Suchergebnisse

12 páginas.- 5 figuras.- 4 tablas.- referencias.- The Supplementary data to this article: in https://doi.org/10.1016/j.soilbio.2020.108102 ; Soil biodiversity loss due to pollution may affect ecosystem services negatively. This environmental problem may be solved by phytoremediation, which is an effective strategy to manage and remediate contaminated areas. During this remediation process, the establishment of plant communities may improve soil fungal community structure and, in particular, may favour mycorrhizal symbiotic associations. As a consequence, afforestation of degraded lands will have different outcomes on fungal diversity and functionality, which will depend on the selected tree and shrub species. We analysed soil fungal diversity and functional guilds by high-throughput sequencing of environmental DNA in a trace element contaminated area, part of a large scale phytoremediation project running for 20 years. We selected five habitats for comparison purposes: three under the canopy of selected tree species (wild olive, white poplar and stone pine), adjacent treeless areas (grassland) and non-remediated areas (bare soil). Soil fungal diversity and richness seemed to be enhanced by phytoremediation. White poplar soil had the highest diversity and richness compared to wild olive and stone pine. Fungal communities were especially different between stone pine, with soils rich in organic C and high C:N ratio, and grassland soils. We identified 9,428 fungal OTUs from which 1,283 were assigned to a unique functional guild; the most abundant belonging to saprotrophic, plant pathogenic and ectomycorrhizal functional guilds. Ectomycorrhizal fungi were more abundant in soils under ectomycorrhizal host trees. Saprotrophs were abundant in grassland and wild olive soils, while plant pathogens were abundant in non-remediated soils. The remediation of soils (clean-up and amendment addition) allowed the natural establishment of grassland habitats throughout the study area, increasing fungal diversity, richness, taxonomy and functionality, when compared to non-remediated soils. Tree afforestation allowed the establishment of a forest type community bringing a further recruitment of fungal taxa, mainly the ectomycorrhizal fungal guild. Afforestation with different tree species showed species-specific effects on soil N, organic C, Ca and C:N ratio which led to increased spatial heterogeneity in areas with potential to recruit a wider diversity of fungi. ; This work was supported by European Union Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007–2013) [grant number 603498 - RECARE], and Spanish Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities [grants number CGL2014-52858-R – RESTECO and CGL2017-82254-R – INTARSU]. MG-M was supported by Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness [grant number BES-2015-073882]. AL-G was supported by European Union's Horizon 2020 Marie Curie Individual Fellowship [grant number 708530 – DISPMIC], Spanish Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities [grant number CGL2015-69118-C2-2-P-COEXMED-II] and University of Jaén under the Plan 6-UJA postdoctoral fellowship. MTD was supported by a postdoctoral grant by Universidad de Sevilla (V Plan Propio de Investigación) and by Spanish Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities [grant number CGL2017-85891-R- DEGRAMED]. ; Peer reviewed

Poverty is a problem that concerns many aspects as it relates to low income, illiteracy, low health status and inequality between sexes and poor environment (World Bank, 2004). The problem of East Java Province is not much different from the central government (national problem) that is, the high number of poverty and the increasing number of unemployment. This study examines the effect of GRDP, unemployment, and inflation on poverty level in East Java in 2005-2014. The purpose of this study is expected to analyze how and how big the influence of variables PDRB, unemployment and inflation to the level of poverty in East Java so that later it is expected to be used as one of the basic in termination of policy in overcoming poverty problem in East Java. The data used in this study is sekuder data obtained from the Central Bureau of Statistics (BPS) as well as browsing from the internet as a supporter. While the method of analysis used in this study is multiple linear regression analysis method with the help of SPSS. The results of this study indicate that the GRDP variable has positive and insignificant effect on poverty level, unemployment variable has positive and significant effect to poverty level, inflation variable has negative and insignificant effect to poverty level in east java.

PowerDynamics.jl is a Julia package for time-domain modeling of power grids that is specifically designed for the stability analysis of systems with high shares of renewable energies. It makes use of Julia's state-of-the-art differential equation solvers and is highly performant even for systems with a large number of components. Further, it is compatible with Julia's machine learning libraries and allows for the utilization of these methods for dynamical optimization and parameter fitting. The package comes with a number of predefined models for synchronous machines, transmission lines and inverter systems. However, the strict open-source approach and a macro-based user-interface also allows for an easy implementation of custom-built models which makes it especially interesting for the design and testing of new control strategies for distributed generation units. This paper presents how the modeling concept, implemented component models and fault scenarios have been experimentally tested against measurements in the microgrid lab of TECNALIA. ; This research has been performed using the ERIGrid Research Infrastructure and is part of a project that has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 Research and Innova-tion Programme under the Grant Agreement No. 654113. The support of the European Research Infrastructure ERIGrid and its partner TECNALIA is very much appreciated. We further acknowl-edge the Support by BMBF(CoNDyNet2FK.03EK3055A), the DFG (ExSyCo-Grid, 410409736), the Leibniz competition (T42/2018) and the Federal Ministry of Economics (MAriE, FK. 03Ei4012B).

