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In 1992, with the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty, a new institution, namely EU citizenship, was created. The treaty introduced a qualitative change in the sphere of political and legal position of citizens of the Member States, who gained in these spheres a number of new powers. One of them is the right to diplomatic and consular protection. The analysis of these two rights leads to a conclusion about the great discrepancy that exists between treaty guarantees and the effective exercise of this right. The Member States did not agree with third countries on this subject, which is a requirement of international law. Secondary law also allows only a partial exercise of the treaty's right to care in the territory of third countries. It has been reduced only to consular assistance and is still narrowly understood. The treaty law of EU citizens remains therefore at a very early stage of development. ; W 1992 r., wraz z przyjęciem Traktatu z Maastricht, powstała nowa instytucja, jaką jest obywatelstwo Unii Europejskiej. Traktat wprowadził jakościową zmianę w sferze pozycji politycznej i prawnej obywateli państw członkowskich, którzy zyskali w tych sferach szereg nowych uprawnień. Jednym z nich jest prawo do opieki dyplomatycznej i konsularnej. Jego analiza prowadzi do wniosku o dużym rozdźwięku, jaki istnieje pomiędzy gwarancjami traktatowymi a efektywnym wykonywaniem tego prawa. Państwa członkowskie nie porozumiały się bowiem z państwami trzecimi w tym przedmiocie, co jest wymogiem prawa międzynarodowego. Także prawo wtórne umożliwia jedynie częściowe wykonywanie traktatowego prawa do opieki na terytorium państw trzecich, ponieważ zostało ono sprowadzone tylko do pomocy konsularnej, i to jeszcze wąsko ujętej. Prawo obywateli Unii Europejskiej znajduje się zatem jeszcze na bardzo wczesnym etapie swojego rozwoju.

The European Union's competition policy is one of the most important elements in the functioning of the entire European Community (EC), as its issues oscillate around the shared market. The economic aspect is key to understanding the actions taken around the founding of the European Communities (European Economic Community of 1957). Initially, the EC was predominantly economic in nature, and only after the Maastricht Treaty came into force in 1993 did the European Union reorient itself into a political community. This paper juxtaposes the impact of the European Union's and the United States' economic powers on global economic relations, with a particular explanation of the specifics of how the EU and the US conduct their trade policies, and how this implies mutual trade relations. Then, the European Union's competition policy and its specific features are discussed, which have a decisive impact on the emergence of economic conflicts between the partners from both sides of the Atlantic. An important role is also played here by the issue of ISDS (investor-state dispute settlement) mechanism and differences in the understanding of labor rights in the United States and the European Union. ; Polityka konkurencji Unii Europejskiej stanowi jeden z najważniejszych elementów funkcjonowania całej Wspólnoty Europejskiej (WE), ponieważ jej zagadnienia oscylują wokół wspólnego rynku. Aspekt gospodarczy jest zasadniczy, żeby zrozumieć działania podejmowane wokół założenia Wspólnot Europejskich (Europejska Wspólnota Gospodarcza z 1957 r.). Początkowo WE miała charakter w dominującej części gospodarczy, dopiero po wejściu w życie traktatu z Maastricht w 1993 r. Unia Europejska przeorientowała się na wspólnotę polityczną. W niniejszej pracy zostanie zestawiony wpływ siły gospodarczej Unii Europejskiej i Stanów Zjednoczonych na światowe związki gospodarcze, ze szczególnym wyjaśnieniem specyfiki prowadzenia polityki handlowej przez UE i USA, a także sposobu, w jaki oddziałuje ona na wzajemne relacje handlowe. Następnie omówiona ...

Peacekeeping operations are nowadays an important phenomenon in international relations and especially in conflict-ridden regions. The concept and framework of such operations has been constantly evolving in the past and one of the milestones of this evolution was the fall of the communist system and the end of the cold war. In Europe, this historic moment coincided with establishment by the Maastricht Treaty of the new organism within the process of western Europe's integration: the European Union. Both these facts triggered a reaction of the somewhat passive and hardly visible European defence organisation of the Western European Union. Its Petersberg Declaration of 1992 redefined security and sought to change peace obligations of the member states of WEU, as they accepted a broader responsibility and a broader concept of security in the European region. This was an important first step in making defence integration a part of the mainstream integration process. On the legal basis of the Petersberg Declaration, six operations were carried out. The paper discusses them, showing striking similarities, which actually comprise a special philosophy of intervention by WEU. This philosophy reflects both strengths and weaknesses of WEU's role in the European integration.

