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Multilevel governance entails transformations of statehood, leading to significant changes both in the public sphere of politics and the private sphere of economic activity and in their modes of interaction, the law included. The fragmentation of the public sphere and the decentering of the state have led to new types of regulation and the emergence of global regulatory networks, thereby intermingling the public and the private. The transition from government to governance blurs a clear hierarchy of norms and the distinctions between hard/soft and public/private law; it encourages a fragmentation of public functions. Renewed international legalization has been seen by some in formalist terms, as a way of providing some certainty and predictability; this view has been used to buttress the legitimacy of global governance Although there have been attempts to improve coordination between international regimes, they seem generally to spawn further regulatory networks; any formal constitutionalization of international regimes seems unlikely.

This article challenges the methodological nationalism of the convergence debate by arguing that multilevel governance destabilizes the coalitions thought to underpin liberal and coordinated varieties of capitalism. Existing efforts to explain how coherent production regimes emerge and persist assume that some dominant social bloc ensures coherence by imposing its interests across all relevant regulatory subspheres. This assumption is not tenable in systems of multilevel governance. Three features of multilevel governance diminish the scope for a uniform social bloc to ensure a tight coupling of complementary regulations. First, the strategic opportunities for playing multilevel games vary across regulatory subspheres. Second, willingness to exploit these opportunities varies, because the transnational scope of legislation adds a constrain-competitor dimension to actors' decision-making that may either strengthen or weaken interest group cohesion. Third, the institutional set-up at the supranational level of Europe's multilevel polity multiplies alignment options. To illustrate these claims, the article draws on case studies of EU company law initiatives concerning takeovers and worker participation.

The main aim of this essay is to define the concept of multilevel governance as a political model and to identify the effects that this concept has if it is implemented at the level of European Union. Firstly, I will talk about the concept of multilevel governance and what it means in practice. Secondly, I will analyze the multilevel governance concept in the context of European Union. Thirdly, I will show what this concept brings new to the public management, both at national and supranational level.

La letteratura politologica recente mette in evidenza come nell'arena nazionale e sopranazionale vi sia un nuovo protagonismo delle città e delle regioni. In un contesto ad alta interdipendenza economica, sociale, culturale e politica (noto in senso lato come processo di globalizzazione), dal quale scaturisce l'esigenza di una global governance, oltre agli stati nazionali, è interessante notare una trasformazione sia di government che di governance delle città, intese come città-regioni e, in alcuni casi, come città-stato. Ciò significa ripensare le funzioni delle città e degli enti subnazionali, non più finalizzate alla sola gestione dei servizi pubblici locali in termini di welfare municipale o locale, ma soprattutto alla formulazione di una strategia di portata internazionale. A partire dallo strumento tipico dell'analisi delle politiche pubbliche che rende possibile la costruzione di una rete di articolazioni istituzionali (e non), ci si chiede quali sono le nuove relazioni interistituzionali nei sistemi multilivello, al fine di analizzare le nuove strategie internazionali delle città e delle regioni, nel caso specifico Milano EXPO 2015. Si fa riferimento al nuovo protagonismo delle città, delle regioni e delle autonomie funzionali dentro e fuori i confini nazionali; al trasferimento di funzioni dal centro alla periferia attraverso il cosiddetto decentramento politico e decentramento amministrativo. Tali innovazioni, avvenute negli ultimi quindici anni, dimostrano anche il crescente grado di complessità del processo decisionale. In tal senso si tiene conto del governo dei processi partecipativi, delle logiche di governance, dell'analisi e delle valutazioni di impatto e di processo. Caso studio: Il caso studio fa riferimento al successo di Milano per l'EXPO 2015. Si tiene conto del cosiddetto marketing territoriale o marketing d'area, un'attività organizzata che aiuta i decisori politici a definire le strategie per rendere attrattivi i territori, considerati composti da elementi tangibili e non tangibili. A tal fine, si fa riferimento a: - il contesto e le relazioni internazionali sviluppate tra i diversi attori per l'aggiudicazione dell'Evento; - quanto la politics sovranazionale, nazionale e locale ha inciso sulla polity e sulla policy (si comprendere quali sono stati i comportamenti strategici dei diversi attori in ordine alla frammentazione/omogeneità delle politiche nazionali-regionali-locali, al fine di spiegare il buon funzionamento delle istituzioni pubbliche e il successo sia su scala centrale sia su scala periferica; - il progetto di Milano Nutrire il Pianeta – Energia per la vita, per capire se rappresenti la vocazione della città ovvero una scelta di opportunità; - la strategia complessiva del progetto.