Classical works on authoritarian politics mostly considered political institutions under nondemocratic regimes as mere window dressing. Yet, contemporary works dispute that idea and argue that political institutions are used to facilitate survival in power. This dissertation explored how political institutions are manipulated by the political class and the potential factors why this has contributed to political instability and lack of survival in power in Guinea-Bissau from 1994-2019, differently from what we observe in other non-democratic societies. To achieve this goal, qualitative methods and thematic analysis were carried out with three major themes emerging. First, the manipulation of institutions for survival; second, the use of institutions for co-optation and the challenges of power-sharing; third, credible threat in relation to minimization of loss. Findings of this work show the following; first, institutions in Guinea-Bissau; the legislature and political parties are the root causes of instability rather than survival. Second, leaders do co-opt potential opponents but they do not redistribute rent and power sufficiently to ensure that co-optation eliminates the risk of coups. Third, political parties are important but with weak structures, very vertical and unable to distribute rent and to anticipate threats. Fourth, political parties pose credible threats to each other due to their use of military force but access to government and parliamentary or party positions are not a guarantee that opponents will not try to oppressively remove leaders from power. Therefore, the risk of manipulating institutions for survival comes with threats, and these threats have been the driven force for instability since 1994. ; A maioria dos clássicos sobre política autoritária considerava as instituições políticas em regimes não-democráticos como mera fachada. No entanto, as obras contemporâneas tendem a disputar essa ideia e argumentam que as instituições políticas são usadas para facilitar a sobrevivência no poder. Esta dissertação explora a forma como as instituições políticas são manipuladas pela classe política e os possíveis fatores que fazem com que as instituições contribuam para a instabilidade política e a falta de sobrevivência no poder na Guiné-Bissau entre 1994-2019 contrariamente ao que se sucede na maioria dos regimes não democráticos. A fim de alcançar este objetivo, foram utilizados métodos qualitativos e uma análise de três grandes temas. Primeiro, a manipulação de instituições para a sobrevivência; segundo, a utilização de instituições para a cooptação e os desafios da partilha de poder; terceiro, a ameaça credível em relação à minimização da perda. Os resultados deste trabalho mostram o seguinte: primeiro, as instituições na Guiné-Bissau, o parlamento e os partidos políticos são as causas profundas da instabilidade e não da sobrevivência; segundo, os líderes cooptam potenciais opositores mas não redistribuem suficientemente a renda e o poder para assegurar que a cooptação elimina o risco de golpes de Estado; terceiro, os partidos políticos são importantes mas têm estruturas fracas, muito verticais e incapazes de distribuir a renda e de antecipar ameaças; quarto, os partidos políticos representam ameaças credíveis entre si devido ao uso da força militar mas o acesso ao governo e as posições parlamentares ou partidárias não são garantia de que os opositores não tentem remover opressivamente os líderes do poder. Por conseguinte, o risco de manipulação das instituições para sobreviver no poder vem com ameaças, e estas ameaças têm sido a força motriz da instabilidade desde 1994.

Unidad de excelencia María de Maeztu CEX2019-000940-M ; Food self-sufficiency is a relevant political issue in many countries, developed and developing, particularly to satisfy the internal nutritional needs of the population and face situations in which the prices of basic products are unstable or when a country faces an external shock. Improving resilience involves strengthening local rural communities to meet demand with domestic production. The member countries of Latin America and the Caribbean (LCN) produce enough food to sustain their population and to be one of the world's largest food exporters. From the theoretical discussion and using data from FAO, the research shows that there is a potential to improve food sovereignty and to define food and agricultural policies through agricultural complementarity among the LCN countries. Diverting part of the current trade with third parties to intraregional trade, for products in which the region has a comparative advantage, would mean that LCN countries could save up to 2.7 billion dollars per year, that is, 6.8%of total imports of food in 2018, avoiding the outflow of foreign currency and promoting greater economic integration between countries.

This research was funded by the ERDF project "Smart Metal Oxide Nanocoatings and HIPIMS Technology", project number: 1.1.1.1/18/A/073. Institute of Solid State Physics, University of Latvia as the Center of Excellence has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 Framework Programme H2020-WIDESPREAD-01-2016-2017-TeamingPhase2 under grant agreement No. 739508, project CAMART². ; Layered 2D van der Waals (vdW) materials such as graphene and transition metal dichalcogenides have recently gained a great deal of scientific attention due to their unique properties and prospective applications in various fields such as electronics and optoelectronics, sensors and energy. As a direct bandgap semiconductor in both bulk and monolayer forms, ReS2 stands out for its unique distorted octahedral structure that results in distinctive anisotropic physical properties; however, only a few scalable synthesis methods for few-layer ReS2 have been proposed thus far. Here, the growth of high-quality few-layer ReS2 is demonstrated via sulfurization of a pre-deposited rhenium oxide coating on different semiconductor material nanowires (GaN, ZnS, ZnO). As-produced core-shell heterostructures were characterized by X-ray diffraction, scanning and transmission electron microscopy, micro-Raman spectroscopy and X-ray absorption spectroscopy. Experimental characterizations were supported by total energy calculations of the electronic structure of ReS2 nanosheets and GaN, ZnS, and ZnO substrates. Our results demonstrate the potential of using nanowires as a template for the growth of layered vdW materials to create novel core-shell heterostructures for energy applications involving photocatalytic and electrocatalytic hydrogen evolution. ; ERDF project number: 1.1.1.1/18/A/073. Institute of Solid State Physics, University of Latvia as the Center of Excellence has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 Framework Programme H2020-WIDESPREAD-01-2016-2017-TeamingPhase2 under grant agreement No. 739508, project CAMART².

