The monography provides an analysis of the importance and complexity of state sovereignty's nature changing and its implementation in the process of transferring authority to supranational institutions. It deals with the complex description of the Ukraine's participation in supranational organizations, the problems of transfer mechanisms, evolution of the national legislation. In this context the authors justify the development of practical procedures to legitimize the process of authority transfer in order to guarantee the all participants' balance of interests and strengthen their political stability. This work integrates the unique classification and research materials. By the reflection of this type the authors lay the base for continuing further researches of the integrational tendencies of post-Soviet states and the degree of their sovereign powers' transfer to supranational institutions.
Autism disembodied. The history of social construction of autism as illness, disorder, and disability
The article is an attempt to look at the history of discourse about autism from the perspective of autism studies. Due to the blurred definition and yet unknown etiology autism was used as a space for modern cultural projections about disability and mental illness. As I argue, both the determination of modern scientific institutions and their failure to objectify autism using empirical methods are linked to the disembodied nature of autism, which still reveals it arbitrariness and social – not natural – construction. As late as in 21th century, autistic people have joined the discourse about themselves, trying to make autism a positive and integral aspect of their identity. Keywords: autism, Asperger syndrome, disability, mental illness, eugenics
Since 1990, the president of the Republic of Poland has been elected by direct popular vote. In this period, the position of the office of president has undergone significant change. Each consecutive legal act of a constitutional nature (the Small Constitution of 1992 and the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997) imposed limitations on the range of competences (powers) of the president. Is it thus necessary to revise the current rules of how the head of state is elected? To help answer this question, an attempt was made to view the issue raised in the title of the paper from three perspectives: 1) systemic rationality, 2) political parties as the main political actors and 3) a citizen-based approach as reflected in the preferences and behaviours of the sovereign.
The primary research question of the article is: What determined the results of the Polish left-wing parties in the Polish parliamentary election of 2015? Moreover, the article asks also: Did the electoral platform affect the results of the United Left Coalition and Razem? The aim of the author is to discuss the characteristics of the left-wing political parties and coalitions during the parliamentary election of 2015. To that end, the author analyzes the electoral platforms of the particular organizations. The article is interdisciplinary in nature, since it analyzes the issue from three distinct perspectives: political, sociological, and philosophical. In turn, the attempted answer to the research questions can give significant insight into the further research into the legitimization process of left-wing parties in Poland.
The paper aims to trace development of socio-political thought of "Solidarność" in years 1980-1989 in the light of a model of doctrinal evolution. In the second chapter theoretical assumptions regarding the nature of real socialism, structure of "Solidarność" movement and doctrinal development are presented. In the third chap¬ter the intellectual development of "Solidarność" thought is outline. It is supposed that in years 1980-1989 "Solidarność" was revolutionary (1980-1981) conspirational (1981-1986) and reformist social movement (1986-1989) what influenced its doctrinal development and diversification (emerging of radical and compromise wings). In the fourth chapter, the sociopolitical and socio-economic factors and conditions are identified which influenced the doctrinal development of "Solidarność" after 1989 – namely acceptance of neo-liberal model of transformation and resignation from workers' self-governance.