Peacekeeping operations are nowadays an important phenomenon in international relations and especially in conflict-ridden regions. The concept and framework of such operations has been constantly evolving in the past and one of the milestones of this evolution was the fall of the communist system and the end of the cold war. In Europe, this historic moment coincided with establishment by the Maastricht Treaty of the new organism within the process of western Europe's integration: the European Union. Both these facts triggered a reaction of the somewhat passive and hardly visible European defence organisation of the Western European Union. Its Petersberg Declaration of 1992 redefined security and sought to change peace obligations of the member states of WEU, as they accepted a broader responsibility and a broader concept of security in the European region. This was an important first step in making defence integration a part of the mainstream integration process. On the legal basis of the Petersberg Declaration, six operations were carried out. The paper discusses them, showing striking similarities, which actually comprise a special philosophy of intervention by WEU. This philosophy reflects both strengths and weaknesses of WEU's role in the European integration.

The aim of the article is to present the results of research on the effects of the coronavirus COVID-19 on the economies of the Three Seas Initiative countries and to try to answer the question about the future of the Initiative. It was assumed that the development and future of this initiative, which is still shaping its identity, and the possibility of achieving its goals, will depend on the economic possibilities of the states that make it up and the decisions made by the heads of states. The analysis was based on the latest macroeconomic statistical data published by Eurostat and the IMF, concerning: GDP, industrial production, budget deficit, public debt, unemployment and inflation. The article outlines the genesis of the Three Seas Initiative and its goals, in order to explain its essence and assumptions. In order to assess the development possibilities of the Three Seas Initiative countries and forecast their economic security in the context of COVID-19, a simplified forecasting method was used, prepared by a team of researchers in a research grant, consisting in distinguishing global megatrends, the socalled wild cards, weak signals, and based on them, possible scenarios were created. They include a forecast of changes in macroeconomic indicators in the context of megatrends and conclusions on the future of the initiative. The scale of the virus's destruction and its impact on the macroeconomic security of countries will depend on the number and intensity of successive waves of the pandemic, and on the degree of reveal of unfavourable phenomena (wild cards) and the intensity of phenomena currently observed in the form of weak signals. The political will of the leaders of states and the European Union to respect the debt limits set out in the Maastricht Treaty, as well as the will and real possibilities of launching development investments will also be important.

Defence policy has recently become one of the components of the external dimension European Union policy, reflecting, in a sense, on the need to be a strategic player international relations not only in economic matters. This article presents the evolution of this policy from the 90s to the present solutions. Point of matter is a treaty analysis of the principles presented in each document starting with the Maastricht Treaty to decision in Treaty from Lisbon. The issues reflected upon in this article mainly relate to the idea of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) and its modifications, the concept of building a stronger 'defence core' for Europe, and deepening of the cooperation in a perhaps narrower circle than the Union of all the countries. The discussion on defence cooperation is also a reaction to the crisis within the EU, an answer to the challenges arising from Brexit, and Donald Trump's presidency in the United States of America as well as safety threats on the southern borders of the continent.Implementation of the EU external policy is an effect of its particular status and the influence of three separate, but still interdependent, decision-making systems. The shape of that policy is influenced by national foreign policies of the member states, the policy concerning the economic sphere, and policies that emerged as a result of the actions of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. Therefore, we deal with a compilation of the power of the European Union as a whole, and the political preferences of particular member states. External policy of the European Union is more than just a simple sum of the foreign policies of its member states. It is a compilation of the Community policy on an institutional level and the foreign policies of the EU countries. The policies can often overlap and interact which makes it easier to achieve a common and uniform position.The European continent security system is also influenced by the functioning of other organizations, including the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. That poses a number of questions as to the real possibilities and capabilities to ensure the EU security. According to numerous opinions "common defence policy" of the European Union is unrealistic and is purely a theory presented only in a treaty dimension.The aim of the research was to present the concept of the defense policy of the European Union in the contemporary structural dimension and its reference to the functioning of the North Atlantic Alliance. The issue was developed based on historical, comparative and functional analysis.Key words: EU, EU Treaties, defence policy, structural cooperation, PESCO