Länsimaisissa demokratioissa äänestäjien yhteiskuntaluokka ja koettu luokka-asema ovat perinteisesti selittäneet heidän puoluevalintojaan. Tätä äänestyspäätöksiä selittävää toimintamallia, eli omaan yhteiskuntaluokkaan liittyvän puolueen äänestämistä, kutsutaan luokkaäänestämiseksi. Luokkaäänestämistä painottavissa teorioissa yhteiskuntaluokkia pidetään merkittävimpänä poliittisena jakolinjana. Länsimaisissa monipuoluejärjestelmissä myös poliittiset puolueet ovat syntyneet tältä pohjalta. Nykyisillekin puoluejärjestelmille merkitykselliseksi poliittiseksi jakolinjaksi yhteiskuntaluokat muodostuivat jo teollisessa vallankumouksessa, joka synnytti vastakkainasettelua työtä tekevän ja omistavan väestönosan välillä. Jakolinja oli niin voimakkaasti kansalaisia erotteleva, että se synnytti nopeasti yhteiskuntaan erilaisia poliittisia järjestöjä etenkin työväestön keskuuteen. Tällä tavoin ammattiliitot, sosiaalidemokraattiset sekä sosialistiset puolueet saivat alkunsa. 1980-luvulle tultaessa yhä useammat tutkimukset osoittivat, että äänestäjien luokka-aseman vaikutus heidän vaalikäyttäytymiseensä oli heikentynyt. Erityisesti tämä trendi liittyi työväenluokkaisiin äänestäjiin. Heidän ammattiasemansa katsottiin menettäneen asteittain merkitystään vaaleissa tekemiin puoluevalintoihinsa. Yhteiskunnan rakennetasolla trendiä on selitetty työntekijäammattien vähenemisellä teollistuneissa demokratioissa. Esimerkiksi Suomessa työntekijäammattien osuus kaikista ammateista on pienentynyt lähes 20 prosenttiyksikköä 1970-luvulta 2010-luvulle tultaessa. Luokkaäänestämisen laskun on esitetty liittyvän puoluekentän pirstoutumiseen, yhteiskunnan uudelleenjärjestäytymiseen ja laajamittaisiin rakenteellisiin muutoksiin länsimaissa. Globalisaatiokehitys, koulutustason nousu, työelämän lisääntynyt epävakaus sekä väestön ikääntyminen ovat yleisimpiä yhteiskunnan rakennetason muutoksia, jotka ovat väistämättä muuttaneet myös poliittista kenttää. Vaikka luokkaäänestäminen on vähentynyt, osa tutkimuksista on suhtautunut havaintoihin sen vähenemisestä varauksellisesti. Varsinkaan Pohjoismaiden vaaleissa työväenluokkaisuuden ei ole katsottu menettäneen samassa suhteessa merkitystään äänestyspäätöksiä selittävänä tekijänä verrattuna muihin länsimaisiin demokratioihin. Lisäksi yhteiskunnan rakenteelliset muutokset sekä niiden seuraukset ja luokkaäänestämisen yleinen väheneminen ovat motivoineet tutkijoita tarkastelemaan äänestäjien luokka-asemia myös subjektiivisesta näkökulmasta. Subjektiivisesta näkökulmasta kiinnostuneet tutkijat ovat tyypillisesti keskittyneet analysoimaan äänestäjien luokka-asemia heidän luokkasamastumisensa kautta. Luokkasamastumisella tarkoitetaan yhteiskuntaluokkaa, johon henkilö kokee itse lähinnä kuuluvansa. Tämä väitöstutkimus tuottaa luokkaäänestämisen näkökulmasta uutta tietoa suomalaisten työväenluokkaisten äänestäjien äänestyskäyttäytymisestä, arvoista ja asenteista sekä heidän puoluevalinnoistaan Suomessa 2000-luvulla. Tarkoitan nyt ja myös jäljempänä 2000-luvulla vuosituhannen vaihteesta alkanutta aikaa. Tutkimus on saanut alkunsa kahdesta 2000-luvun suomalaisia äänestäjiä sekä suomalaista puoluejärjestelmää koskevasta havainnosta. Ensimmäinen havainto koskee luokkasamastumista. Merkittävä osa suomalaisista äänestäjistä kokee 2000-luvulla samastuvansa johonkin yhteiskuntaluokkaan siitä huolimatta, että yhteiskuntaluokkien on esitetty hiipuvan ja menettävän merkitystään. Toinen havainto koskee suomalaista puoluejärjestelmää ja siinä 2000-luvulla tapahtuneita merkittäviä muutoksia. Tästä hyvänä esimerkkinä voidaan mainita vuoden 2011 eduskuntavaalit, joissa iso joukko työväenluokkaisia äänestäjiä siirtyi Suomen Sosialidemokraattisen Puolueen (SDP) takaa Perussuomalaisten (PS) kannattajiksi. Tämä tutkimus tuo nämä kaksi erillistä havaintoa yhteen tutkimalla työnväenluokan äänestämisen mekanismeja 2000-luvun Suomessa sekä luokkakongruenssin että äänestäjien arvojen ja asenteiden näkökulmasta. Tavoitteena on selvittää, kuinka työnväenluokkaiset äänestäjät äänestävät 2000-luvun Suomessa. Tutkimusongelma nojaa tapaan analysoida äänestäjien luokka-asemia kahdesta näkökulmasta. Se tarkoittaa objektiivisen luokka-aseman, eli ammatin, ja subjektiivisen luokka-aseman, eli luokkasamastumisen, tarkastelemista samanaikaisesti. Näiden kahden luokka-asemaa mittaavan muuttujan yhteyttä nimitetään tässä tutkimuksessa joko luokkakongruenssiksi tai inkongruenssiksi riippuen siitä, ovatko ne toisiaan vastaavat vai eivät. Tutkimus muodostaa kolme erillistä työväenluokkaryhmää. Ryhmistä ensimmäinen on "perinteinen työväenluokka" ( traditional working class ), joka koostuu työntekijäammateissa toimivista, jotka samastuvat työväenluokkaan. Ryhmä "ammatillinen työväenluokka" ( occupational working class ) koostuu työntekijäammateissa toimivista, jotka samastuvat alempaan keskiluokkaan, keskiluokkaan tai ylempään keskiluokkaan. Kolmanteen ryhmään, "ideologiseen työväenluokkaan" ( ideological working class ) kuuluvat ei- työntekijäammateissa toimivat, jotka kuitenkin samastuvat työväenluokkaan. Lisäksi tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan näiden kolmen ryhmän arvoja ja asenteita, joiden merkitystä viimeaikainen tutkimus on painottanut puoluevalintojen taustalla. Tutkimusaineistoina käytetään kansallisten eduskuntavaalitutkimusten kyselyaineistoja (FNES) vuosilta 2003–2019. Tutkimuksen analyysi on kolmivaiheinen. Ensimmäinen analyysiluku keskittyy löytämään tekijöitä, jotka selittävät luokkakongruenssia ja inkongruenssia tutkimuksen kolmen työnväenluokkaryhmän keskuudessa. Tulosten mukaan lapsuudenkoti, koulutustaso ja puolison ammatti ovat merkittävimmät tekijät, jotka selittävät sekä luokkakongruenssia että inkongruenssia. Ennen kaikkea työväenluokkainen lapsuudenkoti nousee esiin merkittävimpänä työväenluokkaan samastumista selittävänä tekijänä. Tutkimuksen toinen analyysiluku tarkastelee sitä, missä määrin kolme työväenluokkaryhmää eroavat toisistaan arvoiltaan ja asenteiltaan. Toisin sanoen luku analysoi sitä, missä määrin luokkakongruenssi ja luokkainkongruenssi vaikuttavat arvoihin ja asenteisiin. Tulokset osoittavat, että kolme työväenluokkaryhmää eroavat jossain määrin toisistaan sekä sosioekonomisilta että sosiokulttuurisilta arvoiltaan ja asenteiltaan. Ideologinen työväenluokka ( ideological working class ) erottuu kahdesta muusta ryhmästä vasemmistolaisemmalla sosioekonomisella orientaatiollaan. Lisäksi ammatillinen työväenluokka ( occupational working class ) on sosiokulttuuriselta orientaatioltaan kolmesta työväenluokkaryhmästä konservatiivisin. Kaikki kolme ryhmää ovat selvästi enemmän EU-kriittisiä kuin EU-myönteisiä verrattuna muihin äänestäjiin. Tutkimuksen kolmas analyysiluku tuo yhteen kaksi aiempaa analyysilukua. Se tarkastelee luokkakongruenssin ja luokkainkongruenssin sekä arvojen ja asenteiden vaikutusta työväenluokkaryhmien puoluevalintoihin. Kokoava analyysi soveltaa polkumallia ja tutkii, missä määrin luokkakongruenssi ja luokkainkongruenssi vaikuttavat suoraan työväenluokkaisten äänestäjien puoluevalintoihin, tai missä määrin vaikutus on epäsuora äänestäjien arvojen ja asenteiden kautta. Tulokset osoittavat, että työväenluokkaisten äänestäjien puoluevalinnat ovat moniulotteisia, eikä niitä voi enää 2000-luvulla kuvailla pelkästään perinteisiksi luokka-puolue-siteiksi. Tästä huolimatta SDP ja Vasemmistoliitto ovat yhä 2000-luvulla puolueita, joille työväenluokkaiset äänestäjät antavat ääniään. Nämä työväenluokan ääniä perinteisesti keränneet puolueet ovat saaneet haastajia Perussuomalaisten ohella muistakin puolueista. Työväenluokkaisten äänestäjien puoluevalintoja ohjaavat myös heidän arvonsa ja asenteensa. Perinteisesti työväenluokkaäänestämiseen liitetty vasemmistolainen sosioekonominen orientaatio, on kuitenkin tulosten valossa yhä harvemmin löydettävissä työväenluokan äänestyspäätösten taustalta. Tulosten valossa mihinkään työväenluokkaryhmään kuuluminen yhdistettynä sosioekonomiseen orientaatioon ei lisää todennäköisyyttä äänestää mitään tarkasteltua puoluetta. Arvoista ja asenteista EU-kriittisyys yhdistettynä mihin tahansa työväenluokkaryhmään erottuu selvästi useimmiten puoluevalintoja selittävänä tekijänä. Tämän lisäksi konservatiivisen sosiokulttuurisen orientaation havaitaan lisäävän todennäköisyyttä äänestää Suomen Keskustaa tai Perussuomalaisia ammatillisen työväenluokan ( occupational working class ) keskuudessa. Kyse on sellaisista työväenluokkaisista äänestäjistä, jotka toimivat työntekijäammateissa, mutta samastuvat alempaan keskiluokkaan, keskiluokkaan tai ylempään keskiluokkaan. Kaiken kaikkiaan tulokset osoittavat, että perinteistä työväenluokkaäänestämistä ilmenee yhä edelleen 2000-luvun Suomessa, mutta työväenluokan äänet jakautuvat useamman puolueen kesken. SDP:n ja Perussuomalaisten ohella työväenluokka antaa 2000-luvulla äänensä niin Vihreälle Liitolle, Vasemmistoliitolle kuin Suomen Keskustallekin. Keskeinen löydös on, että Perussuomalaiset onnistuu kilpailemaan kaikkien kolmen tutkimuksessa muodostetun työväenluokkaryhmän äänistä. Täten työväenluokkaryhmien siirtyminen Perussuomalaisten äänestäjiksi ei juurikaan riipu heidän koulutustasostaan, ammatistaan tai luokkasamastumisestaan. Tulokset osoittavat myös, että kesällä 2017 tapahtuneesta sisäisestä kahtiajaostaan huolimatta Perussuomalaiset on puolueena kyennyt jatkamaan tätä trendiä. Vaikka EU- kriittisyys linkittyy myös muiden puolueiden äänestämiseen työväenluokkaisten äänestäjien keskuudessa, Perussuomalaiset on epäilemättä onnistunut kanavoimaan EU-kriittiset äänet taakseen. Äänestäjien luokka-asemien perusteellinen ja moniulotteinen analysointi tarjoaa tärkeää uutta tietoa luokkaäänestämisen malleista ja mekanismeista. Tämän tutkimuksen kontribuutio laaja-alaiseen luokkaäänestämistä