Confessional policy is primarily a specific kind of public policy of the state, focused on the activity of religious organizations (religious or confessional associations), that is, communities whose purpose is to confess and spread religious faith (within the meaning of each religion), having their own hierarchy, doctrine and worship. The essence of politics is then shaping the relationship of the state with individual religious relationships, but also influencing the relations between them. The religious policy of the state includes activities of a conceptual, program, operational and executive nature, implemented by specialized entities of state power towards religious entities. Under the conditions of a democratic state, they are administrative institutions (independent, e.g. in the form of an office or ministry, or being part of a wider structure, e.g. a department within the ministry) and special services (e.g. monitoring the activities of religious fundamentalists or destructive sects). In authoritarian and totalitarian countries, the subject pursuing denominational policy may be more complex (e.g., apart from state structures, party structures have a decisive status, and extended special services also play a greater role). Confessional policy is conditioned by a number factors, among which the following can be distinguished: internal (e.g. the specificity and the religious and confessional structure of the state, the political system, the ideology prevailing in the state, the pragmatics of political struggle, the legal and systemic religious model of the state, the relationships between the ethno-cultural and religious identifications) and external (e.g., state security considerations, the nature of confessional policy within the international environment, geopolitical conditions, international legal norms in which the said state participates, the scale and nature of international "networking" of a given religious community). Among the varieties of confessional policy the following can be distinguished: the confessional policy of the concession (practically unrestricted, with the activities of a religious association state-supported or at least approved), the confessional policy of rationalizing (consent of the state to the basic activity of religious associations, directed mainly at the faithful of their own community and consent to limited external activity) and the confessional policy of liquidation (counteracting the negatively evaluated tendencies and phenomena occurring in the activities of a religious organization, or even attempts at its delegalisation and complete eradication). The confessional policy of the state is most often considered as a component of internal policy, however, it may also be an important component of foreign policy. ; Celem artykułu jest zdefiniowanie polityki wyznaniowej oraz ustalenie zakresu występowania tego zjawiska. Towarzyszy temu prezentacja najważniejszych uwarunkowań (wewnętrznych i zewnętrznych), profilów polityki wyznaniowej (koncesja, reglamentacja i likwidacja) oraz prawidłowości w jej obszarze. Poza podmiotowością państwa – jako głównego twórcy i realizatora polityki wyznaniowej – w takiej roli można odnaleźć także: organizacje międzynarodowe, podmioty samorządowe, związki religijne oraz podmioty wewnątrzkonfesyjne (frakcje, grupy interesu). W artykule podjęto również próbę zarysowania najważniejszych zależności między polityką wyznaniową państwa, jego strukturą religijną oraz zróżnicowanym podłożem systemowym i ustrojowym. Rozważania umiejscowiono w kontekście refleksji naukowej na gruncie politologii religii.
Modernization is a very difficult concept to define objectively. Since the 19th century, it has been understood primarily as the development of industry and technology, which involves urbanization and improvement of the material conditions of life. This slogan took on a political meaning. It has undoubtedly become a permanent part of everyday culture as a positive feature of ongoing - and more often planned - changes. The article is an attempt to capture modernization in Russian policy in the Kingdom of Poland. The author concludes, firstly, that Russian policy was imperial in nature, secondly, that the society of the Kingdom perceived the empire as backward and, somewhat against the pressure of Russification, created its own paths of modernization, which undoubtedly showed the vitality and effectiveness of Polish culture, and ultimately thwarted Russian plans of denationalization.
When the Constitutional Council was established in 1958, it was described as a political and judicial body. Since then, its powers and systemic importance have increased rapidly. However, the political-judicial nature of the Council has not changed. The Council's political character is expressed in its domination by individuals belonging to the political elite and high government officials. Undoubtedly, the persistent distrust in the French republican tradition of entrusting judges with control decisions of vital importance to the state is significant. In addition, the well-thought-out mechanism of appointing its members promotes the independence and legitimacy of this institution. It is also necessary to point out the symbiosis of the political and bureaucratic elites in France and the still-held view that it is responsible for decisions of crucial importance to the state and citizens.
The social economy sector is an important area of public policy implementation in social assistance and the labor market. Social economy entities have instruments of public financial support at their disposal, including returnable ones, enabling them to develop and achieve economic and social goals. During the COVID-19 pandemic, they received new support instruments of a unique nature compared to the existing solutions. An important issue is the flexibility of public policy responses and the ability to jointly - the public authority and the non-profit stakeholder community - to develop and implement support to protect this sector, which is sensitive to economic crises resulting from the consequences of operating restrictions during the COVID-19 pandemic. The social enterprise, or more broadly social entrepreneurship, is certainly one of the most fascinating innovations of recent decades, still eluding theoretically satisfactory explanation.
The aim of the article is to answer the question: What role does nuclear weapon play in Israeli strategy of deterrence? The main hypothesis of the paper is based on the assumption, that the deterrence potential of the Israeli nuclear arsenal is strictly determined by deliberate ambiguity (so-called amimut). The author also assumes that nuclear deterrence plays a significant role in the general Israeli deterrence strategy. However, due to the changing nature of threats, it is not its core element. The author used the following theoretical research methods: critical analysis and comparative analysis of sources, scientific studies, strategic documents as well as selected speeches of the Israeli authorities. This article can be seen as an attempt to capture the specifics of the Israeli nuclear deterrence strategy and the features that distinguish it from deterrence of other nuclear states.
