious meal to eat, and dessert. And then they would head back to Boston to Roxbury. And with my mother's sisters, I think we were the only ones that had a car. And then, we would take turns taking one family to the beach with us. And sometimes, my mom would leave us at the convent with the sisters if we couldn't fit everyone, and we would spend the afternoon with the nuns. And we enjoyed that. Now, in this day and age, they would think that was horrible. But they played games with us. Oh, we had a wonderful time. And there was goodies there. And then, Mom would pick us up probably six or seven o'clock. But it took much longer to get to Boston or to the beach because we had the old Route 2, and you had only two lanes. And it was a two-hour, almost, I think, trek to get to Boston. And so, family get-togethers were very, very important. And I think we all remember them as happy times. In our own individual families, we always had birthday parties. We did not get 10 or 15 presents. We got one present. And so the material things were a minimum. We got school clothes when we started school. And then when the change of the season came, we got warmer school clothes. And Mom and Dad very rarely bought new things for themselves. 13 We all dressed on Sundays. They were Sunday outfits. I remember that clearly. You would never wear dungarees to church. When my youngest sister was 10, and -- I was 10, and she was maybe just starting out, when she get to be 10 years old, that's when the dungarees started. But girls usually wore shorts in the summer with the skirt over. And it was a different era completely. And we didn't mind it. I don't remember anyone complaining. LINDA: So do you remember rejecting any of your parents' values? FRANCES: No. We went along with it. And sometimes, we'd be stubborn and bark at something, "Well, why can't I have a little more time doing such and such?" whether it be a game or whatever. And she'd say, "Well, it's time to hit our homework," or get busy for the things at hand, whatever it might be. And I think that's about the only thing I remember. And if we were arguing with our sister over some stupid thing, it might be, "Well, did you take my sweater out of my drawer? I didn't find it in my drawer, and you must have worn it. And now, it's in the wash. And you didn't ask my permission to do it." And I had my grandchildren two weeks ago, and the same thing happened. Olivia came in and she had on a sport shirt that belonged to her sister, Tanya. And I said, "What are you doing?" And she said, "Well, Tanya was ready to start an argument." And I said, "You know," I said, "when Aunt Theresa and I were growing up," I said, "she used to take something she loved to wear and wouldn't even ask me. And then, she'd put her jacket on and start walking down the street. And she'd say, 'Well, I'll wait for you at the corner.'" 14 And I said, "I never thought to look inside the jacket. But when she came home…" And so the two girls started to laugh. And I said, "You see, that doesn't change in families." Then I said, "It would be nicer if you asked permission, because there are some things that should be favorites and that should be left alone and then other things that you could share." And so that's the way my mother brought us up. In the very same way, she talked to us about that and she said, "Sharing is wonderful, and we should learn to do that. But there are some special things that you want to be yours, and that's okay." So I thought that was a good way of teaching my grandchildren, remembering their mother's words. LINDA: Now, your children have they taken many of your values and the way that you brought up your children? FRANCES: Yes, I would say so. Now, they have, of course, in-laws that are not of our same background. But still, in all, they have been following the same ideas. They're very loving girls. I have two daughter-in-laws, and so that makes a big difference. And then, we've had a lot of family get-togethers where they take turns. And I feel really wanted and so does the rest of the family. And I think that's half the battle, really. LINDA: Now, do you have two daughters and two sons? FRANCES: I have one daughter and three sons. Now, my oldest son has since been divorced. Now, I don't know how many years it is now. But they have joint custody, and I am very friendly with my ex-daughter-in-law to this day. And so when Christmas comes, I always remember her. And when I had my special affair, Italian Woman of the Year, she sent me a beautiful bouquet of flowers and a beautiful card with lovely notes from herself and the three girls. LINDA: Now, what is the son's name? FRANCES: Nicholas, Dr. Nick, yeah. LINDA: And what is her name? 15 FRANCES: Her name is Jayne. And she still goes by Mercadante. J-A-Y-N-E, she spells her name. LINDA: Now, is he remarried? FRANCES: He has not remarried. No, he's dating someone spasmodically. And he feels that his responsibility right now is his three girls. LINDA: And what about your other sons? FRANCES: And my youngest son is married to Deborah. And she… LINDA: And what is his name? FRANCES: Anthony. LINDA: Oh, okay, this is your youngest. FRANCES: Yes. And sometimes we call him Tony. And Dominic is unmarried, and he's up in Belfast, Maine, and he's certified architect. LINDA: And he's unmarried. FRANCES: Mm-hmm. Then I have my daughter in Harvard, and she's married to Roy Castor, and they have two beautiful daughters. I have all their pictures on the piano so I could look at them. LINDA: And what's her name? FRANCES: Ann Marie. And it's A-N-N and then M-A-R-I-E. LINDA: Ann, okay. Thank you. FRANCES: And she's a nurse midwife. She became a nurse midwife. And he is a small-town lawyer. LINDA: Interesting. Now, you talked about your mother playing the organ. FRANCES: Yes. LINDA: And I know that you're an organist, also. FRANCES: When she became elderly, she wanted me to continue, so I worked with her at the organ and played some of the masses when she was unable to. And then she finally retired, I think after 60 years of playing. But she started at, I think, age 12. So did I, just playing benedictions. So when people read my write-up for Italian Woman of the Year, 55 years of playing, or 50 years, it was really taking those years that I had played 16 occasionally, just benedictions. But I really played maybe 30 years, 40 years. LINDA: Now, did your mother play… FRANCES: She played funerals, weddings, yeah. LINDA: How did she learn? FRANCES: She learned from the sisters. I think it was the sisters that were at Saint Joseph's Church in Fitchburg. And I think they were the Sisters of Notre Dame. But they were a French order of nuns, and she learned from one of the sisters that taught piano and then taught organ. LINDA: And how did you learn? FRANCES: I took from the Mr. Williams here in Fitchburg. And then when I went to college, I took from Sister Lawrence Newey. So I had some training from two professional people. And so did she. LINDA: Does the tradition continue with your children? FRANCES: No. Well, Tanya is a very good player, piano player, and doing well with it. And then, Sophia, my 10-year-old, is playing. And my 9-year-old is playing the piano. She's starting with the Suzuki, Allesandra, my daughter Ann Marie's youngest daughter. And then, Antonia, her oldest daughter, is learning the flute, and has played the flute. And Olivia, who is the second one in my son's house, is learning the clarinet. And she's now starting with the saxophone. And I think we're going to start Nicholas—he's going to be 7 this month—probably with the piano because he seems to like it. He goes there and he doesn't pound on it like most children do. So we think that there's an interest there. LINDA: But your children don't play? FRANCES: No. Tony had lessons and Ann Marie did. And they gave it up in, I'd say, the upper grade school years. No interest. LINDA: So now tell me -- I guess we should get -- first of all, I feel like we're really rushing and we are because we only have about an hour and there's 17 a lot to cover, but I know that you have a very strong connection with Saint Anthony's. FRANCES: Yes, I do. LINDA: And there's a reason for that, and I'd like you to explain that. FRANCES: Well, first of all, my mother was born in the North End in Boston, and she came from a mother and father that came directly from Italy to the