Emissionen aus dem Straßenverkehr sind eine wachsende Quelle von CO2. Eine Option, CO2-Emissionen zu verringern, sind Biokraftstoffe. Diese Arbeit setzt sich mit der Implementierung der EU-Biokraftstoffrichtlinie (2003/30/EC) auf nationaler und lokaler Ebene auseinander. Die empirische Analyse basiert auf vier Staaten, Deutschland, Großbritannien, Italien und Finnland, und in jedem Staat eine Stadt näher analysiert wurde, konkret Berlin, London, Mailand und Helsinki. Auf nationaler Ebene werden Unterschiede in Grad und Form der Implementierung in den vier Staaten anhand des theoretischen Konzepts der 'Europäisierung' untersucht. Über den Mix der eingesetzten politischen Instrumente werden die länderspezifischen Implementationsmuster der vier Staaten erfasst. Neben der Untersuchung der nationalen Ebene sucht diese Arbeit weites nach Parallellen zwischen dem Engagement auf nationaler und den (freiwilligen) Aktivitäten auf lokaler Ebene. Die zentralen Faktoren, die das Engagement von Städten in der Klimapolitik zu erklären vermögen, werden in einem heuristischen Modell gefasst, das folgende Erklärungsfaktoren enthält: (i) Unterstützung der nationalen Ebene, (ii) Grad an lokaler Autonomie, (iii) Beteiligung der lokalen BürgerInnen, (iv) Unterstützung durch lokale Firmen, (v) Zugang zu und Zuerkennung von EU-Fördermitteln und (vi) horizontales Networking und Austausch von Know-how zwischen Städten. Obwohl die kleine Fallzahl kein representatives Bild zu vermitteln vermag, zeigen sich doch interessante Muster. Auf nationaler Ebene ergeben sich ausgeprägte Parallellen zwischen Dauer und Ausmaß der Nutzung von ökonomischen Instrumenten und der Menge des verkauften Biokraftstoffs. Auf lokaler Ebene wird das Aktivitätsniveau der Städt u.a. ausgeprägt durch die Untersützung von einheimischen Firmen sowie den Zugang zu und die Zuerkennung von EU-Fördermitteln erklärt. Darüber hinaus verstärken das horizontale Networking und der Austausch von Know-how das Bewsstsein der jeweiligen Städte über die Wichtigkeit ihren Aktivitäten. Diese Einsichten sind für die praktische Klimapolitik wie für die Technologieentwicklung insofern von Bedeutung, als sie darauf hindeuten, dass auch in Zukunft großes Augenmerk auf klimapolitische Aktivitäten auf lokaler Ebene gelegt werden sollte. ; Emissions from road transportation are a growing source of CO2. Biofuels use represents one option to reduce CO2 emissions. This thesis examines the implementation of the EU Biofuels Directive (2003/30/EC) at the national level and voluntary measures on biofuels promotion at local level. The analysis is based on four countries, namely Germany, the UK, Italy, and Finland and the cities of Berlin, London, Milan, and Helsinki respectively. At the national level, differences in the degrees and forms of implementation in the four countries are examined. The concept of Europeanization is used to classify the modes of domestic changes. An analysis of the "mix of policy instruments" sheds light on the more or less successful implementation of biofuels policies at national level. The implementation of the EU Biofuels Directive does not directly bind the local level but communities are seen as an important arena in which the governance of climate change is taking place. This thesis looks for a sort of parallelism between the commitments at national level and the activities at local level. The driving forces leading to different local level involvement in local projects for the support of biofuels are investigated using a conceptual framework where (i) national-level regulations and support, (ii) the system of local self-government, (iii) support from the local citizenry, (iv) support from the local businesses, (v) access and acquisition of EU funds, and (vi) horizontal networking between cities are analysed. Although this thesis does not provide a representative picture, it shows interesting patterns: At national level, there is a parallelism between the duration and extent of the use of economic instruments to support biofuels and the share of biofuels sold. At local level, a clear relation between city-level activities and the support from local businesses as well as access to and acquisition of EU funds can be found. Horizontal networking and the exchange of know-how leads cities to get more self-consciousness on the importance of their activities. These experiences could potentially shape future climate policies and technologies. That is why it is fundamental to recognize the increasing importance that local activities are gaining thanks to their voluntary commitment towards the implementation of climate policies. ; submitted by Alessandra Silvestrini ; Zsfassung in dt. Sprache ; Wien, Univ. für Bodenkultur, Masterarb., 2008 ; (VLID)1083347

