Autori ovog rada nude pregled i analizu uspona i pada međunarodnog liberalnog poretka koji je nastao nakon okončanja Hladnog rata i uspona moći Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. Spoljnopolitička agenda jedine posthladnoratovske supersile vođena je idejom stvaranja globalnog poretka utemeljenog na ideologiji (globalnog) liberalizma koja u sebi inkorporira teorije liberalnog mira, demokratskog mira i neoliberalnog institucionalizma. Uspostavljanje tzv. globalnog liberalnog poretka dosada je bilo praćeno brojnim političkim, socijalnim, ekonomskim i bezbednosnim krizama, a trenutnu eru međunarodnih odnosa odlikuju uspon relativne moći "neliberalnih" globalnih aktera, pre svega Kine i Rusije, kao glavnih izazivača svetske dominacije Sjedinjenih Američkih Država, te geopolitički revizionizam i ideološka konfrontacija liberalnih i antiliberalnih snaga širom sveta. Autori ovog rada koriste specifičan analitički metod tzv. dijalektike političke mehanike, koji se oslanja na učenja Friedricha Hegela o dijalektici istorije i Carla Schmitta o fenomenu političkog, kako bi objasnili trenutnu dinamiku međunarodnih odnosa, pokazujući da političko polje "permanentno pulsira" što, u svemu što je društveno i političko, nužno kreira akciju i reakciju, čijom dinamikom se mogu tumačiti i globalna zbivanja kojima upravo prisustvujemo. ; The authors of this paper offer an overview and analysis of the rise and fall of the liberal international order that emerged after the end of the Cold War and along with the rising power of the United States. The foreign policy agenda of the post-Cold War sole superpower was guided by the idea of creating a global order based on the ideology of liberalism, which incorporates theories of liberal peace, democratic peace and neoliberal institutionalism. The establishment of a liberal order has been accompanied by numerous political, social, economic and security crises. The current era is characterized by the rise of the relative power of global actors, primarily China and Russia, as the main challengers to the world domination of the United States, geopolitical revisionism and ideological struggle around the world. The authors of this paper use the dialectic of political mechanics as a method that relies on the teachings of Friedrich Hegel on the dialectic of history and Carl Schmitt on the phenomenon of the political. The authors advocate the view that the political field "permanently pulsates", which, in everything that is social and political, necessarily creates action and reaction.
Do markets operate independently of political power? This comparative study of policies in six markets created during the 1980s in Chile analyzes the fundamental part that public policies play in the construction of markets. To account for the diversity of these operations, I develop an original conceptual framework, defining four "varieties of neoliberalism." Building on a study of the history of this concept and its contemporary use, I distinguish orthodox, regulated, emulator and mixed neoliberalisms. Each neoliberalism is based on a different form of State answer to address market failures. In orthodox neoliberalism, public agencies restrict their intervention. In regulated neoliberalism, public agencies get involved in promoting competition and establish requirements on the product itself. In emulating neoliberalism, public agencies organize competition not in the market, but for the market. Finally, in mixed neoliberalism, one or more public companies compete with private players. Each variety is characterized by specific public policies, especially in terms of instruments. I apply this theoretical framework of varieties of neoliberalism to classify and analyze six sectoral policies: health insurance, pensions, universities, electricity production, telephone industry and public transport in Santiago. The six sectoral trajectories established highlight the existence of a Chilean neoliberal path. ; Les marchés fonctionnent-ils indépendamment du pouvoir politique ? Cette étude comparée des politiques publiques dans six marchés créés durant les années 1980 au Chili analyse le rôle fondamental qu'ont les politiques publiques dans la construction des marchés. Pour rendre compte de la diversité de ces opérations, j'élabore un cadre conceptuel original, en définissant quatre « variétés du néolibéralisme ». A partir d'une étude de l'histoire de ce concept et de ses usages contemporains, je distingue les néolibéralismes orthodoxes, régulés, émulateurs et mixtes. Chaque néolibéralisme correspond à des réponses ...
Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht im Rahmen von urbanen Konflikten in Buenos Aires die Aktivitäten von Bürgerinitiativen und das sich daraus ergebende Wechselspiel politisch wirksamer Handlungen zwischen Teilen der Zivilgesellschaft und politischen Entscheidungsträgern. Das geschieht vor dem Hintergrund einer wissenschaftlichen Debatte, die im Kontext neoliberaler Urbanisierung ein Ende effektiver demokratischer Mitsprache heraufziehen sieht. Begründet wird diese Annahme mit der anscheinenden Marginalisierung und Instrumentalisierung zivilgesellschaftlichen Einflusses auf Stadtentwicklung zu Gunsten ökonomischer und politischer Eliten sowie der beständigen Gefahr der Kooptation durch neoliberale Ideen und ökonomische Interessen. Diese Debatte wird zum Anlass genommen, im spezifischen Kontext der argentinischen Hauptstadt der Fragestellung nachzugehen, wie groß die Spielräume zivilgesellschaftlichen Einflusses sind und welche Strategien und Faktoren eine erfolgreiche Nutzung derselben beeinflussen. Zu diesem Zweck werden zuerst die spezifischen Gründe herausgearbeitet, mit denen sich die besondere Konfliktivität neoliberaler Stadtentwicklung und der begrenzte Einfluss der Zivilgesellschaft im Rahmen neoliberaler Governance begründen lassen. Anschließend wird unter Rückgriff auf Erkentnisse der Bewegungsforschung, des Neuen Institutionalismus und der geographischen Konfliktforschung ein theoretischer Rahmen entwickelt, mit dem sich die Wirkungsmechanismen politischen Wandels und die einzelnen Faktoren, die in diesem Zusammenhang von Bedeutung sind, identifizieren und analysieren lassen. Anhand von zwei Fallbeispielen, den Konflikten um den Bau von Hochhäusern im Stadtviertel Caballito und der Touristifizierung des Stadtviertels San Telmo, werden mit Methoden der qualitativen Sozialforschung (leitfadengestützte Interviews, Medienanalyse sowie Beobachtung) die Wirkungsmechanismen und konfliktiven Auhandlungsprozesse um Stadtentwicklung in Buenos Aires rekonstruiert und analysiert. Die Fallbeispiele zeigen, dass die untersuchten Konflikte maßgeblich durch eine verdeckte, aber als Folge neoliberaler Stadtentwicklung offen zu Tage tretende, raumgebundene Identität ausgelöst werden. In ihrem Verlauf sind diese durch eine Vielzahl von Interaktionen und Wechselwirkungen zwischen Bürgerinitiativen und politischen Entscheidungsträgern gekennzeichnet, die sich zuerst in einem Kampf um die öffentliche Deutungshoheit und im weiteren Verlauf in gemeinsamen Aushandlungsprozessen äußern. Die Fähigkeit, durch innovative Strategien das eigene Anliegen auf die politische Agenda zu bringen, mit der so gewonnenen Verhandlungsmacht Zugang zu politischen Entscheidungsträgern zu generieren sowie deren Handlungslogiken im Aushandlungsprozess zu berücksichtigen, entscheidet über Erfolg oder Mißerfolg politischen Protests. Dabei spielen eine Reihe von Faktoren eine wichtige Rolle: Das sind neben der Bedeutung formal-kodifizierter Regelungen als institutionelle Spielregeln, der Rolle potenzieller Unterstützer in den Medien oder den politischen Institutionen und der Anschlussfähigkeit der formulierten Rahmungen (frames) insbesondere die räumliche Verbreitung der Konfliktursache als ein Faktor, der die Dynamik der untersuchten Fallbeispiele maßgeblich beeinflusst. Im Hinblick auf die Theorie zeigt die vorliegende Untersuchung, dass stadtpolitischer Wandel keinen einseitigen Prozess in Form einer kontinuierlichen Neoliberalisierung von Stadtentwicklung darstellt. Die Bereitschaft, sich im Rahmen bestehender politischer Institutionen auf die Logiken politischen Handelns einzulassen erlaubt es zivilgesellschaftlichen Akteuren, entgegen der unterstellten Wirkungslosigkeit zivilgesellschaftlichen Protests substantielle Transformationen zu erzeugen. An Stelle der Kritik am bestehenden Modell von Stadtentwicklung rücken so Fragen nach öffentlich mehrheitsfähigen Lösungen für aktuelle Probleme städtischer Entwicklung in den Vordergrund. ; The present study examines the activities of citizens' initiatives and the resulting interplay of politically effective actions between civil society and political decision-makers in the specific context of urban conflicts in Buenos Aires. This takes place against the backdrop of an academic debate which sees the influence of civil society marginalized and exploited to the benefit of economic and political elites, stresses the continuous peril of cooptation by dominant neoliberal ideas and promises the end of effective democratic participation. This debate serves as the motive to pursue the investigation in order to elicit the possibilities of citizens to affect urban development in the specific context of the argentine capital. First, the specific reasons are examined which help to explain the conflictive nature of neoliberal urban development and the limited influence of civil society in neoliberal urban governance. Subsequently a theoretical framework is developed, taking into account social movement research, new institutionalism and political geography in order to identify and analyze causal mechanisms of political change and corresponding factors. In two case studies - the conflicts about the construction of high-rises in the neighbourhood of Caballito and the touristification of the neighbourhood of San Telmo - the causal mechanisms and conflictive negotiation processes regarding urban development in Buenos Aires are