North End in Boston. Her mother came at age 15 to live with Aunt and start her life there. My grandfather was already there, and he was 10 years older than my grandmother. And they lived in the same apartment dwelling, many floors. I think probably there's six to eight floors in those apartment buildings. And he got to know her by seeing her scrubbing the floors, that they were very immaculate. And they get to talking. And he married her. And she was just, I would say, 16 when she got married. And she had my mother at age 17. And my mother was so small that she was three pounds. In those days, they did not have the hospital care that we have. And they used to open up the oven door and have it on a very low heat, and they would put the bassinet close to the oven door to make sure that the baby stayed warm enough, plus the blankets and whatnot. But they really worried about a three-pounder. And today, of course, there would be a facility for that. And my mother grew up very healthy and always had a weight problem, which is unusual for being so tiny as a baby. But she had a very healthy life. Now, when my grandfather had spent maybe several years or more in Boston, he became very unhappy and missed Italy tremendously. So one summer, he said he wanted my grandmother to take a trip back with the 18 three older children and see whether or not she would like to go there to live, because he was not too happy with… LINDA: Now, this is your mother's parent? FRANCES: My mother's parent. This is her father. So they decided to go back, and they did take the boat from Boston, and they went to Italy. And, of course, I think in those days, it must have taken almost three months to get there, or two months anyway. And when they arrived, it was summertime there, and for some unknown reason, my grandmother became ill there. We don't know if it was a change in the water, the kind of food, but they ate the same more or less diet. So we just don't know, but she became quite ill, and they had to come back by boat. And because she was so ill, my uncle was -- my great uncle, Father Angelo Cappenella, was a seminarian professor in Naples. And so he asked the bishop for permission to escort them back to the United States, and the bishop gave him permission. And so he came with the three children and his sister-in-law back to the states, and my grandfather just acquiesced and decided he had to learn to love this country as his own. But I'm sure it was just leaving his family. I think he was a very, very quiet man and very bonded to family. And you had people in the North End, but they weren't your family. They were acquaintances. And then after a while, he was comfortable. So then what happened is my uncle was situated in [Hayville] in the Boston Diocese. And Father Maseo, who grew up with him in the same town in Italy, told him that he had to go to the Springfield Diocese, and they wanted him to work in his diocese. And so eventually he was given the Fitchburg place where Father [Rossomano] -- and going to look here and see. This was in 1907. Our father, Reverend Pasquale Russuomo, an Italian missionary began founding the Saint Anthony Parish with 200 determined Italian 19 Americans. The springtime of 1908, April 26 brought the dedication and consecration of the new church building. And under Father Rossomano, returned to Italy in the fall of that year. Monsignor Angelo Cappenella assumed the pastorate duties for the young parish. He was only Father Cappenella at that time. And so that's where he was assigned. And then going on from there, do you want me to tell the history of the church? LINDA: No. FRANCES: All right. We'll stop there. LINDA: What I'd really like you to do is -- we may have time for that, but really tell me how your mother then got involved with Saint Anthony's Parish. FRANCES: Okay. My grandfather, knowing the custom in Italy, which was if you had a parish priest in the family, the family members would take care of the rectory in his name, help with the altar, and serving in every capacity until they had sisters to help out or nuns to help out. So he talked to his wife, and he said, "We're going to have to send at least two children there. I don't want him to be alone." And so my grandmother went right along with it. And she said, "What I'll do is take the train back and forth. I'll stay two days with them, make the food ahead of time, teach them how to do certain things, and then I'll come back and spend four days here." And so Aunt Anna became the second mother in command in the North End. And that was my mother's second oldest sister, and she helped my grandfather. And so they came to Fitchburg, and… LINDA: Tell me what their names were. FRANCES: Mary and Michael. And they were both Cappenella. Now when he came, he realized that to have these children have a normal life, they really should get back to their families. But the only one who eventually did go back to his family was my Uncle Mike. My mother, staying here as long as she did, had a niche here, and she made friends, and she didn't want to 20 leave my uncle. And my grandmother used to come often enough. And then the grandparents, and my grandfather and the family, would come on Sundays every once in a while. And they would have family dinners together. So she, more or less, I think accepted being here in Fitchburg with her grand uncle, her uncle, my grand uncle. LINDA: When did she start? FRANCES: She was 12 years old, which is a very young age. But when you look at age in those days, my grandmother was 16 when she was married. They had a maturity that we don't have in our own generation, let alone our children. They are really children at that age. They can't make serious decisions, yet these children seemed to be able to. They had a maturity about them that was inhuman. LINDA: Now, where did she go to school? FRANCES: She went to St. Bernard's Elementary. And I think she only went up to the sixth grade. LINDA: And tell me what she did at the rectory. FRANCES: At the rectory, she worked at the church washing linens, setting up the altar, doing all the things that the sisters did in later years, getting the music ready for the different functions and the masses. And then in the rectory, she had to clean it as a house, all the chores you have in a regular home: cooking, cleaning. She did some sewing, ironing, all of that. And then, of course, he was very helpful. He was an uncle who did not just sit. He would help her with the dishes and help her with the cleaning and whatnot because he felt it was a sacrifice for those two children to be away from their parents. And he appreciated the fact that they were there. LINDA: So this is about the time she must have learned how to play the organ? FRANCES: Yes. She started taking lessons, I would say, early on, maybe 14. I would say about that age, probably. 21 LINDA: And did she look to the nuns as mother figures, do you think? FRANCES: I think that she just relied on her own mother when she came here. She was very, very secure. I think my uncle priest had a kind way about him. So he was sort of second father in command, and they related to him very well. He was not an abusive person. He held his temper. I think later on in the parish, we heard that he would lose his temper at times because that parish was built up on pennies. People did not have a lot of money, and it was very difficult for them to get into the habit of giving to the church, because in Italy the churches were paid by the government, a very different thing. And so when they came here, they couldn't understand why they had to support parish. That was a very difficult thing. LINDA: Did parishioners have to purchase a pew, let's say? FRANCES: I don't remember that much. But if the church was being redone, they would want a family name. So I know the windows would have a family name on them. I think some of the pews did have years back, but I don't know because they've been changed several times. And different statues were given in honor of a beloved person that died in their family. And so that was done. LINDA: So tell me a little bit about Father Cappenella, well, uncle to you. FRANCES: When I was growing up and my mom and dad were married, we lived three houses away from the rectory. The parish owned a three-tenement house that gave them money from the rent they collected to support the things