käsittelevään tutkimukseen piilee nimenomaan sen soveltamassa kaksiulotteisessa lähestymistavassa työväenluokkaisen aseman määrittelemiseen. Lisäksi tutkimus yhdistää kaksiulotteisen näkökulman arvoihin ja asenteisiin. Tutkimuksen keskeinen argumentti on, että mikäli jokin kolmesta tekijästä – objektiivinen luokka-asema, subjektiivinen luokka-asema tai äänestäjän arvot ja asenteet – jätetään pois tarkastelusta, luokkaäänestämisen keskeiset mekanismit jäävät pimentoon. Tulevaisuuden luokkaäänestämistä tarkastelevien tutkimusten on tärkeää ottaa huomioon nämä kaikki kolme tekijää. ; Traditionally, voters' class positions have determined their party choices in Western democracies. At the same time, social class has been considered being the most significant political cleavage of which political parties have conventionally emerged in the West-European multi-party systems. Class cleavage has emerged from the industrial revolution based on the labour market confrontation between workers and owners. The cleavage has been so divisive and has resulted in the formation of various political organisations especially at the worker-side. Meanwhile, Labour Unions, Social Democratic (SD) parties and socialist parties were formed. Since the late 1980s, numerous studies have claimed that voters' class has become an irrelevant determinant of electoral behaviour. This trend has been related to working-class voters, whose occupational position is regarded becoming gradually a weaker predictor of their voting behaviour than in the past. At the macro level, this weakening trend has been explained by a decline in the relative proportion of the working class. The share of blue-collar employees has decreased significantly in the past few decades in advanced industrialised democracies. For example, in Finland, the share of blue-collar employees has decreased by almost 20 percentage points from the 1970s to the 2010s. The declines in class voting have been linked to the political parties' disintegration, reconfiguration of society, and large-scale societal change in the Western world. Globalisation, the rising level of education, unstable working-life conditions, and the ageing population have been the most common societal explanations for the change in the political sphere. Despite the relative decrease, some previous studies have indicated that the working class is still relevant and has not lost its significance as a determinant of voting behaviour to same extent in the Nordic countries as in other Western democracies in the 21st century. Moreover, the societal change, its consequences, and declining trends in class voting have motivated scholars to consider the subjective approach to voters' class positions. Typically, scholars who have focused on the subjective approach, i.e., class identification, have considered the declining trend in class voting more carefully. This study aims to provide new knowledge on the Finnish working class' voting behaviour, party attachment, and attitudinal orientations from the perspective of class voting in 21 st century Finland. It originates from two observations on the Finnish electorate and party system in the 21 st century. The first observation relates to the continued significance of class identification among the Finnish electorate. Considerable majority of eligible voters identify with a specific social class, despite ongoing debates over the decreasing significance of social classes to voting preferences. The second observation relates to the notable changes, which have occurred in the Finnish party system in the 21 st century. A good example of this is a large share of working-class voters who switched from the SDP to the Finns Party in the 2011 parliamentary election. This study integrates these two separate observations together by studying the mechanisms of working-class voting from the perspective of class (in)congruence and voters' attitudinal orientations. As such, the study discovers how the working-class votes in 21st century Finland. The research problem is built on analysing working-class voting from the perspective of a two-dimensional approach to voters' class positions, i.e., class (in)congruence. The study formulates three groups of working-class voters by considering voters' occupation and class identification. The first group, the traditional working class , consists of blue-collar employees with working-class identification. The second group, the occupational working class, is blue-collar employees who do not have working-class identification, but they identify with the lower-middle, middle, or upper-middle class. The third group, the ideological working-class, consists of those who are not blue-collar employees by their occupation but have working-class identification. In addition, the study considers the working-class voters' attitudinal orientations, the significance the previous research has highlighted with regard to determining voting decisions in the 21 st century. The datasets used for the analyses are the 2003-2019 Finnish National Elections Studies (FNES). The first part of the study's threefold analysis focuses on finding factors that explain class incongruence and congruence among the three working-class groups. The results show that class of the childhood home, the level of education, and spouse's occupation are the most significant factors that explain both class incongruence and congruence. Above all, working-class childhood home is the most significant factor that explains working-class identification. The second analysis examines the extent to which three working-class groups differ from each other based on their attitudinal orientations, i.e., the extent that class (in)congruence affects attitudinal orientations. The results show that the three working-class groups differ from each other by their socioeconomic and sociocultural orientations. The ideological working-class is more leftist based on their socioeconomic orientation than the traditional or the occupational working class. In addition, the results show that the occupational working class has a more conservative sociocultural orientation than the traditional and ideological working class. From the outcome of the results, all three working-class groups have more opposing attitudes towards the EU than other voters. The third analysis combines the previous analyses and examines the extent that party choices among the Finnish working-class voters are influenced by the class (in)congruence and the voters' attitudinal orientations. Moreover, the last analysis aims to discover the extent the class (in)congruence affects directly working-class voters' party choice or indirectly via the working-class voters' attitudinal orientations. The findings indicate that the working-class' voting patterns are multidimensional and cannot be defined as simple class-party ties in 21 st century Finland. The traditional left-wing parties, the SDP, and the Left Alliance, are still parties, to which working-class voters give their votes in general. This study shows that the party choices of the Finnish working class is determined by their attitudinal orientations. In spite of this, the leftist socioeconomic orientation, which is traditionally linked to working-class voting, is increasingly less common determinant of party choice among the Finnish working class. The results show that belonging to a particular working-class group and having a particular socioeconomic orientation do not increase the likelihood of voting any of the six parties under study. Instead, there can be distinguished an indirect effect on party choice, which goes via opposing attitudes towards the EU among each working class group. In addition, belonging to the occupational working class has an indirect effect on voting both for the Centre Party and the Finns Party via conservative sociocultural orientation. Overall, the results indicate that traditional working class voting still occurs in 21 st century Finland, but the votes of the working class tend to be shared between several parties. Along with the SDP and the Finns Party, Finnish working-class voters give their votes to the Green League, the Left Alliance, and the Centre Party. One important finding is that the Finns Party is, however, able to compete for the votes of the working class among each of the three working-class groups. The party can gather support from all working-class groups despite their class identification, occupation, or level of education. The findings also show that despite the split of the Finns Party in June 2017, the split fails to reduce the party's popularity among the working-class voters. Moreover, the EU criticism has moved working-class voters closer to the Finns Party. While the opposing views about the EU have been linked to voting for the other parties as well, the Finns Party has undoubtedly managed to channel particularly these types of votes among the working-class voters. The findings show that working-class voting still occurs in 21 st century Finland revealing that when a comprehensive approach is applied to the voters' class positions, important knowledge on the patterns and mechanisms of class voting is provided. The study contributes to the vast literature on class voting by applying a two-dimensional approach to voters' class positions and combining it with the voters' attitudinal orientations. If one of the three factors—objective class-position, subjective class-position, and attitudinal orientations—is not examined, then the essential mechanisms of class voting remain undiscovered. Future class-voting studies should consider all subjective class indicators, the voter's occupation, and voters' attitudinal orientations.