The radical tourism development and its adverse environmental impacts have revived the discussion about Environmental Ethics and the emerging Biodiversity Policy. The aim of this research paper is to explore the relationship between environmental ethics, the current Biodiversity and Sustainable Tourism Development policy-making, and the tourism industry. More specifically, the conceptual analysis adopts an environmental ethics' and environmental politics perspective. Based on the example of caretta caretta case in Greece, the EU Habitats Directive and the tourism development at the area, it is concluded that public consensus and discourse prove to be essential for a shift to a more attentive and less anthropocentic ethical approach by policy-makers and tourism actors' in a multilevel governance society.

Many scholars have recently argued that nation-state—centered approaches in comparative sociology and political science are obsolete. In this view, we have entered, or are about to enter, a new "postnational" or "transnational" era characterized by complex and qualitatively new patterns of multilevel governance, in which the nation-state still plays a role, though a drastically reduced one.1 This decline of the nation-state's sovereignty is said to be accompanied by a growing importance of supranational and transnational actors, institutions, legal norms, and discourses, on the one hand, and increased local autonomy from national constraints, on the other. Given the inherently transnational nature of migration, it is not surprising that this critique of national approaches has been particularly prominent in this field of study.

At present, progress in mitigating global GHG emissions is impeded by political stalemate at the national level in the United States and the People's Republic of China. Through the conceptual lenses of multilevel governance and framing politics, the article analyzes emerging policy initiatives among subnational governments in both countries. Effective subnational emission-mitigating action requires framing climatic-stabilization policies in terms of local co-benefits associated with environmental protection, health promotion, and economic advantage. In an impressive group of US states and cities, and increasingly at the local level in China, public concerns about air pollution, consumption and waste management, traffic congestion, health threats, the ability to attract tourists, and/or diminishing resources are legitimizing policy developments that carry the co-benefit of controlling GHG emissions. A co-benefits framing strategy that links individual and community concerns for morbidity, mortality, stress reduction, and healthy human development for all with GHG-emission limitation/reduction is especially likely to resonate powerfully at the subnational level throughout China and the United States.