Social sciences, understood as critical and not neutral by nature, they should be equipped with specific competencies and sensivity. C. W. Mills these comptence define as sociological imagination - which is study of the relationship of history and biography, Giddens interpreted it as three basic senses: historical, anthropological, critical. The translation into political science would be a political theories imagination, it consist,, among over things like a: historicity of political phenomena, antisubstansialism, research self-awareness. Definition of political theories imagination I propose in the context of Wiktor Marzec's paper Rebelion and Reaction, which is a study from field of historical sociology, it's in itself a lot of inspiration for theorists of politics: research, theoretical and methodological. It is worth considering -in this context- fundamental categories of political science, like political subjectivity and the political, also revalidate in their range.
The article deals with the concepts formulated by Wincenty Witos (1874–45) regarding Russia, its policy towards the Polish nation from the partitions times and throughout the period of Soviet Russia and the USSR, as well as the political thought regarding the security of state borders against its eastern neighbour. According to Witos, the biggest obstacles in Polish-Soviet relations were of political nature, such as the state system, but were also influenced by all problems, prejudices, and issues that arose in over a century of Russian rule in Poland after the partitions. In his opinion, these difficulties should be overcome in the name of the most vital interest: the good of the state and the maintenance of peaceful relations with its neighbours. ; Przedmiotem rozważań w artykule były formułowane przez Wincentego Witosa (1874–1945) koncepcje odnoszące się do Rosji, jej polityki wobec narodu od czasów zaborów, okresu Rosji Radzieckiej i ZSRR oraz myśl polityczna dotycząca bezpieczeństwa granic państwowych ze wschodnim sąsiadem. Do największych przeszkód w relacjach polsko-radzieckich Witos zaliczał te polityczne, takie jak ustrój państwa, ale także wszelkie problemy, bariery i niechęć, które zrodziły się w czasie ponad stuletniego panowania Rosjan na ziemiach polskich pod zaborami. Utrudnienia te w przekonaniu Witosa należało pokonywać w imię najważniejszego interesu, jakim było dobro państwa i utrzymanie pokojowych relacji z sąsiadami. ; The article deals with the concepts formulated by Wincenty Witos (1874–45) regarding Russia, its policy towards the Polish nation from the partitions times and throughout the period of Soviet Russia and the USSR, as well as the political thought regarding the security of state borders against its eastern neighbour. According to Witos, the biggest obstacles in Polish-Soviet relations were of political nature, such as the state system, but were also influenced by all problems, prejudices, and issues that arose in over a century of Russian rule in Poland after the partitions. In his opinion, these difficulties should be overcome in the name of the most vital interest: the good of the state and the maintenance of peaceful relations with its neighbours.
Albert Jay Nock (1870–1945) was a prominent opinion journalist of the first half of the 20th century, considered a representative of the first generation of libertarianism. The article is aimed at finding an answer to the question: Whom – according to Nock – does law serve? A key element of the problem is the internal dichotomy of the concept of law, which not only can be seen through the prism of the positivist-legal paradigm, but also constitutes the pillar of the jusnaturalistic concept. To properly arrange the object of study, the thesis was used according to which in Nock's doctrine the existence of radically different assessment of the nature of man and his individual goals from the nature of the functioning of the State allows us to demonstrate the dichotomy of two opposing legal orders that serve the welfare of different entities (the individual and the State). To systematize the argument, the concept of the individual and his relations with the State was first presented, and then the dichotomy of the government and the State was discussed, which ultimately finally allowed to analyze the relationship between natural law and positive law. ; Albert Jay Nock (1870–1945) był wybitnym publicystą pierwszej połowy XX w., zaliczanym do pierwszego pokolenia przedstawicieli libertarianizmu. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest odnalezienie odpowiedzi na pytanie: Komu – według Nocka – służy prawo? Kluczowym elementem w przedstawionym wywodzie jest wewnętrzna dychotomia pojęcia prawa, które nie tylko może być postrzegane przez pryzmat paradygmatu pozytywistyczno-prawnego, lecz także stanowi filar koncepcji jusnaturalistycznej. Aby uporządkować przedmiot zakresu badań, posłużono się tezą, według której w doktrynie Nocka istnienie biegunowo odmiennej oceny natury człowieka i jego indywidualnych celów od charakteru funkcjonowania państwa pozwala wykazać dychotomię dwóch przeciwstawnych porządków prawnych, które służą dobru odmiennych podmiotów (jednostki i państwa). W celu usystematyzowania wywodu w pierwszej kolejności przedstawiono koncepcję jednostki i jej relacji z państwem, a następnie omówiono dychotomię rządu i państwa, co finalnie pozwoliło na poddanie analizie relacji zachodzących pomiędzy prawem naturalnym a prawem pozytywnym.