they needed to have in that parish. At first, he had no nuns, and so the Irish teachers were wonderful to him. He had four or five of them. Alice Lyon was one. Mary Courtney and her sister were two more. Alice Keeney was another. And I don't know what he would have done without those Irish teachers volunteering to teach Christian doctrine and helping out with the linens, too, and helping my 22 mother out. So they were just wonderful to my uncle priest, and he always appreciated it. And eventually… LINDA: So were they just volunteering their time? FRANCES: Volunteering. Absolutely, after teaching, volunteering. LINDA: And now, where were they from? FRANCES: They were from St. Bernard's Church. Our mother church was St. Bernard's on Water Street. LINDA: Now, they must have needed the permission from [unintelligible 00:52:37]. FRANCES: Yes. And I'm sure that he gave them permission. And so that was a wonderful tribute to that pastor in caring for a mission church that was just starting out for those people who came from Italy and did not know the English language quite yet. And so he would start his mass in Italian at first. And then as time went on, it was just one mass in Italian and all the other masses were in English, because most of the Italians had that feeling of wanting to be accepted in this country, and they wanted this adopted country to love them the way they loved their natural home in Italy. And so they thought learning the language was an asset to them. And so a lot of us who had mothers and fathers who could speak fluent Italian did not have that training of hearing the language because they would just talk to the children in English, whether it was broken English or not. And they would speak only to the grandparent in Italian. Now, very many of the families did that, but there were still some families that talked Italian only at home. But that's the way we were brought up. And there were many families like ourselves where they just spoke English all the time. LINDA: Looking back on that, do you think it was important for assimilation reasons? FRANCES: When I think of the problem we're having with the Spanish people, I think that maybe it did help. And I taught in a school where the people came 23 from Finland and brought their children to school. And they spoke fluent Finnish at home. But when those children came to school, they learned the English language. And they did not put up any hesitation about the fact. They felt that this was their adopted country, and that when they got home, they would speak the fluent Finnish with them. But they were also going to learn the English from their children. And the attitude is very different. Now, I don't know about the Canadian French, because, of course, they can come from the country of France, they came from Canada. And I think it was very similar because they kept their language, but they also learned English. LINDA: But on the other hand, the Italians really didn't keep their language, did they? FRANCES: No, we didn't. I would say there are very few families who did. That's my own personal opinion. But I know Doris's family spoke fluent Italian. And there's still some that were doing it, but it wasn't the majority. I think it was difficult for them to go into the workplace not knowing more English. And I think that's where the change occurred. They wanted to do well in where they worked to be able to support their families. So that was a definite must. We have to be accepted. We have to do our part. And secondly, the Italian language, even though they loved it, had to take a backseat. That's my personal opinion. LINDA: Did you ever feel it important to teach your children Italian? FRANCES: I was hoping that they would pick it up in school because I sent them to a parochial school, but none of them did, because it was just in class. And then they never attempted to try to talk except in class. LINDA: And you don't speak Italian? FRANCES: No, I never do, no. And that's why I'm taking beginning Italian right now. 24 LINDA: Did you speak Italian when you entered school? FRANCES: No. No. English. LINDA: So your parents spoke to you in English? FRANCES: Always in English. LINDA: Well, that's because it was really their parents who came over. FRANCES: Yes. LINDA: We're going out of time. FRANCES: All right. Well, do you want to continue, and I'll just skip that meeting? LINDA: Oh, I don't want you to do that. I can always come back. FRANCES: Oh, sure. LINDA: I can come back at a later date. FRANCES: But if this is a convenient day for you, why don't we just try to get quite a bit of it done? LINDA: Okay. FRANCES: I think we should do that. LINDA: Okay. So again, I'd like to go back to Father Cappenella to get some maybe personal stories, anything that you can share that probably the average person may not know. FRANCES: Well, he was a very giving person, and he felt even though he had the help of those Irish teachers, he needed to get sisters here to bond the parish together more so. And he felt that with the nuns, they could teach Italian. They could teach embroidery, have a pre-school. And all of these things would help the new families coming directly from Italy. And it would nurture his parish, too. So he moved out of the rectory—that was part of the church in those days. There was sort of like a little L, and there was about three floors. And when I first went to the convent, that's where we would stay, so I got to know it very well. And he decided to move to Salem Street and then to the house, the [Ritchie] house. And he stayed there until a new rectory could be built. And so he did that. 25 And when he had those sisters, then they took over the pre-school and started [Sagalopi's]. LINDA: Now, who were the sisters? FRANCES: These were the [Venereen] Sisters. And, let's see, I think that is mentioned here. They came in 1919. Four sisters of a congregation of [unintelligible - 00:59:29] Venereen Sisters arrived from Italy to teach in the day nursery, to conduct classes in religious education, and to assist the pastor in caring for the needs of our expanding community. And it says, at that time the sisters lived in the -- well, was really part of the church. It was really the rectory, the initial rectory on the church. LINDA: So Father Cappenella was really instrumental in bringing [unintelligible - 01:00:03] here? FRANCES: Yes, he was. Absolutely. Yes. And that was a very close time, especially the first nuns that came. Oh, he was very fond of them and couldn't do enough. In hot weather, I can remember the years when he was able to afford a car and he would take us to Quentin when he had to confess the sisters and the presentation at their convent. They always sent a different priest so the nuns would feel comfortable confessing their sins. And he would take us for a ride and buy ice cream for us. And then when we got back to Fitchburg, he would say, "Now, I'm thinking all our nuns with all those robes on," and he said, "this hot weather," he said, "we have to stop at a store and I have to buy them a box of ice cream." In those days when you went to an ice cream place on the road, they just had the cones. They didn't sell it by the bulk as they do today, so we had to stop elsewhere and get them their ice cream. And I always remember that. And there were things that -- he always wanted to make sure they had enough heat in the wintertime, and then if he got too much from someone's garden -- but most of the time, people would take some, I 26 should say, to the convent. But if they forgot and he had over an abundance, he would always bring extra food down there or give them special treats that they couldn't afford. And he just felt that they were really the heart and soul of our parish. And I feel that that's why we grew so well through the years from one generation after another. It was those initial Venereen Sisters who really, not only gave us stronger faith, but the family life being so important, they instilled it in us in the way they treated us and the way they talk to us. And I think that helped all those good families, and it helped my mother's generation, the first families, and then my generation. And when I get together with people that are in their 60s and 70s, they still remember, and someone their age still remember those first nuns with joy and with special feeling. We just can't help