This study sets out to describe and explain variation in cross-level policy coherence between central level policy recommendations by the Stichting van de Arbeid (Dutch Labour Foundation) and decentral level Collective Labour Agreements (CLAs) in Dutch labour relations. Cross-level policy coherence can be understood as a problem of policy implementation. However, Dutch labour relations are characterised by a combination of (a) multilevel governance – collective decision-making takes place on both the central and decentral level, and (b) soft policy – Labour Foundation recommendations are not legally binding. These characteristics raise two important questions: (1) to what extent can we expect decentral compliance with central level recommendations, and under what conditions? (2) To what extent are existing theories of policy implementation that assume state centric systems – which are characterised by binding political decisions and institutionally embedded systems of administrative procedures for political control – appropriate for the study of multilevel systems with 'soft' policies? To explain cross-level policy coherence a model-guided approach is applied. The starting point is the standard model of policy implementation. This model is adjusted and supplemented using 'middle range theories' on policy processes in multilevel systems. Cross-level policy coherence is defined as coherence between central level recommendations and the individual (policy positions, concessions in negotiations) and collective outcomes (negotiation agenda, CLA-arrangements) of choices of decentral level CLA-negotiators. Hypotheses are derived, predicting effects on cross-level policy coherence of (1) collective support for recommendations among peak organization administrators, (2) preference loss of individual peak organization administrators in the central level negotiations, and (3) government salience. To test the hypotheses two types of data are analysed: (1) decision-making data on (a) central level recommendations in two ...

Artiklens formål er at bidrage til debatter om de teoretiske approaches og modeller til generelle studier af køn og diversitet i offentligheden og specielt den europæiske offentlighed 'The European Public Sphere' (EPS). Artiklen reflekterer desuden over de metodiske tilgange og forskningsstrategier der er udviklet for at studere EPS med eksempler fra erfaringer med deltagelse i to EUfinansierede projekter, the VEIL- projektet (se nærmere på projekternes hjemmesider: http://www.veil-project.eu/ ) og EUROSPHERE-projektet (see: http://eurosphere.uib.no/ ). ; The increasing institutionalization of rights in EU has inspired a debate about the gap between the EU polity and citizens' abilities to influence multilevel governance and politics. The objective of the paper is to discuss diversity in the European public spheres from a gender perspective. It first gives an overview of different feminist approaches to diversity and intersectionality. It explores the arguments for and against creating a democratic European Public Sphere and discusses the tensions between universal principles of equality at the one hand and concerns for inequalities and diversity of particular groups within and between particular national contexts at the other hand. It focuses at the tensions between the universal principles of equality and the principles of recognition ethnic diversity. Finally it looks at proposals to redesign the concept of citizenship beyond the nation state and to link feminist proposals for gender justice with frames for a multilayered trans-national citizenship. The paper aims to contribute to debates about theoretical approaches and models to study gender and diversity in the public sphere in general and in particular The European Public Sphere (EPS). It also reflects on methodological frames and research strategies adopted to study the EPS with examples from my participation in two EU-projects, the VEIL- project (see: http://www.veil-project.eu/ ) and the EUROSPHERE-project (see: http://eurosphere.uib.no/ ).

Defense date: 04/06/2008 ; Examining Board: Professor Michael Keating, European University Institute, Supervisor Professor Christine Chwaszcza, European University Institute, Co-supervisor Professor Dario Castiglione, University of Exeter Professor Ulrika Mörth, Stockholm University ; This thesis examines the uses of legitimacy in debates on European integration. It treats the issue at a normative and empirical level. The normative part is an analysis of four theoretical contributions to the discourse on EU democracy: the standard version of the democratic deficit, the regulatory state, multi-level governance and integration through deliberation. The empirical part explores the political use of the theories' legitimacy claims in two cases: the European Parliament's inquiry into BSE and its debates relating to the Convention on the Future of Europe. The analysis reveals certain problems in theoretical and political discourse. Whereas the critique of the standard version has some merit, the positions formulating non-majoritarian notions of EU democracy are equally, if not more, problematic. The regulatory state, multilevel governance and integration through deliberation dress up old ideas – technocracy, interest group pluralism and constitutionalism respectively – and attempt to reinvest them with democratic legitimacy. The cases further illustrate the problem. For one thing, they indicate that the assumptions of the positions do not hold. What is more, non-majoritarian approaches to EU democracy, while allowing political actors to use the language of democracy, do not provide them with concrete proposals as to how existing structures might be democratised. The result is a discrepancy between the language of democracy, promising popular control and political equality, and the proposals for institutional and constitutional reforms, which tend to either discourage mass engagement or obscure how and in what capacity citizens are to participate. There is a tendency, I conclude, to confuse democracy with legitimacy, and legitimacy with consensus. As a result, the attempts at rearticulating EU democracy succeed neither in establishing a new basis for EU democracy, nor in identifying different or new forms of legitimacy. From this, three consequences derive: First, the democratic deficit should be regarded as structurally determined. Second, the persistence of the democratic deficit requires a thorough debate on the scope of EU competences. Finally, more attention should be devoted to the role of national and regional actors in European integration.