The Gnassingbé clan has ruled the country since 1967. The demand for political alternance, initiated by institutional and electoral reforms, constituted the major contentious issue between the government and the challengers of the Gnassingbé regime throughout the survey period. The legislative elections of 20 December 2018, boycotted by the major opposition parties, resulted in an easy victory of the ruling party. The first local elections since more than 30 years took finally place on 30 June 2019 and resulted in the victory of the ruling party. Shortly afterwards, in February 2020, the President won also the disputed presidential elections and even consolidated his power, assisted by the loyal army and security services. The outbreak of the Corona epidemic in Togo in April and the subsequent economic recession may have contributed to limit popular protest against the Gnassingbé regime. The human rights record of the government has improved but remains poor. Despite undeniable improvements to the framework and appearance of the regime's key institutions during the review period, democracy remains far from complete. However, the international community, notably Togo's African peers, the AU and ECOWAS, followed a 'laissez-faire' approach in the interests of regional stability and their national interests in dealing with Togo. Economic growth remained stable at about 5% per annum (before Corona). Public investment in infrastructure and increases in agricultural productivity, notably of export crops, had been the key drivers of economic growth. However, growth remains vulnerable to external shocks and the climate and has not been inclusive. Positive growth was overshadowed by increasing inter-personal and regional inequality as well as an increase in extreme poverty. Moreover, money-laundering, illegal money transfers and trafficking grew alarmingly. The business climate improved considerably nevertheless. ; Author's enhanced version ; RÉSUMÉ: Le clan Gnassingbé dirige le pays depuis 1967. La revendication d'alternance politique, initiée par des réformes institutionnelles et électorales, a constitué le principal litige entre le gouvernement et les challengers du régime Gnassingbé tout au long de la période d'enquête. Les élections législatives du 20 décembre 2018, boycottées par les principaux partis d'opposition, se sont soldées par une victoire facile du parti au pouvoir. Les premières élections locales depuis plus de 30 ans ont finalement eu lieu le 30 juin 2019 et ont abouti à la victoire du parti au pouvoir. Peu de temps après, en février 2020, le président a remporté également les élections présidentielles contestées. Par cela il a même consolidé son pouvoir, aidé par l'armée fidèle et les services de sécurité. Le déclenchement de l'épidémie de Corona au Togo en avril 2020 et la récession économique qui a suivi, ont peut-être contribué à limiter les protestations populaires contre le régime de Gnassingbé. Le bilan du gouvernement en matière de droits humains s'est amélioré, mais reste médiocre. Malgré des améliorations indéniables du cadre et de l'apparence des principales institutions du régime pendant la période à l'examen, la démocratie reste loin d'être achevée. Cependant, la communauté internationale, notamment les pairs africains du Togo, l'UA et la CEDEAO, ont suivi une approche de «laissez-faire» dans l'intérêt de la stabilité régionale et de leurs intérêts nationaux face au Togo. La croissance économique est restée stable à environ 5 % par an (avant Corona). Les investissements publics dans les infrastructures et les augmentations de la productivité agricole, notamment des cultures d'exportation, ont été les principaux moteurs de la croissance économique. Cependant, la croissance reste vulnérable aux chocs externes et au climat, et le développement n'a pas été inclusive. La croissance positive a été éclipsée par l'augmentation des inégalités interpersonnelles et régionales ainsi que par une augmentation de l'extrême pauvreté. En outre, le blanchiment d'argent, les transferts d'argent illégaux et le trafic ont augmenté de façon alarmante. Le climat des affaires s'est néanmoins considérablement amélioré. --- ZUSAMMENFASSUNG: Der Gnassingbé-Clan regiert das Land seit 1967. Die Forderung nach politischer Abwechslung, die durch institutionelle Reformen und Wahlreformen ausgelöst wurde, war das Hauptstreitpunkt zwischen der Regierung und den Herausforderern des Gnassingbé-Regimes während des gesamten Untersuchungszeitraums. Die von den großen Oppositionsparteien boykottierten Parlamentswahlen vom 20. Dezember 2018 führten zu einem leichten Sieg der Regierungspartei. Die ersten Kommunalwahlen seit mehr als 30 Jahren fanden schließlich am 30. Juni 2019 statt und führten zum Sieg der Regierungspartei. Kurz darauf, im Februar 2020, gewann der Präsident auch die umstrittenen Präsidentschaftswahlen. Somit festigte er sogar seine Macht, unterstützt von der loyalen Armee und den Sicherheitsdiensten. Der Ausbruch der Corona-Epidemie in Togo im April und die anschließende wirtschaftliche Rezession haben möglicherweise dazu beigetragen, den Protest der Bevölkerung gegen das Gnassingbé-Regime zu begrenzen. Die Menschenrechtsbilanz der Regierung hat sich verbessert, ist aber weiterhin schlecht. Trotz unbestreitbarer Verbesserungen des Rahmens und des Erscheinungsbilds der wichtigsten Institutionen des Regimes im Berichtszeitraum bleibt die Demokratie bei weitem nicht umfassend. Die internationale Gemeinschaft, insbesondere die afrikanischen Kollegen Faure Gnassingbés in der AU und ECOWAS, verfolgten jedoch im Interesse der regionalen Stabilität und in ihren nationalen Interessen im Umgang mit Togo einen "Laissez-Faire"-Ansatz. Das Wirtschaftswachstum blieb stabil bei etwa 5% pro Jahr (vor Corona). Öffentliche Investitionen in die Infrastruktur und die Steigerung der landwirtschaftlichen Produktivität, insbesondere in Exportkulturen, waren die Haupttreiber des Wirtschaftswachstums. Das Wachstum bleibt jedoch anfällig für externe Schocks und das Klima und war nicht inklusiv. Das positive Wachstum wurde durch die zunehmende zwischenmenschliche und regionale Ungleichheit sowie die Zunahme der extremen Armut überschattet. Darüber hinaus nahmen Geldwäsche, illegale Geldtransfers und Menschenhandel alarmierend zu. Das Geschäftsklima hat sich dennoch erheblich verbessert.