it. They're part of our life, our parish life. And we have such a warm feeling about them. LINDA: So tell me more of what they did for the community. I know that they preached a stronger faith and a strong family. FRANCES: Yes. LINDA: But how did they lead by example? FRANCES: Well, they were very instructive with the children. So they had classes in Christian doctrine. And through their example, of course, they taught us plenty. But they were actually teaching us Christian doctrine, and not only that, the classes in pre-school, bonding with us in things of everyday life, not just faith, just not religion, but games, playing games with them. I can remember one little Italian game that I'm teaching my grandchildren. We had to, in pre-school, make believe we were butterflies. And we would flip our hands and walk and just hop around in a circle. And then she would teach us—and this was Sister Michaelena—and she would teach us sofaleena bella bianca vola bola nuncy stunka, which means 27 butterfly, butterfly beautiful and white, always flapping their wings and flying and never getting tired. And fly here vola coo a volala, fly there never, never getting tired. And so that little nursery rhyme was the little game of running around in a circle with our hands flapping up and down. Those brought a lot of happy memories back. As a child, a very young child, I can remember that. And a lot of my fellow friends my age remember those things. Now, we also remember that when we were at mass, we had to tow them up. There was no talking, and we had to pay attention. And in those days, it was difficult because it was in Latin. And you know how bored our children are with just going to church, let alone sitting there for an hour listening to Latin. And there wasn't the -- well, people participation the way we have it today. And so, it's a big difference in the worship of the mass today in this generation and when we were little. And I think it's much for the better. But we still honored our parents and our grandparents and our sisters with good behavior. If we were an itchy type child, we just wiggled in our seats, but we stayed where we were supposed to. I think it was definitely a deep respect and care and love for the teacher as well as our parents that made us do that. That's the only thing I can think of because I brought up four children, and my oldest one was a very big itch and is very active compared to the other three. And I would have to tell him several times whereas the others I never had to tell them. But we have all different personalities. And I'm sure there were some of us in that generation that were very antsy and wanted to move about. But because of the respect we had and the love for our parents and our priest and our nuns, we held back. We held back enough [gap and go]. I don't 28 know what you would say, but tolerance. Yet it was more than tolerance, was caring. LINDA: I get the impression that maybe you don't think there is enough caring and respect today. FRANCES: I think that the parents are too involved with making too much money and huge houses, and the sense of giving has gone to extremes. And I think the nurturing and the loving, we're so tired because I think in this day and age to do the shopping and take care of a family, have a part-time job, if not a full-time job for both mother and dad, is overwhelming. And the children are in so many organizations today. You're in the band, as I am, picking them up from soccer, field hockey, then it's instruments that they're taking up, dance. And we're spreading ourselves too thin in the meat and potatoes. The most important thing is family life and spending some time with our families. And there are some families today that don't even have one meal together. Now, that was something I insisted on when my boys were in high school and they were into different sports. I didn't care if the last one came in at 7:00 p.m. at night. We ate at 7:00 p.m. But I wanted us to eat as a family. So they could have snacks to hold them over, but I wanted us as a family to have a meal together. And very rarely, we had a conflict where we just couldn't do it. I tried to make that a rule, not just Sundays. And Saturdays were fun days for us. We had really leisurely breakfast in the morning, and we took turns making it, and we invite my milkman in. And I can remember how amused he was when Tony was making breakfast and he was in the third or fourth grade doing it. 29 But I think we have to go back to doing that. We've got to cut back on some of the stuff that's not needed. And too much material things, we don't need, too. LINDA: So whereas you worked really to support your family it was important. FRANCES: That's right, we did. LINDA: Your feeling is perhaps some of these people don't need to work as hard or even work at all if they're only buying more. FRANCES: Yeah. LINDA: Is that it? FRANCES: That's it. But, of course, today the thing has changed. Education is far more expensive than it was when we were bringing our children up. And so now, if you wanted them to go to a school—and even your state schools have gone up in the price of education—you're going to, if you have your children close in age, go out and have an extra pay coming in just for the education. It's that difficult today to educate your children. LINDA: Getting back to sharing a meal, do you feel that was part of your Italian heritage? FRANCES: Yes, I think that my mother made that very distinct because my grandmother did, too, before her. It was always -- she wanted us at least once a month to go to Boston and be with the rest of the family. And if she couldn't have everybody at the meal, we had to come for cake and coffee, those who lived in that grid, to join us so that we were all together. She wanted everyone there. And my mother was the same way. And when my mother was unable to do it physically, we would take turns and do it for her and take turns at our homes so that she would have that feeling at least once a month of all the children. LINDA: Do you continue that tradition? FRANCES: I certainly do. What we do is birthdays are very prominent. And we try to limit the number of birthday get-togethers. So we take the month of October and group them together. Now, Poppa G has a birthday in October, October 4th. And CeeCee, our youngest granddaughter, is 30 October 17. So when the family gets together, we try and get a Sunday where everyone can be together, or Saturday, and we have a cake for each one, a little cake for each one. We have plenty of ice cream. And we make the meal together. And they really enjoy it. And the cousins get to know one another more. And they learn to adjust to the temperaments, too, because sometimes one of them is off kilter on that day and wanting their own way, and they have to learn to bend like they do with their own siblings in their own home. And so I think it's a good lesson for them, and it sort of bonds the family. LINDA: Just talking to you for this short while, I feel that you don't mind bending. FRANCES: No, not at all. No. That's so important. And I try to adjust because I know I'm dealing with daughter-in-laws that come from a different background, who probably never had this. And it's too much togetherness in my family. And so I try to take the median of let's join the birthdays together. And then now with the family getting too big, at Christmastime we've started picking names because they were opening up too many presents. And I didn't like it, and neither did some of the parents. And so we started the limitation. Now the children know they're only going to get two names, two presents, one from their family and one -- I'm trying to think how they do it. It's just been recent that we've been doing that, those past two years. I know we do it at Thanksgiving time. We put names in a hat or a bowl, and usually it's a bowl. Oh, I know what it is. I'm thinking of every parent picks one for their child and so that everybody has one name. And so everybody gets at least one present. Now, we were doing the godchildren, but then we decided no, we're going to do it at birthday time. And so it has cut down the pressure of Christmas tremendously. And now 31 we can really enjoy Christmas and work on food and what we make, the specialties of food. And it's just the one gift. And I think it ends up with two gifts that they get. And