The European Union is a space o f continuous negotiations and an arena hosting the clashes of diverse integration options and concepts represented by EU member states and institutions. Furthermore, the disintegration of the EU (which dates back to the Maastricht Treaty) is becoming more and more visible. It is reflected directly by the presence in the European debate concerning multi-speed Europe and the current actions taken by the Eurozone states aimed at escalating the integration among selected states. Poland is also taking part in the debate concerning the future o f the European Union. The author of this paper attempted to examine Poland's place in the political and economic space o f the European Union by referring to the theory of integration. The research objective o f the paper is to analyse the Polish integration policy between late 1989 and 2012 within the context o f the international and European integration theory. The advanced research reflection in this scope in relation to Poland as the selected and important EU member state fits into the debate on the relevance of the European Union uniting concepts. The author posed the following research hypotheses in the dissertation: 1 .Considering the current stage o f development of the European Union, the Polish integration policy does not firmly support strictly one international or European integration concept. The Polish integration policy does not have a cohesive and stable integration policy concept and it is largely dependent on the policy and objectives of the current government (this is not only typical o f Poland) and the integration level. 2.Poland is strongly fixed in western structures, which makes the integration policy a vital component of development. What is more, the outlook on the European Union continues to evolve in the Polish political and social space. Poland sees the European Union as the main point o f reference in many political, economic, and social areas. 3.The organisation of the European Union does not only see Poland affect the form of the integration process, but also sees member states and EU organisations affect the functioning of Poland. The influence of a given state on the form o f the European Union mostly depends on the state's strength and significance in the EU community. This premise sees the place o f a given state in the system conditioned by the current factors, for example the European Union expansion process. Therefore, the interests o f Poland do not always correspond to the interests of the European Union, and the other way around. This deepens the EU's intergovernmental dimension. 4.Member states constitute the most important element o f the European Union. It is a union of states and nations supported by community institutions. This structure covers the convergence o f its methods, theories, and areas. This makes it impossible to profile the structure only from the perspective of the specified international integration theory. 5.The current stage o f the European Union's development, its challenges, and its problems show that the integration process continues to evolve and its result is impossible to foresee. 6.The current economic crisis influences the perception and management o f the European Union. The expectations include the intensification of intergovemmentalism and the establishment of multi-speed Union. If Poland remains outside of the Eurozone, it will find itself on the periphery o f the integration process, which is rather far from its very centre. Based on these research findings, Polish politics with regard to and, later, as part o f the EU can be divided into several principal periods. Period 1: (1989-1997) a time of consolidating Polish independence and security. This time was associated with the choice of a principal direction of the Polish foreign policy after 1989, i.e. Western Europe and declaration of Poland's will to take part in the process of its integration, without having any concrete vision for further course of those processes. This approach was often marked by a claiming attitude, both among political elites (marked by high instability) and the society (a simplified attitude, no social debate or knowledge about integration processes). During that period, Polish politics with regard to the EU cannot be ascribed to any specific model, since that policy was in statu nascendi at the time and was targeted at the EU membership, an objective in its own right. Period 2: (1998-2004) a time of negotiating Poland's accession to the EU, and the candidate's becoming accustomed to the rules o f EU's workings. There was still no vision o f integration processes from the Polish perspective and related opinions were expressed in a very cautious way. The primary aim was membership in the EU, such that was available at a given moment. At the same time, we should stress an important moment in the process of changes: the breakthrough o f the years 1999/2000. The interest in issues related to Poland's integration with the EU grew more intense then. The Polish government began to address this issue not only from the local perspective (a balance o f benefits and losses), but also expressed opinions on the reformation of the EU as a whole. Poland came as a difficult candidate for an EU member state (Polish support for US activities in Iraq and Afghanistan). This "difficulty" also emerged in the government's seeking to secure Poland's financial interests in connection with the accession. It was a period of preparations for membership, marked by a high level o f uncertainty (no clear vision, conflicting views: strong Union or preservation of independence, Common Foreign and Security Policy or working with the USA). Period 3: (2005-2007) a process aimed at building a vision of "Europe of Solidary Nations" in the EU by the government o f K. Marcinkiewicz and J. Kaczyński. Decisive, though not quite stable, support for international liberalism in the Polish integration policy. This manifested itself in reinforcing the Euro-realistic stance, both within Poland and abroad, by many considered, in fact, Eurosceptic. Period 4: (since 2008 to this day) a period of an integration vision being developed by D. Tusk's government, especially the Minister o f Foreign Affairs, R. Sikorski. It is a time of big changes and evolution in the Polish integration policy. An important issue at this time was a real sense of benefits coming from Poland's integration with the EU and the Polish government's pro-European attitude. The integration policy being developed shows a more flexible approach to the concept of independence (emergence o f collective independence) and thinking about the Polish foreign policy from the EU perspective. Additionally, we observed a return to constructing strategic partnership between Poland and Germany, rationalisation of partnership with the USA, Poland's active contribution to solving EU problems (e.g. the economic crisis), working towards a better "Eastern policy" as part of the EU. R. Sikorski was the first Polish Minister o f Foreign Affairs to have officially used the concept of federalism and vow his support for it in integration processes, mindful of Polish experiences and historical heritage in this respect. The Polish government expresses a firm objection to the idea of "multi-speed" Europe and builds an image o f Poland as an active member state (presidency at the EU Council), enjoying a good economic situation and having a society with an enthusiastic approach to the integration processes and strong Europe, and seeking to be as close to the "epicentre" o f countries behind this process.The analysis o f the integrative concepts presented in this paper shows that the different periods of the Polish integration policy (establishment and execution) saw and continue to see various levels in the majority of the international integration theory elements (of course, this is not just a Polish characteristic in the European Union, but rather a predominant trend in the Union's integration process). This has been and continues to be conditioned in large part by the foreign policy objectives of the given government, as well as by the current challenges and problems Poland is facing. In the case of the Polish integration policy, as in most other EU member states, we can observe an aggregation of interests, concepts and attitudes. This research project seeks to systematise them.