reconstructed and analyzed, using qualitative methods of social empirical research (guided interviews, media analysis and participatory observation). The case studies demonstrate that the examined conflicts are caused by hidden, place-bound identities that get activated as a consequence of the threats posed by neoliberal urban development. In their course the conflicts are shaped by a multitude of interactions and reciprocal effects between citizens' initiatives and political decision-makers that result at first in a struggle for interpretative dominance of public discourse and afterwards in mutual negotiation processes. The abilities to place issues on the political agenda via innovative strategies, to use the thus granted negotiation power to generate access to political decision-makers and to consider their logics of action in the resulting negotiation processes decide whether political action can be successful. At the same time, the case studies demonstrate the importance of several factors, such as the importance of formal and codified institutions as institutional "rules of the game", supporters in the media or in political institutions as well as the connectivity of the frames used, but especially underlining the importance of the spatial extension of the causes of the conflict at hand. Regarding theory, the empirical results show that change in urban politics is not a one-sided process taking the form of continuous neoliberalization of urban development. The willingness to engage in the logics of political action in the context of existing political institutions is capable of causing transformations which prove the influence of protest activity in spite of its assumed ineffectiveness. In place of the critique regarding the existing model of urban development this puts forward questions regarding solutions to the present problems of urban development which are capable of generating major public support.
Die Arbeit befasst sich mit staatlichem Machtverhalten gegenüber dem Internationalen Strafgerichtshof (IStGH). Es wird argumentiert, dass Staaten ihre Bekenntnisse zum IStGH 'maßschneidern' und 'einhegen', abhängig davon, inwieweit sie eine Möglichkeit sehen, internationale Kooperationsprobleme zu lösen. Aus politikwissenschaftlicher Sicht ist es erstaunlich, dass so viele Staaten das Römische Statut ratifizieren, obschon es einen massiven Eingriff in die eigene Souveränität bedeutet. Wenn man jedoch miteinbezieht, dass viele Vertragsstaaten die Kooperation verweigern, muss die Glaubwürdigkeit von Bekenntnissen in Form von reiner Ratifikation in Frage gestellt werden. Dementsprechend werden folgende Forschungsfragen aufgeworfen: Wie lassen sich Bekenntnisse zum IStGH messen, jenseits der Ratifikation des Römischen Statutes? Und: Was erklärt das Ausmaß umfassender Bekenntnisse zum IStGH? Konzeptionell wird die Annahme zugrunde gelegt, dass Staaten sich gegenüber dem IStGH in einem Delegationsdilemma befinden. Es gibt es starke Anreize, zu ratifizieren und ein Vertragsstaat zu werden. Gleichzeitig besteht die Sorge, dass der Gerichtshof entweder zu schwach sein könnte, um sich gegen Politisierungsversuche einzelner Staaten zu schützen oder gar so stark werden könnte, dass er das eigene Mandat überschreitet und sich damit der Kontrolle der Staaten entzieht. Damit ist die Ratifikation für die Staaten äußerst riskant und nichtsdestotrotz für viele Staaten unabdingbar. Um dem Dilemma zu entkommen, nutzen die Staaten die Strategien der 'Maßschneiderung' und 'Einhegung' der eigenen Bekenntnisse indem sie Vertragsstaat werden, aber bspw. Änderungsverträge nicht ratifizieren. Somit können Staaten die Vorteile der Mitgliedschaft nutzen und gleichzeitig einen strategischen Handlungsspiel- raum behalten. Das Ausmaß dessen hängt davon ab, inwieweit die Staaten Kooperationsprobleme des internationalen Rechts lösen können. Diese sind beispielsweise, dass es in Anbetracht des Fehlens einer globalen Exekutivmacht schwer ist einzuschätzen wer sich rechtskonform verhalten wird und wer nicht. Die eigene Rechtstreue kann damit zum strategischen Nachteil gegenüber anderen Staaten werden. Mit dem IStGH existiert ein internationaler permanenter Strafgerichtshof, der die Macht hat, Völkermord, Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit, Kriegsverbrechen und das Verbrechen der Aggression zu untersuchen und zu ahnden. Die Schaffung eines solchen Gerichtshofes senkt die hohen 'Monitoringkosten' für Staaten, die anfallen, wenn diese dezentral oder nur in Institutionen für Einzelfälle mit zeitlich begrenztem Mandat überwacht werden. Darüber hinaus bietet die freiwillige Unterwerfung unter einen solchen Gerichtshof die Möglichkeit, die Glaubwürdigkeit bereits gemachter Bekenntnisse zu Verträgen der Menschenrechte und des Kriegsvölkerrechts zu erhöhen. In der Arbeit wird ein zweistufiges y-zentriertes Forschungsdesign umgesetzt. Dessen Ziel ist es, das Konzept der Einhegung und Maßschneiderung staatlicher Bekenntnisse nachzuweisen und die Erklärungskraft der Lösung von Kooperationsproblemen als theoretisches Argument zu überprüfen. Im ersten Schritt wird der Index of Commitment to the ICC zur Messung unterschiedlicher Ausmaße staatlicher Bekenntnisse entwickelt. Dadurch gelingt es die 'black box' der Vertragsstaaten zu öffnen, und Variation innerhalb der Gruppe der Vertragsstaaten zu erzeugen. Im zweiten Schritt wird der Index als abhängige Variable betrachtet