I've forgotten how we do it. I have to ask my daughter again. LINDA: Is that the same for you and your husband? You just have it for one? FRANCES: Oh, yes, yes. And for their birthdays, the grandparents always remember every child, because that's the way we want it. LINDA: Now, again, you sound very patient. Has your patience ever been tried? FRANCES: Oh, yes, many times, because sometimes they don't want to have it on a certain day. And I will wait, and sometimes the month goes by. And I will say, "Well, I'm missing having our get-together." And I just wait it out, and it comes to fruition. LINDA: So not just about the birthdates, but just life decisions. FRANCES: Oh, yes, definitely. We have to bend. I have to realize if they're coming from a different culture, a different mom and dad than I had, and if I can't be bending how can my children be bending with their wives or husbands? And that isn't a good example. And then it's not definitely a good example to the grandchildren. And so there are going to be changes and difference of opinion because we're all different. We all don't vote Democratic or Republican. And so we've made a rule, but we're not supposed to talk politics. And things are going to irritate for no reason. They have nothing to do with our family life, and they're not going to infringe on our family feelings by any means. It's not going to change it. And so we drop those things. LINDA: And how is a woman like yourself, who is so strong with her faith and Italian, accept your son getting a divorce? FRANCES: It was very difficult for me. But he didn't want the divorce. She wanted the divorce. And irregardless of it, you have to go along with -- if their marriage -- I definitely talked to them about going to counseling, and they did. And after that, I said, "You have to really think about the children 32 and what's going to happen and make your decisions caring about the children because," I said, "they are going to be hurt the most." And they have done that. At first, there was bickering going on, and so they separated. He went to the condo so that there wouldn't be that going on. Until they calmed down. Now the relationship is fairly good. And they're able to talk about the problems at school, the problems at home with each other and be very, very understanding of each other and caring. And that's very important to me. Another problem I have with this marriage and divorce is that we were family friends of her mother and father for five years. And so her mother died 10 years ago, and I was very close to her. And so I, of course, saw her very close to her dying days, and I told her that I would always be there for Jayne, no matter what. And I don't find it difficult to be there. She hurt my son, but he hurt her, too. And the angels are in Heaven, as my mother said. So I have to look at both their personalities and both their qualities. She wants to go on. She does not want him anymore. I cannot make her love my son if she doesn't love him. And so I have to think about my three grandchildren and the fact that she's a very loving mother. And I have to go from there. And that's where I'm at in this stage in my life. And he's doing much better than he was. And she was his first love and his only love, and it was a very big adjustment for him. But he's over the worst of it now, I would say. But he still worries tremendously about his children. And sometimes, they have a different philosophy about education, or it might be jobs in the summer, simple things. But there 33 could be problems, and they have to learn to talk it out and… /AT/pa/pdj/es
IntroductionOver the last decade, we have witnessed a number of changes to our welfare state. With the 1996 bi‐partisan‐supported welfare reform legislation (Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act; PRWORA), the federal government devolved much of the responsibility for public assistance to the states, instituted time‐limited assistance, and aimed to curb non‐marital childbirths, encourage marriage, and push welfare recipients to become economically self‐sufficient. After PRWORA, a slew of scholars from multiple academic disciplines sought to understand the implementation and implications of the changes to the welfare system for poor families as well as those agencies, staff, and programs that serve them. In this article, Kissane and Krebs synthesize some major findings from this research on welfare reform and its effects. Courses using such a review might situate the exploration of welfare reform within a larger investigation of America's welfare state, poverty, and/or social policy.Author recommendsBrown, Michael K. 1999. Race, Money and the American Welfare State. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.Through a detailed examination of social policy from the New Deal through the Reagan administration, Brown explores,'how both race and social class bear on the political development of the American welfare state' (p. xiv). As the title of the books suggests, Brown pays particular attention to taxes, fiscal capacity and spending in his account.DeParle, Jason. 2004. American Dream: Three Women, Ten Kids and a Nation's Drive to End Welfare. New York: Penguin Press.DeParle, a New York Times journalist, moves effortlessly between exploring developments in American welfare policy and chronicling the lives of three poor women. He vividly depicts the complexity of the women's lives in the wake of the changes to the welfare system, while also providing fascinating details on the origins and implementation of welfare reform.Edin, Kathryn and Laura Lein. 1997. Making Ends Meet: How Single Mothers Survive Welfare and Low‐Wage Work. New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation.This book presents findings from Edin and Lein's comprehensive, multi‐city qualitative study on the monthly budgets of low‐wage workers and welfare‐reliant women, as well as their strategies for making ends meet. They find that both groups rely on their networks for in‐kind and cash assistance, aid from non‐profit organizations, and earnings from informal work to survive. Edin and Lein also investigate the relative costs and benefits (both tangible and intangible) of work versus welfare.Esping‐Andersen, Gøsta. 1990. The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.An essential book if one is interested in the development of welfare states across advanced Western societies. Esping‐Andersen delineates three typologies of welfare state regimes (conservative, liberal, and social) and explores the factors that establish the differences in welfare states.Gilens, Martin. 1999. Why Americans Hate Welfare: Race, Media, and the Politics of Antipoverty Policy. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.In this well‐researched book, Gilens explores public opinion on anti‐poverty policies and the media's role in shaping how the public thinks about welfare. His chapters on the media's representations of poverty and welfare are particularly enlightening.Gordon, Linda. 1994. Pitied But Not Entitled: Single Mothers and the History of Welfare. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.In this book, Gordon, a social historian, argues that reformers working in the women's movement during the Progressive Era had a significant effect on the development of the welfare state; however, they also helped to cement racial and gender stratification within it and ultimately limit its full development.Hays, Sharon. 2003. Flat Broke with Children: Women in the Age of Welfare Reform. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.In Flat Broke with Children, Hays, a sociologist, does a wonderful job exploring the cultural values behind welfare reform, detailing the contradictory nature of its requirements and procedures, and situating welfare recipients and their behavior within the larger American cultural context. Through her analysis of data collected from years of fieldwork in welfare offices in two states, Hays also investigates how poor women and welfare staff experience and think about welfare reform.Iceland, John. 2006. Poverty in America: A Handbook. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.This book is an excellent overview of poverty in America. Iceland clearly details views on poverty, how we measure poverty, the characteristics of the poverty population, and the causes of poverty.Katz, Michael B. 2001. The Price of Citizenship: Redefining the American Welfare State. New York, NY: Metropolitan Books.In this expansive work, Katz, a social historian, details recent developments across various areas of the American welfare state (although he focuses on anti‐poverty policies), while situating these developments within a larger historical context. In particular, he shows how public social policy in recent decades has shifted around three 'great objectives': (i) to end dependence; (ii) to devolve authority; and (iii) to apply market models to social policy.Piven, Frances F. and Richard A. Cloward. 1993. Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare (updated edition). New York, NY: Vintage Books.In this classic, Piven and Cloward advance their theory that 'expansive relief policies are designed to mute civil disorder, and restrictive ones to reinforce work norms' (p. xv). Their book explores a large span of history – from early poor relief in France and England to developments under the Bush administration.Online materials Catholic Campaign for Human Development (CCHD) http://www.nccbuscc.org/cchd/povertyusa/ This website includes some facts about poverty, as well as ideas for educators on ways to generate discussion on poverty. The 'getting involved' section of the website is particularly useful, providing, among other things, a poverty quiz, interactive maps, information on CCHD funded programs, a 'poverty tour' that addresses issues with the federal poverty line, and ways to get involved. Global Rich List http://www.globalrichlist.com/ This website allows you to situate your annual income in the context of the world's population. It is a great little teaching tool to introduce concepts of relative poverty, income inequality, and global poverty to students. Green Book from House Ways and Means Committee http://www.gpoaccess.gov/wmprints/green/index.html The Green Book is an excellent resource for descriptions and historical data on many U.S. social welfare programs, such as the Social Security, Supplemental Security Income (SSI), Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), Foster Care, Medicaid, and Food Stamp programs. MDRC http://www.mdrc.org/ Known best, perhaps, for its evaluations of welfare policies and programs that incorporate random assignment, MDRC provides detailed information on programs and policies that affect the poor. Among other things, the website includes publications, working papers, policy briefs, and videos detailing research findings. The National Center for Children in Poverty (NCCP) http://www.nccp.org/ The NCCP at Columbia University provides statistical information and fact sheets on poverty and policy issues, often with a focus on the links between family economic security and child development. Individuals might find particularly useful the 'State Profiles' section of the website, which allows one to view demographic information (often in clear charts and graphs), issue areas, and policies for the state of one's choosing. U.S. Census Bureau http://www.census.gov/ The census website provides an extensive array of data on the U.S. population and economy. Besides navigating from the above link, data and reports on poverty can also be found directly at http://www.census.gov/hhes/www/poverty/poverty.html. The World Bank http://www.worldbank.org/ The World Bank's website provides resources valuable to exploring worldwide poverty and situating the U.S. globally. In particular, the PovertyNet area (http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/TOPICS/EXTPOVERTY/0,,menuPK:336998~pagePK:149018~piPK:149093~theSitePK:336992,00.html) of the website presents detailed information and data on poverty and related issues that researchers, educators, and practitioners may find useful.Additional online resourcesScores of additional organizations and centers (too many to list) conduct and disseminate research on issues related to the economy, welfare, public policy, and poverty. What follows is a list of some other key organizations and centers, alongside links to their websites:
Brookings Institute (http://www.brookings.edu) Center on Budget and Policy Priorities (http://www.cbpp.org/) Center for Law and Social Policy (http://www.clasp.org/) Center for Research on Child Wellbeing (CRCW) (http://crcw.princeton.edu/) Child Trends (http://www.childtrends.org/) Heritage Foundation (http://www.heritage.org/) Institute for Research on Poverty (http://www.irp.wisc.edu/) Joint Center for Poverty Research (http://www.jcpr.org/) National Poverty Center (http://www.npc.umich.edu/) Urban Institute (http://www.urban.org/)
Sample syllabusPoverty, Welfare, and the Safety Net (excerpt from syllabus)Description of courseThe terms 'safety net' and 'welfare state' commonly refer to a range of public and non‐governmental programs and policies that seek to protect individuals and their families from distress and hardship and/or improve the quality of their lives. In this course, we will primarily explore facets of the American welfare state that seek to assuage poverty and its effects. Although we will largely approach this topic from a sociological perspective, this area of inquiry is quite interdisciplinary. Consequently, we will be reading works from other academic disciplines throughout the course.This is an advanced course, designed for students who already have substantial familiarity with the causes and consequences of poverty. In the first third of the course, we will investigate the early development of our nation's welfare state, from poorhouses and outdoor relief to mothers' pensions and the New Deal. We then move to exploring Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) and anti‐poverty policies of the 1960s and 1970s. Next, we examine changes in federal welfare policy over the last couple of decades, focusing on the welfare reforms of the 1990s, the consequences of these reforms, and the experiences of poor women since these changes. We end the course by looking in more depth at the private safety net (particularly, secular and faith‐based organizations that serve the poor), public opinion, and future directions for welfare policy.Course outline and reading assignments Week 1. Introduction to poverty and the course Iceland, John. 2006. Chapters 3–5 (pp. 20–97). Poverty in America: A Handbook. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.Rank, Mark. 2003. 'As American as Apple Pie: Poverty and Welfare.'Contexts 2(3): 41–46.Optional: Katz, Michael B. 2001. 'Poverty and Inequality in the New American City' (pp. 33–56). The Price of Citizenship: Redefining the American Welfare State. New York, NY: Metropolitan Books. Week 2. What is welfare? Why have welfare states? Katz, Michael B. 2001. 'The Invention of Welfare' (pp. 1–8) and 'The American Welfare State' (only pp. 9–17). The Price of Citizenship: Redefining the American Welfare State. New York, NY: Metropolitan Books.Howard, Christopher. 1993. 'The Hidden Side of the American Welfare State.'Political Science Quarterly. 108(3): 403–436 (note: pages 420–433 are optional).T. H. Marshall. 1977. Selection from 'Citizenship and Social Class' in Class, Citizenship, and Social Development: Essays by T.H. Marshall. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.UN Declaration of Human Rights (http://www.un.org/Overview/rights.html) Week 3. Early developments Piven, Frances F. and Richard A. Cloward. 1993. 'Relief, Labor, and Civil Disorder: An Overview' (pp. 3–42). Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare (updated edition). New York, NY: Vintage Books.Katz, Michael B. 1996. 'The Origins and Failure of the Poorhouse' and 'Outdoor Relief' (pp. 3–59). In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America: Tenth Anniversary Edition. New York, NY: BasicBooks. Week 4. Mothers pensions, the New Deal, and ADC Piven, Frances F. and Richard A. Cloward. 1993. Chapter 2–3 (pp. 45–119). Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare (updated edition). New York, NY: Vintage Books.Linda Gordon. 1994. Selection from Pitied But Not Entitled: Single Mothers and the History of Welfare. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.Brown, Michael K. 1999. Chapter 2 (pp. 63–96). Race, Money and the American Welfare State. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.Quadagno, Jill S. 1994. 