The aim of this PhD is to analyse the obstacles facing flood risk management as it is integrated into spatial planning policies. Recently, the French and British governments have implemented several policies in order to ensure that flood risk is taken into account at all the stages of the planning process, but there are still misunderstandings and conflicts between national aims and local interests. We focus on urban regeneration, both in Seine-Amont and East London, as these two areas are the focus of new urban projects where stakeholders thus have the opportunity to take flood hazard into account from the beginning. But local stakeholders face difficulty in balancing, on the one hand, their development needs with, on the other, the imperative to control development in flood risk areas. They do not ignore the risk but it is not a priority and floods are not considered as part of place. As a result, regeneration projects significantly increase the vulnerability of both areas. Since urban regeneration areas are often flagship projects in the building of sustainable cities, is it not possible to develop floodplains in a sustainable way ? We can not prevent floods completely but we can try to set up multilevel sustainable planning systems which integrate floods. Our purpose is to focus on planning tools and governance mechanisms that exist in both countries in order to see how they could be improved. More generally, we aim to show that an integrative approach to the strategic planning of floodplains could be a potentially advantageous way to transform vulnerable places into resilient ones. ; L'objet de cette thèse est de réfléchir aux difficultés que pose l'intégration du risque aux stratégies d'aménagement des territoires locaux. Si les politiques mises en place à l'échelle nationale font du risque une véritable question d'aménagement, leur mise en oeuvre à l'échelle locale se traduit souvent par des dysfonctionnements et des conflits. Les projets de renouvellement urbain de Seine-Amont et de l'Est londonien ...

The aim of this PhD is to analyse the obstacles facing flood risk management as it is integrated into spatial planning policies. Recently, the French and British governments have implemented several policies in order to ensure that flood risk is taken into account at all the stages of the planning process, but there are still misunderstandings and conflicts between national aims and local interests. We focus on urban regeneration, both in Seine-Amont and East London, as these two areas are the focus of new urban projects where stakeholders thus have the opportunity to take flood hazard into account from the beginning. But local stakeholders face difficulty in balancing, on the one hand, their development needs with, on the other, the imperative to control development in flood risk areas. They do not ignore the risk but it is not a priority and floods are not considered as part of place. As a result, regeneration projects significantly increase the vulnerability of both areas. Since urban regeneration areas are often flagship projects in the building of sustainable cities, is it not possible to develop floodplains in a sustainable way ? We can not prevent floods completely but we can try to set up multilevel sustainable planning systems which integrate floods. Our purpose is to focus on planning tools and governance mechanisms that exist in both countries in order to see how they could be improved. More generally, we aim to show that an integrative approach to the strategic planning of floodplains could be a potentially advantageous way to transform vulnerable places into resilient ones. ; L'objet de cette thèse est de réfléchir aux difficultés que pose l'intégration du risque aux stratégies d'aménagement des territoires locaux. Si les politiques mises en place à l'échelle nationale font du risque une véritable question d'aménagement, leur mise en oeuvre à l'échelle locale se traduit souvent par des dysfonctionnements et des conflits. Les projets de renouvellement urbain de Seine-Amont et de l'Est londonien ...