und mit Hilfe von verschiedenen Regressionsanalysen überprüft, wie stark die Erklärungskraft der aus der Theorie abgeleiteten Hypothesen ist und wie sich diese im Vergleich zur Erklärungskraft in Bezug auf die reine Ratifikation als alternative abhängige Variable zeigt. Das zentrale Ergebnis der empirischen Überprüfung ist, dass tatsächlich nur sehr wenige Staaten einen hohen Indexwert erzielen und somit ein umfassendes Bekenntnis zum IStGH zeigen. Nur 26 von 195 Staaten haben keine oder kaum 'maßgeschneiderte' und 'eingehegte' Bekenntnisse, wie z.B. Deutschland, Belgien oder Kroatien. Die meisten der untersuchten Staaten weisen ein äußert hohes Maß an 'Einhegung' und 'Maßschneiderung' auf. Diese sind im Extremfall so stark (z.B. bei Bangladesch, Burundi oder Afghanistan), dass sie sich kaum von denen unterscheiden, die kein Vertragsstaat sind. Damit wird deutlich, dass sich das Delegationsdilemma gegenüber dem IStGH für die Staaten unterschiedlich stark zeigt. Zwar spielt der Grad an Demokratie eine wichtige Rolle in Bezug auf das Ausmaß der 'Eingehung' und 'Maßschneiderung' der Bekenntnisse, mindestens genauso entscheidend ist jedoch, welche Möglichkeiten für die Staaten bestehen, durch die Unterwerfung unter den IStGH, internationale Kooperationsprobleme in Bezug auf Humanitäres Völkerrecht und Menschenrechte zu lösen. ; The study deals with states' power political behavior towards the International Crim- inal Court (ICC). It argues that states constrain and customize their commitment dependent on their possibilities to solve cooperation problems of international law. From the view of political science, it is puzzling that so many states became a state party to the Rome Statute although this means a serious intrusion into their national sovereignty. However, as many states parties refuse cooperation (as e.g. in the case of Omar Al-Bashir who could travel unhindered through several states parties' territories, though there was an international arrest warrant) we have to scrutinize the credibility of those commitments. The questions arises as to how can we conceptualize and measure commitment to the ICC in a broader way, beyond ratification of the Rome Statute? And, how can we explain the extent of comprehensive commitment to the ICC? Conceptually, the study draws on the delegation dilemma to the ICC. On one hand, states have strong incentives to become a state party. On the other, there is reason to fear that the court could become either too weak to cope with trials of politicization or too strong and exceed its own mandate. Ratification is a risk but meanwhile necessary. In order to solve the dilemma states constrain and customize their commitments including not ratifying additional or amending agreements. Thus, they can become a state party and concurrently leave room for strategical behavior while being a state party to the ICC. The states' extent of constraining and customizing depends upon their possibilities of solving cooperation problems of international law with the ICC. The states (in the absence of a strong enforcement mechanism) do not know which of the other states will comply with the law and which will not. Their own compliance can become a strategic disadvantage in relation to states that don't comply. With the ICC a permanent international institution is provided that is able to inves- tigate and prosecute genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and the crime of aggression. The creation of such a court reduces monitoring costs that would occur when those norms were otherwise monitored by many different monitoring agencies. Moreover, the self-binding to such a court increases the credibility of commitment al- ready made to humanitarian law and human rights law. Making those theoretical arguments testable in an empirical analysis, the present study uses a two-step y-centered research design to measure and explain the states' compre- hensiveness of commitments to the ICC. In the first methodical step, the Index of Commitment to the ICC will be suggested as the measuring device for a comprehensive commitment to the court. In this way it becomes possible to open the black box of states parties and to show different levels of commitment to the court. In the second methodical step the explanatory power of the theoretical argument of solving cooperation problems with the ICC will be tested by means of regression analyses. Therefore, the hypotheses will be tested explaining the index positions compared to the mere ratification of the Rome Statute. The central empirical finding is that there are only very few states that reach a high index value; thus, they commit themselves comprehensively, such as Germany, Bel- gium or Croatia. Most of the states parties have constrained and customized their commitments. Those are in part so strong that their commitment behavior is almost comparable to those of non-party states, such as Bangladesh, Burundi or Afghanistan. The regression analyses point out that those states constrain and customize the com- mitments the least that have a high level of democracy and ratified a high number of treaties of humanitarian law and human rights law. This shows that states commitment to the court is not only related to the level of democracy but also to the states commitment to humanitarian law and human rights law, since the ICC is able to solve cooperation problems of international relations.