Przedmiotem rozważań w artykule były formułowane przez Wincentego Witosa (1874–1945) koncepcje odnoszące się do Rosji, jej polityki wobec narodu od czasów zaborów, okresu Rosji Radzieckiej i ZSRR oraz myśl polityczna dotycząca bezpieczeństwa granic państwowych ze wschodnim sąsiadem. Do największych przeszkód w relacjach polsko-radzieckich Witos zaliczał te polityczne, takie jak ustrój państwa, ale także wszelkie problemy, bariery i niechęć, które zrodziły się w czasie ponad stuletniego panowania Rosjan na ziemiach polskich pod zaborami. Utrudnienia te w przekonaniu Witosa należało pokonywać w imię najważniejszego interesu, jakim było dobro państwa i utrzymanie pokojowych relacji z sąsiadami. ; The article deals with the concepts formulated by Wincenty Witos (1874–45) regarding Russia, its policy towards the Polish nation from the partitions times and throughout the period of Soviet Russia and the USSR, as well as the political thought regarding the security of state borders against its eastern neighbour. According to Witos, the biggest obstacles in Polish-Soviet relations were of political nature, such as the state system, but were also influenced by all problems, prejudices, and issues that arose in over a century of Russian rule in Poland after the partitions. In his opinion, these difficulties should be overcome in the name of the most vital interest: the good of the state and the maintenance of peaceful relations with its neighbours. ; The article deals with the concepts formulated by Wincenty Witos (1874–45) regarding Russia, its policy towards the Polish nation from the partitions times and throughout the period of Soviet Russia and the USSR, as well as the political thought regarding the security of state borders against its eastern neighbour. According to Witos, the biggest obstacles in Polish-Soviet relations were of political nature, such as the state system, but were also influenced by all problems, prejudices, and issues that arose in over a century of Russian rule in Poland after the partitions. In his opinion, these difficulties should be overcome in the name of the most vital interest: the good of the state and the maintenance of peaceful relations with its neighbours.
The concepts of recognizing elements of nature as having legal personality have been appearing for many years as proposals for a new approach to ecology. Recent years have brought specific solutions in this regard. Attempts to recognize rivers (but not only rivers) as separate legal entities can be found in various places around the world. This is not a common trend, only a few such cases can be identified in the applicable legislation. The article is devoted to the analysis of the best-known examples of this type of activity. In 2017, the legal system of New Zealand recognized the Whanganui River as a legal person. Talks are ongoing about further solutions of this kind. Apart from environmental protection reasons, the basic motives for this type of solution are cultural considerations – connected with Maori beliefs and values. In the legal systems of India and Colombia, the courts have attempted to recognize the rivers (Ganges and Yamuna in India, the Atrata River, and the entire Amazon ecosystem) as legal persons. The motives for this type of activity were primarily ecological – protecting priceless parts of nature from destruction. ; Koncepcje uznania elementów natury za mające osobowość prawną pojawiają się od wielu lat jako propozycje nowego podejścia do ekologii. Ostatnie lata przyniosły w tym zakresie konkretne rozwiązania. W różnych miejscach na świecie spotkać można próby uznania rzek (ale nie tylko) za odrębne podmioty prawa. Nie jest to powszechna tendencja, tylko kilka takich przypadków można zidentyfikować w obowiązujących ustawodawstwach. Artykuł poświęcono analizie najbardziej znanych przykładów tego rodzaju działań. W systemie prawnym Nowej Zelandii uznano w 2017 r. rzekę Whanganui za osobę prawną. Toczą się rozmowy na temat dalszych tego rodzaju rozwiązań. Podstawowym motywem takich rozwiązań, oprócz względów ochrony środowiska, są względy kulturowe – związane z systemem wierzeń i wartości Maorysów. W systemach prawnych Indii i Kolumbii sądy podjęły próby uznania rzek (Gangesu i Yamuny w Indiach, rzeki Atrata oraz całego ekosystemu Amazonki) za osoby prawne. Motywy tego rodzaju działań były przede wszystkim ekologiczne – ochrona bezcennych części przyrody przed zniszczeniem.