This contribution argues that the universal recognition of human rights requires judges to take human rights more seriously in their judicial settlement of disputes "in conformity with the principles of justice and international law", as prescribed in the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (Preamble VCLT) as well as in the UN Charter (Article 1). Section I explains the constitutional duty of judges to interpret law and settle disputes in conformity with principles of justice as increasingly defined by human rights. Section II argues that the "multilevel judicial governance" in Europe – notably between the European Community (EC) Court of Justice and its Court of First Instance, the EC courts and national courts, the European Free Trade Area (EFTA) Court and national courts, and the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) and national courts - was successful due to the fact that this judicial cooperation was justified as multilevel protection of constitutional citizen rights and, mainly for this reason, was supported as "just" by judges, citizens and parliaments. Section III concludes that the European "solange-method" of judicial cooperation "as long as" other courts respect constitutional principles of justice should be supported by citizens, judges, civil society and their democratic representatives also in judicial cooperation with worldwide courts and dispute settlement bodies. As explained in Section IV, in a world that continues to be dominated by power politics and by reasonable "constitutional pluralism", it is easier for international judges to meet their obligation to settle disputes "in conformity with principles of justice" if courts cooperate and base their "judicial discourses" on "public reason", respect for human rights and judicial protection of the constitutional principles underlying human rights law.

The aim of this PhD is to analyse the obstacles facing flood risk management as it is integrated into spatial planning policies. Recently, the French and British governments have implemented several policies in order to ensure that flood risk is taken into account at all the stages of the planning process, but there are still misunderstandings and conflicts between national aims and local interests. We focus on urban regeneration, both in Seine-Amont and East London, as these two areas are the focus of new urban projects where stakeholders thus have the opportunity to take flood hazard into account from the beginning. But local stakeholders face difficulty in balancing, on the one hand, their development needs with, on the other, the imperative to control development in flood risk areas. They do not ignore the risk but it is not a priority and floods are not considered as part of place. As a result, regeneration projects significantly increase the vulnerability of both areas. Since urban regeneration areas are often flagship projects in the building of sustainable cities, is it not possible to develop floodplains in a sustainable way ? We can not prevent floods completely but we can try to set up multilevel sustainable planning systems which integrate floods. Our purpose is to focus on planning tools and governance mechanisms that exist in both countries in order to see how they could be improved. More generally, we aim to show that an integrative approach to the strategic planning of floodplains could be a potentially advantageous way to transform vulnerable places into resilient ones. ; L'objet de cette thèse est de réfléchir aux difficultés que pose l'intégration du risque aux stratégies d'aménagement des territoires locaux. Si les politiques mises en place à l'échelle nationale font du risque une véritable question d'aménagement, leur mise en oeuvre à l'échelle locale se traduit souvent par des dysfonctionnements et des conflits. Les projets de renouvellement urbain de Seine-Amont et de l'Est londonien offrent l'opportunité de prendre en compte le risque en amont des aménagements urbains. Mais dans la pratique, les acteurs locaux peinent à trouver des compromis entre les impératifs du développement territorial, et la nécessité de réduire la vulnérabilité des biens et des populations en limitant l'urbanisation dans les lits majeurs. Le risque n'est pas nié, mais il ne constitue pas une priorité et n'est pas considéré comme une composante intrinsèque des territoires. Par conséquent les projets en cours de réalisation contribuent à accroître la vulnérabilité des deux espaces étudiés. Les projets de renouvellement urbain sont placés sous le signe du développement durable : comment dès lors concevoir des stratégies d'aménagement durable de ces espaces ? S'il est impossible d'éliminer le risque, il paraît souhaitable de mettre en place un système d'aménagement qui intègre le risque à toutes les échelles. La comparaison des outils de gestion et des mécanismes de gouvernance existants dans les deux pays permet d'envisager la planification stratégique des espaces fluviaux et de construire, dans les deux espaces étudiés, des territoires non plus vulnérables, mais résilients.