Do markets operate independently of political power? This comparative study of policies in six markets created during the 1980s in Chile analyzes the fundamental part that public policies play in the construction of markets. To account for the diversity of these operations, I develop an original conceptual framework, defining four "varieties of neoliberalism." Building on a study of the history of this concept and its contemporary use, I distinguish orthodox, regulated, emulator and mixed neoliberalisms. Each neoliberalism is based on a different form of State answer to address market failures. In orthodox neoliberalism, public agencies restrict their intervention. In regulated neoliberalism, public agencies get involved in promoting competition and establish requirements on the product itself. In emulating neoliberalism, public agencies organize competition not in the market, but for the market. Finally, in mixed neoliberalism, one or more public companies compete with private players. Each variety is characterized by specific public policies, especially in terms of instruments. I apply this theoretical framework of varieties of neoliberalism to classify and analyze six sectoral policies: health insurance, pensions, universities, electricity production, telephone industry and public transport in Santiago. The six sectoral trajectories established highlight the existence of a Chilean neoliberal path. ; Les marchés fonctionnent-ils indépendamment du pouvoir politique ? Cette étude comparée des politiques publiques dans six marchés créés durant les années 1980 au Chili analyse le rôle fondamental qu'ont les politiques publiques dans la construction des marchés. Pour rendre compte de la diversité de ces opérations, j'élabore un cadre conceptuel original, en définissant quatre « variétés du néolibéralisme ». A partir d'une étude de l'histoire de ce concept et de ses usages contemporains, je distingue les néolibéralismes orthodoxes, régulés, émulateurs et mixtes. Chaque néolibéralisme correspond à des réponses différentes de l'Etat face aux défaillances du marché. Dans le néolibéralisme orthodoxe, les organismes publics restreignent leur intervention. Dans le néolibéralisme régulé, les organismes publics interviennent pour promouvoir la concurrence et établir des obligations quant au produit lui-même. Dans le néolibéralisme émulateur, un organisme public organise la concurrence non pas dans le marché, mais pour le marché. Enfin, dans le néolibéralisme mixte, une ou des entreprises publiques entrent en concurrence avec les acteurs privés. Chaque variété fait l'objet de politiques publiques spécifiques, en particulier en termes d'instruments mobilisés. J'applique ce cadre théorique des variétés du néolibéralisme pour classer et analyser six politiques sectorielles : l'assurance-maladie, les retraites, les universités, la production d'électricité, la téléphonie et les transports publics à Santiago. Les six trajectoires sectorielles établies mettent en évidence l'existence d'un sentier néolibéral chilien.