Gresik regency has 27 tourist destinations supported by small and medium industries both in the sector of food and beverage, handicraft, Muslim fashion and its equipment, which has been established since several years ago. It seems that the development of this industry is stagnant although it is actually potential to be developed and can be a trigger for the welfare of the small industrial community of Gresik regency in East Java. The problems that occur in small and medium industry community of Giri regency of Gresik regency based on the survey result is that business actors still do not have financial literacy, marked by not understanding about financial planning, not yet separating recording and financial storage in their family or business. Besides, there is still limited socialization of financial inclusion so that in general they are still unbanked. Based on factor analysis on financial literacy and financial inclusion, there are some attributes that significantly affect financial literacy of small and medium industries, namely financial planning, experience in finance, socialization of financial literacy from related parties, socio-economic status, economic attitude, financial behavior, financial attitude, financial crisis, government policy, financial education, demography, investment, saving, consumption, financial wellbeing, financial concerns, self control, old age, and gender. While the attributes of financial inclusion include credit management, knowledge of credit guidelines, consumer over in-debtedness, saving and deposit functions. The strategies that should be done in the short term based on the attributes found in this study are: 1) to conduct financial literacy and financial inclusion education with attention to the significant attributes, 2) perform mentoring from financial planning to the preparation of financial statements, 3) giving motivation to separate between family finance and business finance 4) the government is expected to grow ...