'Unfinished Democracy' (only pp. 17–25). The Color of Welfare: How Racism Undermined the War on Poverty. New York, NY and Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.Optional: DeParle, Jason. 2004. Chapter 2 (pp. 20–37). American Dream: Three Women, Ten Kids and a Nation's Drive to End Welfare. New York, NY: Penguin Press. Week 5. AFDC, welfare rights, and anti‐poverty policies in the 1960s and 1970s Piven, Frances F. and Richard A. Cloward. 1993. Chapters 4 and 6 (pp. 123–146; pp. 183–199). Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare (updated edition). New York, NY: Vintage Books.Quadagno, Jill S. 1994. Selection from The Color of Welfare: How Racism Undermined the War on Poverty. New York, NY and Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.Tilmon, Johnnie. 1972. 'Welfare is a Women's Issue.'Ms. Spring: 2 pages. http://www.msmagazine.com/spring2002/tillmon.aspDeParle, Jason. 2004. Chapters 3 and 5 (pp. 38–57; 85–100). American Dream: Three Women, Ten Kids and a Nation's Drive to End Welfare. New York, NY: Penguin Press. Weeks 6 and 7. Devolution, the 1980s and 90s, and 'ending welfare as we know it' Katz, Michael B. 2001. 'The Family Support Act' (pp. 71–76); 'Governors as Welfare Reformers' (pp. 77–103); and 'Fighting Poverty 1990s Style' (pp. 293–316). The Price of Citizenship: Redefining the American Welfare State. New York, NY: Metropolitan Books.Hays, Sharon. 2003. Chapter 1 (pp. 3–31). Flat Broke with Children. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.DeParle, Jason. 2004. Chapters 4; 6–9 (pp. 58–81; 101–174). American Dream: Three Women, Ten Kids and a Nation's Drive to End Welfare. New York, NY: Penguin Press.Optional: Katz, Michael B. 2001. 'Urban Social Welfare in an Age of Austerity' (pp. 104–136). The Price of Citizenship: Redefining the American Welfare State. New York, NY: Metropolitan Books. Week 8. Assessing welfare reform Kissane, Rebecca Joyce and Richard Krebs. 2007. 'Assessing Welfare Reform, Over a Decade Later.'Sociology Compass 1(2): 789–813. doi:10.1111/j.1751-9020.2007.00029.x.Katz, Michael B. 2001. pp. 328–340 of 'The End of Welfare'The Price of Citizenship: Redefining the American Welfare State. New York, NY: Metropolitan Books. Weeks 9–11. A closer look at life after welfare reform Hays, Sharon. 2003. Chapters 2–8 (pp. 33–240) Flat Broke with Children: Women in the Age of Welfare Reform. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.DeParle, Jason. 2004. Chapters 10–18 (pp. 175–322). American Dream: Three Women, Ten Kids and a Nation's Drive to End Welfare. New York, NY: Penguin Press. Week 12. The Private Safety Net: Nonprofit, Community‐Based Service Provision Katz, Michael B. 2001. 'The Independent Sector, the Market and the State' (only pp. 137–155 and 162–170). The Price of Citizenship: Redefining the American Welfare State. New York, NY: Metropolitan Books.Kissane, Rebecca Joyce. 2003. 'What's Need Got to Do with It? Why Poor Women Do Not Use Nonprofit Social Services.'Journal of Sociology and Social Welfare. 30(2): 127–148.Kissane, Rebecca Joyce. 2006. 'Responsible but Uninformed? Nonprofit Executive and Program Directors' Knowledge of Welfare Reform.'Social Service Review. 80(2): 322–345.Reread 'Nonprofit organizations and welfare reform' (pp. 802–804) in Kissane, Rebecca Joyce and Richard Krebs. 2007. 'Assessing Welfare Reform, Over a Decade Later.'Sociology Compass 1(2): 789–813. doi:10.1111/j.1751-9020.2007.00029.x.Edin, Kathryn and Laura Lein. 1998. 'The Private Safety Net: The Role of Charitable Organizations in the Lives of the Poor.'Housing Policy Debate. 9(4): 541–573. Week 13. The Private Safety Net, continued: Faith‐based organizations (FBOs) Katz, Michael B. 2001. 'Faith, Charity, and Inner Cities' (pp. 155–162). The Price of Citizenship: Redefining the American Welfare State. New York, NY: Metropolitan Books.Twombly, Eric. 2002. 'Religious Versus Secular Human Service Organizations: Implications for Public Policy.'Social Science Quarterly. 83(4): 847–961.Kissane, Rebecca Joyce. 2007. 'How Do Faith‐Based Organizations Compare to Secular Providers? Nonprofit Directors' and Poor Women's Assessments of FBOs.'Journal of Poverty. 11(4): 91–115.Sherman, A. L. 2003. 'Faith in Communities: A Solid Investment.'Society. 40(2): 19–26.DiIulio Jr., John J. 2007. Selection from Godly Republic: A Centrist Blueprint for America's Faith‐Based Future. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.Scott W. Allard. 2007. 'Access and Stability: Comparing Faith‐based and Secular Nonprofit Service Providers.' A paper presented at the National Poverty Center at the University of Michigan 2007 conference, 'The Impact of Religion and Faith‐Based Organizations on the Lives of Low Income Families.'Optional: Smith, Steven Rathgeb and Michael R. Sosin. 2001. 'Varieties of Faith‐Related Agencies.'Public Administration Review. 61(6): 651–670. Week 14. Public Opinion, the Media, and Policy Gilens, Martin. 1999. Chapters 2–3 (pp. 31–79); Chapter 5 (only pp. 111–132); Chapter 6 (pp. 133–153) and Chapter 8 (only pp. 184–203). Why Americans Hate Welfare. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Reingold, David A. and Helen Liu. Forthcoming. 'Do Poverty Attitudes of Social Service Agency Directors Influence Organizational Behavior?'Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly.Optional: Misra, Joya, Stephanie Moller, and Marina Karides. 2003. 'Envisioning Dependency: Changing Media Depictions of Welfare in the 20th Century.'Social Problems. 50(4): 482–504. Week 15. Future directions and course wrap‐up Katz, Michael B. 2001. 'Work, Democracy, and Citizenship' (pp. 341–359). The Price of Citizenship: Redefining the American Welfare State. New York, NY: Metropolitan Books.DeParle, Jason. 2004. Epilogue (pp. 323–338). American Dream: Three Women, Ten Kids and a Nation's Drive to End Welfare. New York, NY: Penguin Press.Gilens, Martin. 1999. 'The Politics of the American Welfare State' (pp. 204–216). Why Americans Hate Welfare. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Rector, Robert. 2005. 'Welfare Reform and the Healthy Marriage Initiative.' Statement before the Sub‐committee on Human Resources of the Committee on Ways and Means U.S. House of Representatives. Available at http://www.heritage.org/Research/Welfare/tst021005a.cfmCoontz, Stephanie and Nancy Folbre. 2002. 'Marriage, Poverty, and Public Policy: A Discussion Paper from the Council on Contemporary Families.' The American Prospect. March 19, 2002. Available at http://www.prospect.org/cs/articles?article=marriage_poverty_and_public_policyFilms and videosA Day's Work, A Day's Pay (57 min)This documentary, based in New York City, follows three welfare recipients participating in the city's welfare‐to‐work program. The film not only documents the problems with the city jobs that the welfare recipients have to perform, but it also explores how the welfare recipients become social activists.Eating Welfare (57 min)Told through the youth of the community, this documentary investigates welfare reform's effect on Southeast Asian refugee families living in the Bronx. The film highlights problems particular to this population, as well as general issues facing the welfare recipients under workfare.Ending Welfare As We Know It (90 min)Take it From Me: Life After Welfare (75 min)These two documentaries follow welfare families as they deal with the consequences of welfare reform and the complexities of their lives.Poverty Outlaw (1 h)This documentary follows the development of the Kensington Welfare Rights Union (KWRU), 'a multiracial organization of, by and for poor and homeless people' located in Philadelphia (http://www.kwru.org/), as well as the hardships experienced by its members and other individuals living in poverty in America. A subsequent film, Outriders (1999; 1 h), follows KWRU on its New Freedom Bus Tour, in which the organization sought to document economic human rights violations across America.Tempting Faith: Is Charitable Choice Working? (57 min)This documentary explores the Charitable Choice provision of the 1996 welfare reform legislation through an examination of faith‐based programs in Indiana, North Carolina, and Massachusetts. The film includes views on both the pros and cons of faith‐based initiatives.Waging a Living (85 min)This documentary focuses on the lives of four low‐wage workers as they struggle to make