A central issue in this paper is the origins and specific character of global governance discourse that formed at the turn of the twenty-first century. The new discourse marked a gradual exclusion of most early discourses – «international relations» and «world government». It is demonstrated that new term «global governance» signalizes about grand reconstruction of previous international relations discourse where international society was considered as the complex of states and their governments actually. In fact the global governance discourse is pointed case of irreducibility of international society to interstates relations. This is based on the James Rosenau theory of world politics. The James Rosenau contribution to development and conceptualization of term «global governance» was considered.The analysis of sources and meaning of basic approaches to global governance understanding are given much attention. This shows how problematique of global governance and world regulation is articulated in dominant paradigms in world politics: Realism, Liberalism and Marxism. In general, this research shows that global governance discourse developed under influence of theory of transnationalism and concept of 'governing without government', concept of global civil society, international regimes theory, neoliberal institutionalism, balance of power theory, hegemonic stability theory. In this contribution the circle of questions connected with the perspective of research of the global governance concepts was outlined. Further investigations are needed to compare the basic approaches to studies of global governance and world regulation. Particularly, it is worth to concentrate on the difference among approaches to comprehension the following questions: Who, how and on what level can, able and/or must exercise global governance? Is it a result of action of individual actors or characteristic of international system in general? What the shape is global governance taking on the contemporary world and what kind of type is reasonably to label this governance? What are conditions of fair and effective governance? ; Исследованы начала и специфика дискурса глобального управления, сформировавшегося на рубеже ХХ-XXI веков. Рассмотрен вклад Дж. Розенау в разработку и концептуализацию понятия «глобальное управление». Главное внимание уделено анализу истоков и содержания основных подходов к пониманию глобального управления. Намечен круг вопросов, связанных с перспективой исследования концепций глобального управления ; Досліджено витоки та специфіку дискурсу глобального управління, який сформувався на рубежі ХХ-ХХІ століть. Розглянуто внесок Дж. Розенау в розроблення та концептуалізацію поняття «глобальне управління». Головну увагу приділено аналізу джерел та змісту основних підходів до розуміння глобального управління. Окреслено коло питань, пов'язаних з перспективою дослідження концепцій глобального управління
Transforming energy systems is increasingly recognized as a societal response to mitigating climate change, with potential to catalyse a paradigmatic shift towards decarbonization. The article looks at the diversity of claims presented to ascribe meaning to policy problems (i.e. structural conditions, contextual technical or ideational appeals to values), and framed within wider institutional perspectives for reform, development, and strategies for addressing climate change in Mexico and Vietnam. The findings suggest both governments maintain a more exclusive than inclusive form of energy governance and retain centralized power over renewable energy and climate change mitigation responses. This is not only because of technological infrastructural lock-ins, but also because they maintain a more exclusive than inclusive form of energy governance that is justified and legitimized by the need for energy supply and access security, and green growth as a source of continuous economic growth. Framing broader energy reforms as part of climate change mitigation goals allow for incumbent actors to further legitimise a conservative neoliberal agenda. These two cases offer insights into how newly emerging economies are facing energy sector reforms while being confronted with energy sector transformations dictated by the climate change mitigation agenda. KEYWORDS: Low-carbon electricity infrastructure, development discourse, energy systems, transformational change, discursive institutionalism ; QC 20200427
International audience ; The contemporary strength of EU competition policy does not stem naturally and mechanically from the Treaty of Rome, nor is it only a consequence of the spread of 'neoliberal' ideas or the single market programme. It is also the product of decades of dynamics underlined by historical institutionalism, which allowed the Commission to secure decisive powers, despite the unwillingness of some of the most powerful Member States. In this regard, the two most important cornerstones were Regulations 17/62 on cartels and 4064/89 on mergers. The Commission benefited from the unintended consequences of decisions taken in the Council and from the path dependencies created by Regulation 17/62. It progressively developed a centralized institutional framework with itself at the centre.
International audience ; The contemporary strength of EU competition policy does not stem naturally and mechanically from the Treaty of Rome, nor is it only a consequence of the spread of 'neoliberal' ideas or the single market programme. It is also the product of decades of dynamics underlined by historical institutionalism, which allowed the Commission to secure decisive powers, despite the unwillingness of some of the most powerful Member States. In this regard, the two most important cornerstones were Regulations 17/62 on cartels and 4064/89 on mergers. The Commission benefited from the unintended consequences of decisions taken in the Council and from the path dependencies created by Regulation 17/62. It progressively developed a centralized institutional framework with itself at the centre.
International audience ; The contemporary strength of EU competition policy does not stem naturally and mechanically from the Treaty of Rome, nor is it only a consequence of the spread of 'neoliberal' ideas or the single market programme. It is also the product of decades of dynamics underlined by historical institutionalism, which allowed the Commission to secure decisive powers, despite the unwillingness of some of the most powerful Member States. In this regard, the two most important cornerstones were Regulations 17/62 on cartels and 4064/89 on mergers. The Commission benefited from the unintended consequences of decisions taken in the Council and from the path dependencies created by Regulation 17/62. It progressively developed a centralized institutional framework with itself at the centre.