ABSTRACT Objective: To identify and to discuss the progress of actions for the protection, promotion and support of breastfeeding in Brazil from the perspective of the indicators proposed by the Global Breastfeeding Collective. Data source: A narrative review was conducted according to the methodological orientation of the implementation research and through a qualitative approach. Publications from the World Health Organization and the United Nations Children's Fund were selected, as well as publications from the Brazilian Ministry of Health were collected from the Virtual Health Library and from the libraries of the Department of Primary Care's portal and the Brazilian's Institute of Geography and Research. Data synthesis: Brazil has shown promising results regarding the implementation of breastfeeding protection legislation, the participation of municipalities in community breastfeeding support programs, and the continued evaluation of these programs. However, reports of breastfeeding rates have not been produced every five years and the progress of these indicators is very far from the agreed targets for 2030. There is also a need to improve the number of births in child-friendly hospitals and financial donations for breastfeeding programs. Conclusions: It is necessary to strengthen systematic monitoring of breastfeeding and following up current strategies to more effectively impact the breastfeeding rates in the country. Furthermore, it is suggested that the practice of donations is a pathway to be explored to support breastfeeding programs.

In this paper we present a simple technique to derive certificates of non-realizability for a combinatorial polytope. Our approach uses a variant of the classical algebraic certificates introduced by Bokowski and Sturmfels (1989), the final polynomials. More specifically we reduce the problem of finding a realization to that of finding a positive point in a variety and try to find a polynomial with positive coefficients in the generating ideal (a positive polynomial), showing that such point does not exist. Many, if not most, of the techniques for proving non-realizability developed in the last three decades can be seen as following this framework, using more or less elaborate ways of constructing such positive polynomials. Our proposal is more straightforward as we simply use linear programming to exhaustively search for such positive polynomials in the ideal restricted to some linear subspace. Somewhat surprisingly, this elementary strategy yields results that are competitive with more elaborate alternatives, and allows us to derive new examples of non-realizable combinatorial polytopes ; Gouveia was partially supported by the Centre for Mathematics of the University of Coimbra - UIDB/00324/2020 , funded by the Portuguese Government through FCT/MCTES . Macchia was supported by the Einstein Foundation Berlin under Francisco Santos grant EVF-2015-230 and by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG, German Research Foundation) – project number 454595616 . Wiebe was supported by Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada (NSERC) [ PDF - 557980 - 2021 ], and by the Pacific Institute for the Mathematical Sciences (PIMS). The research and findings may not reflect those of the Institute.