ends meet.Welfare Reform: Social Impact (29 min)This program, released shortly after the passage of welfare reform, explores the history of welfare and issues surrounding welfare reform. It includes interviews with Wisconsin Governor Tommy Thompson, Wendell Primus, and Rebecca Blank.Seminar/Project ideas1. This activity uncovers students' misunderstandings regarding poverty and welfare.Early in the semester (usually the first day of class), students take a 'poverty and welfare quiz' in which they answer factual and attitudinal questions on poverty and welfare. Instructors can then use the survey answers as springboards for weekly discussions on topics covered in the course. As the semester progresses, the students usually discover that they held many misconceptions regarding poverty and welfare.2. This activity explores the hidden assumptions and meanings behind the words 'dependent' and 'independent.' Other words or phrases could also be explored in this manner, such as 'deserving' and 'undeserving' poor.Ask the students to list (in separate columns) images, individuals, and/or circumstances that come to mind when they hear the words 'dependent' and 'independent'. Then, as a class or in small groups, discuss and assess the students' lists. How are these lists culturally specific? Do visions of race, ethnicity, class, gender, age and household structure come into play? How? Why do you think certain images come to mind when you hear these words? How do our understandings of 'dependence' and 'independence' relate to our understandings of welfare and poverty? To anti‐poverty policies?3. Among other topics, this activity can be used to launch discussions of deserving versus undeserving poor, universal versus means‐tested transfers, barriers to self‐sufficiency and employment, and notions of 'governmental assistance.'Break the students into small groups and give each group a sheet of paper with about six profiles that cover a variety of individuals and family types. For example, one profile might depict a 30‐year‐old housewife with two children whose husband works. Another might be an unemployed, divorced woman with six children who is clinically depressed, etc. Create profiles in such a way that students will likely consider in their working groups the employment, marital status, age, gender, child‐bearing, physical and mental health, and race and ethnicity of their profiled individuals. Have each group discuss to whom they would give governmental assistance, in what order they would distribute the aid, and what they would give each profiled family. Reconvene the class and compare the groups' decisions. What did the groups' consider 'governmental assistance'? How did they decide how they would distribute the aid? Who was 'worthy' of help? Did they feel as if they needed additional information to make their decisions? What information did they want to have that the profiles did not provide? Why would that information be important to their deliberations?4. This written assignment allows students to investigate a program or policy not covered comprehensively in the course.Each student will choose a program or policy aimed to assuage poverty and/or its effects that we do not cover extensively in this course [e.g., Head Start, Unemployment Insurance, Supplemental Security Income (SSI), public housing programs, etc]. All topics must be approved prior to beginning work on the project. After choosing a topic, students will write a final paper that includes the following components:
An introduction. What is the program? How is it meant to assuage poverty or its consequences? Why should we care about your topic? A brief review of the history of the policy or program. When was the program started? Why? By whom? What key changes have occurred to the program over the years? A review of the social science research literature on the program. What data and research are available on your program? What does the empirical research tell us about the program's effectiveness, clientele, take‐up rates, strengths, weaknesses, etc? Specific policy recommendation(s). How can your program be improved? (Note: your recommendation(s) should be based on the empirical evidence not value‐laden opinions)
Instructors may want to add a final presentation to the above assignment. Having students present as part of a panel may be particularly effective if students' topics cluster around several areas, for example 'educational policy', 'family policy', 'housing policy', etc.
Nikitenko L. O., Kovalchuk L. V. State of local democracy development in Ukraine and abroad:comparative aspect. – Article.The article is devoted to the analysis of the current state of development of local democracy in Ukraine andthe development of proposals for its improvement based on borrowing positive foreign experience. In Ukraine,many of them remain unregulated, which is why some important aspects of local democracy are either notproperly implemented or not implemented at all, which undoubtedly hinders the full use of its tools.It was found that the legislation of Ukraine guarantees the population the right to hold public hearingsand general meetings, participate in local referendums, etc. However, the normative regulation of theseinstruments of democracy relies on the statutes of territorial communities, which in most villages, townsand cities do not exist at all.Based on the analysis of the current state of development of local democracy in Ukraine, it is stated thatit is imperfect, especially compared to leading foreign countries. First of all, this is due to the shortcomingsof national legislation and the lack of regulation of the procedural aspects of its application.Given the positive foreign experience, in order to eliminate these gaps, it is proposed, on the onehand, to insist on the adoption of special Laws of Ukraine "On Local Referendums", "On Public Hearings","On General Meetings of Citizens" etc. on the other hand, to defend the position on the expediencyof adopting a codified legal act, which, among other things, will unite norms on various forms of directdemocracy at the local level Municipal Code of Ukraine (for example, Georgia, Philippines, France, etc.).It is emphasized that the implementation of these proposals is a priority step in the development of localdemocracy in our country, but does not exclude the need for other changes. ; Нікітенко Л. О., Ковальчук Л. В. Стан розвитку місцевої демократії в Україні та за кордоном: порівняльний аспект. – Стаття. Стаття присвячена аналізу сучасного стану розвитку місцевої демократії в Україні та розробці пропозицій щодо його покращення на основі запозичення позитивного зарубіжного досвіду. Наголошено, що питання місцевої демократії є вкрай актуальними в загальносвітових масштабах. В Україні багато з них залишаються законодавчо неврегульованими, через що деякі важливі аспекти місцевої демократії втілюються або неналежною мірою, або взагалі не втілюються, що, безперечно, заважає повноцінному користуванню її інструментами. З'ясовано, що законодавство України гарантує населенню право на проведення громадських слухань та загальних зборів, участь у місцевих референдумах тощо. Проте нормативне регулювання даних інструментів демократії покладається на статути територіальних громад, які в більшості сіл, селищ, міст взагалі відсутні.На підставі проведеного аналізу сучасного стану розвитку місцевої демократії в Україні констатовано, що він є недосконалим, особливо порівняно з провідними зарубіжними державами. Насамперед, це пов'язано з недоліками національного законодавства та відсутністю врегулювання в ньому процедурних аспектів застосування основних її інструментів.Ураховуючи позитивний зарубіжний досвід, задля усунення цих прогалин запропоновано, з одного боку, наполягати на прийнятті спеціальних Законів України «Про місцеві референдуми», «Про громадські слухання», «Про загальні збори громадян за місцем проживання» тощо, а з іншого боку, відстоювати позицію про доцільність прийняття кодифікованого нормативно-правового акта, який серед іншого об'єднає норми про різні форми прямої (безпосередньої) демократії на місцевому рівні – Муніципального кодексу України (за прикладом Грузії, Філіппін, Франції та ін.).Акцентовано, що реалізація наведених пропозицій є першочерговим кроком у розвитку місцевої демократії в нашій державі, але не виключає необхідність інших перетворень.