This research investigates technologies of a transnational social justice movement organisation Jubilee 2000 as a case. The research builds upon the newly developed theoretical and methodological framework of epistemic governance, which has focused on the analysis of interdependent policy making of nation states and the functions of organisations as epistemic capital. The theoretical base of epistemic governance stems from a constructionist neoinstitutionalist perspective borne of the neoliberal turn after the late 1970s, and more specifically, from its contemporary branch of sociological institutionalism. Theoretical focus is thus on non coercive strategic power plays that are performed through different level interest group organisations from all sectors influencing global trends and global models; e.g. neoliberalism, human rights and other socially constructed conceptions of actors about the conditions of the social world. The case of Jubilee 2000 is analysed as an in-depth case study. A theory based analysis and a critical discourse analysis inclusive to a methodological framework of epistemic governance is used to uncover its advocacy strategies and authority building processes. A theory based methodological model is thus tested and used to explain a connection between Jubilee 2000s and epistemic governance, and to explain how the campaign accumulated enough authority to establish itself as a relevant player in the global political field. The research offers a pragmatic approach in a form of a case study analysis about the role and power mechanisms of transnational social movement organisations to the on-going study and development of theoretical and methodological framework of epistemic governance. It also provides a new theoretical perspective to current structuralist and social movement theory explanations about the Jubilee 2000 phenomena by providing deeper vision based on culture of what was at the core of Jubilee 2000 ́s story of success.
This paper aims at analyzing the contribution of social policies to declining rates of income inequalities in Brazil since the 1990s. Based on a framework of historical institutionalism, Brazil is characterised as a traditionally patrimonial society, marked by the institution of slavery. Important ruptures occurred during democratization in the 1980 s, when social movements successfully fought for social rights which featured prominently in the democratic constitution of 1988. During the 1990s a contradictory confluence of these achievements and neoliberal reforms led to the promotion of "inclusive liberalism". From the mid-2000s onwards policies began to shift in the direction of "evelopmental welfare" combining active state interventionism in economic and social policies with targeted cash transfers. This combination avoided the pitfalls of "inclusive liberalism"and promoted a considerable reduction of social inequalities.
Institutional actors of development use to express recommendations in the area of access todrinking water towards the governments. The rules that determine the management of this resourceare, like all rules, of constructed nature. Questioning the theoretical reference behind the rulespromoted on the access to water and its relationship with the meaning given to the concept ofsustainable development, allows to understand, beyond the speech, the practical implications of such areference. Governance, and therefore the rule, in fact sets the problem of coordination betweenindividuals and coordination of the collective action; and sustainable development, as well sets theproblem of our relationship with the environment. So, it is ultimately the question of the desired modeof society and the means used for this purpose which is at stake.Using the systemic typology of norms developed within the approach of historical and pragmaticalinstitutionalism as well as the moral and political socio-economy of sustainable development, we tryto demonstrate that the rules of access to clean water promoted by those institutions belong, despite achange in rhetoric, to the neoliberal orthodoxy. The theoretical foundations of the neoliberal referenceprevents from conceiving and therefore from putting forward the question of power relations –between North and South, between States and between economic and social groups – hindering anyreal questioning of the existing order. To illustrate this, we will discuss the case of Chile, whichtypically exemplifies our issue. ; Les acteurs institutionnels du développement émettent des recommandations à valeur plusou moins contraignante pour les Etats dans le domaine de l'accès à l'eau potable. Les règles quiconditionnent la gestion de cette ressource sont, comme toutes les règles, de nature construite.S'interroger sur le référentiel théorique des règles promues en matière d'accès à l'eau et sur sonrapport avec le sens donné à la notion de développement soutenable permet de comprendre, au-delà ...