Rice (Oryza sativa L.) is the major staple food in the Nepalese context. Chitwan district of Nepal was purposively selected to analyze the rice production from the socio-economic and environmental perspective. A total of 100 rice growing farmers, 50 organic and 50 inorganic were selected as the sample for the purpose of the study using the simple random method of sampling. Primary data were collected through a pre-tested semi-structure interview schedule and key informant interviews; secondary data were collected reviewing related publications. Descriptive statistics, multiple regression and chi-square test were used for data analysis. The multiple regression revealed that the four explanatory variables included in the model: age of the household head, primary occupation of the household head, number of family members involved in agriculture and subsidy in inputs for rice farming were found to have positive and statistically significant effect on rice yield (P<0.01). Moreover, chi-square test revealed that the farming practices that contributes to climate change mitigation such as: minimum tillage practice (P<0.05), crop diversification (P<0.01), green manuring (P<0.01), agro forestry practice (P<0.05), incorporating crop residues (P<0.1), weed management practice (P<0.01) and pest management practice (P<0.01)were found to be well adopted by the organic rice farmers, in contrast, the farming practices of inorganic rice farmers were statistically and significantly different in this respect. Government should make such policy that could grave the attention of the Nepalese people towards organic agriculture; moreover, encouraging them to make it their primary occupation.

APPROVED ; This dissertation focuses on a number of major influences on Conor Cruise O'Brien's writing. It consequently explores how various pressures — literary, emotional and political — shaped the imaginary of this major figure in modern Irish history. An exploration of the impact of certain writers, and intellectuals, such as Owen Sheehy-Skeffington, Sean O'Faolain, Albert Camus, W.B. Yeats and Simone Weil, who were attractive to O'Brien, in terms of satisfying, or sometimes mirroring, different demands, will to some extent lead to a greater understanding of O'Brien's development as a writer. It will also shed light on the complicated literary and emotional mood of mid-twentieth-century Ireland. Roy Foster has acknowledged the literary complexity of the period following the Civil War, a period when writing often became a struggle to come to terms with sides taken; a society left questioning 'Did we do that? How did it happen? How did we end up here?' The pattern of thought that emerged from O'Briens' literary engagements illuminated a complex literary inheritance that infiltrated his writing. O'Brien's life, and the polemical nature of his work, provide a rich opportunity for exploring the counter-currents of Irish emotional and intellectual history 'an area that merits deeper exploration', according to the historian Tom Garvin. Any attempt to understand O'Brien's political and ethical maturation without tracing the formative, and formidable, influence of Owen Sheehy-Skeffington on him is unsatisfactory. This thesis explores that influence, and the related influence of Sean O'Faolain. O'Brien always maintained that he had been consistent in his thinking despite many claims to the contrary, and if he is approached at the level of imaginative influence, this assertion is credible.

This work has been carried out within the framework of the EUROfusion Consortium and has received funding from the Euratom research and training programme 2014-2018 and 2019-2020 under grant agreement No 633053. The views and opinions expressed herein do not necessarily reflect those of the European Commission. In addition, the research leading to these results has received funding from the Estonian Research Council grant (PUT PRG619). ; The precise study of the thermal annealing of the F2-type dimer defects, being under discussion in the literature for a long time and responsible for the number of absorption bands below 4.5 eV, has been performed in corundum single crystals irradiated by fast neutrons with a fluence of 6.9 × 1018 n/cm2. The Gaussian components of the radiation-induced optical absorption with the maxima at 4.08, 3.45 and 2.75 eV have been considered as a measure of the F2, F2+and F22+centers, respectively. In contrast to the Fand F+ centers, the concentration of which continuously decreases at the sample heating up to 1100 K, the concentration of dimer defects with different charge states passes the increasing stages above 500 K starting from the F22+centers. The tentative mechanisms of such rise of the F22+centers as well as of the subsequent transformation/rise of dimer centers, F22+→F2+→F2at 650-800 K are considered. The possible sources of carriers needed for the recharging of dimer centers are also analysed on the basis of thermally stimulated luminescence measurements up to ~850 K. ; EUROfusion Consortium, Euratom research and training programme 2014-2018 and 2019-2020, grant agreement No 633053; Estonian Research Council grant (PUT PRG619); Institute of Solid State Physics, University of Latvia as the Center of Excellence has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 Framework Programme H2020-WIDESPREAD-01-2016-2017-TeamingPhase2 under grant agreement No. 739508, project CAMART²

Cell membranes are integral to the functioning of the cell and are therefore key to drive fundamental understanding of biological processes for downstream applications. Here, we review the current state-of-the-art with respect to biomembrane systems and electronic substrates, with a view of how the field has evolved towards creating biomimetic conditions and improving detection sensitivity. Of particular interest are conducting polymers, a class of electroactive polymers, which have the potential to create the next step-change for bioelectronics devices. Lastly, we discuss the impact these types of devices could have for biomedical applications. ; S.D. and R.O., acknowledge funding for this project, sponsored by the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) Army Research Office and accomplished under Cooperative Agreement Number W911NF-18-2-0152. The views and conclusions contained in this document are those of the authors and should not be interpreted as representing the official policies, either expressed or implied, of DARPA or the Army Research Office or the U.S. Government. The U.S. Government is authorized to reproduce and distribute reprints for Government purposes notwithstanding any copyright notation herein. A.K.J acknowledges funding from the Cambridge Trust, the EPSRC grant EP/L015978/1 for the Centre for Doctoral Training for Nanoscience and Nanotechnology (NanoDTC) and the Centre for Misfolding Diseases. A.M.P. acknowledges funding from the Oppenheimer Junior Research Fellowship and the Maudslay-Butler Research Fellowship at Pembroke College, Cambridge. Z.A.M. was supported by T32GM008500 from the National Institute of General Medical Sciences. The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of the National Institute of General Medical Sciences or the National Institutes of Health. W.C.T. acknowledges funding from the Cambridge Commonwealth, European & International Trust at Cambridge University. T.P.J.K.