La Cooperación Sur-Sur ha sido uno de los grandes cambios que ha sufrido la estructura de la Cooperación Internacional. Este cambio ha generado cierta atracción de algunos países que son considerados en vía de desarrollo para formar parte de las iniciativas de esta cooperación. En Suramérica, Brasil durante el mandato del expresidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, se llevó al más alto nivel este tipo de cooperación, contemplándolo como un pilar en su Política Exterior. Esto, con el objetivo de aportar al desarrollo de países con problemáticas en áreas como; salud, educación, condiciones ambientales y reducción de las desigualdades económicas y sociales, entre otras. Llevándolo a cabo a través de acciones de fortalecimiento institucional. Estas iniciativas fueron principalmente enfocadas a países de habla portuguesa en África, denominados (PALOP) Países Africanos de Língua Oficial Portuguesa. El presente trabajo de investigación busca analizar la forma en que se desarrolló con éxito la cooperación horizontal con los PALOP durante el gobierno de Luíz Inácio Lula Da Silva, desde la teoría Institucionalismo neoliberal, con el enfoque de Robert Keohane (Interdependencia Compleja). Haciéndolo desde un punto de vista crítico de las acciones a través de las cuales buscan los países coordinar políticas y aunar esfuerzos con el ánimo de alcanzar los objetivos en un contexto internacional. Brasil en su interacción social, política y económica con los PALOP, logra fortalecer un acercamiento internacional y el aumento en proyectos e iniciativas de cooperación transformadora. ; INTRODUCCIÓN JUSTIFICACIÓN MARCO TEÓRICO Capítulo 1. Cooperación horizontal de Brasil Capítulo 2. Política de inmersión internacional en Brasil (2003 – 2010) Capítulo 3. Política Exterior de Brasil para África CONCLUSIONES RECOMENDACIONES REFERENCIAS BIBLIOGRÁFICAS ; South-South cooperation has been one of the major changes in the structure of International Cooperation. This change has generated a certain attraction for some developing countries to be part of the initiatives of this cooperation. In South America, Brazil, under former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, took this type of cooperation to the highest level, considering it as a pillar in its foreign policy. It, with the objective of contributing to the development of countries with problems in areas such as health, education, environmental conditions and reduction of economic and social inequalities, among others. Through actions of institutional strengthening. These initiatives were mainly focused on Portuguese speaking countries in Africa, called (PALOP) African Countries of Official Portuguese Language. The present research paper seeks to analyze how the horizontal cooperation with the PALOPs was successfully developed during the government of Luíz Inácio Lula Da Silva, from the neoliberal institutionalism theory, with the approach of Robert Keohane (complex interdependence). Doing so from a critical point of view of the actions through which countries seek to coordinate policies and join efforts to achieve the objectives in an international context. In its social, political and economic interaction with the PALOPs, Brazil is able to strengthen an international rapprochement and increase in projects and initiatives of transformative cooperation. ; A Cooperação Sul-Sul tem sido uma das grandes mudanças que tem sofrido a estrutura de a Cooperação Internacional. Esta mudança gerou alguma atração de alguns países que são considerados em via de desenvolvimento para fazerem parte das iniciativas desta cooperação. Na América do Sul, Brasil durante o mandato do ex-presidente Luiz Inácio Lula Da Silva, levou ao mais alto nível este tipo de cooperação, contemplando-o como um pilar na sua política externa. Isto, com o objetivo de contribuir para o desenvolvimento de países com problemáticas em áreas como; saúde, educação, condições ambientais e redução das desigualdades econômicas e sociais, entre outras. Realizando-o através de ações de fortalecimento institucional. Estas iniciativas foram principalmente voltadas para países de língua portuguesa na África, denominados (PALOP) Países Africanos de Língua Oficial Portuguesa. O presente trabalho de pesquisa busca analisar a forma como se desenvolveu com sucesso na cooperação horizontal com os PALOP durante o governo de Luíz Inácio Lula Da Silva, da teoria institucional neoliberal, com a abordagem de Robert Keohane (Interdependência Complexa). Fazendo-o desde um ponto de vista crítico das ações a através das quais buscam os países coordenar políticas e unir esforços com o ânimo de atingir os objetivos em um contexto internacional. Brasil em sua interação social, política e econômica com os PALOP, consegue fortalecer uma aproximação internacional e o aumento em projetos e iniciativas de cooperação transformadora.
Este artículo se pregunta por qué Podemos y el Partido Socialista Obrero Español no pudieron capitalizar entre 2014 y 2018 una crisis económica y política de características internacionales, creada por las políticas neoliberales, a la que se sumaba una crisis de representación de los partidos en España. Por el contrario, formaciones conservadoras como el Partido Popular adjudicaron la crisis a causas nacionales, como el supuesto exceso de gasto público del gobierno socialista de Zapatero. Ello les permitió gestionar la crisis con más neoliberalismo. Para explicar esta incapacidad de confluencia se examinan, a partir de un análisis de discurso, las diferencias en términos de matrices políticas (populismo e institucionalismo), las distintas tradiciones político-ideológicas y las miradas cruzadas que entre ambas formaciones se dieron en el período estudiado. ; This article shows why Podemos and the Partido Socialista Obrero Español were unable to take advantage of the political and economic crisis of 2008, especially given that it was international and caused by neoliberal policies. Furthermore, in Spain there was a representation crisis of the traditional political parties. On the contrary, conservative forces like the Partido Popular attributed the crisis to national causes, such as supposed excessive public spending generated by the socialist government of Zapatero. That explanation allowed the Partido Popular to face the crisis with more neoliberal policies. In order to explain this incapacity of the PSOE and Podemos we will examine, via discourse analysis, the difference between them in terms of political moulds (populism and institutionalism), political and ideological traditions and the reciprocal images that both parties made during this period. ; Fil: Franzé, Javier. Universidad Complutense de Madrid; España.
