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The paper analyzes the party system change at the level ofJapan's national politics. The party system after the 1990s can be classified into three periods according to some indicators to measure party system change. The present party system in the 2010s is characterized by the LDP dominance and fragmentation and fluidity of opposition parties. It is called "Abe ikkyō politics (安倍一強政治)" which means the LDP dominance under Abe administration. At the final section of the paper the problem of party system fragmentation and ruling party dominance is argued referring to the theory of party system institutionalization and democratic consolidation.

Preface.--I. The representative system.--II. The governing group.--III. The House of commons as it is.--IV. The secret funds.--V. The control of elections.--VI. The defence.--VII. Can it be amended?--Notes. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Reproduction of original from Harvard Law School Library. ; "First published, September, 1911. Re-issued, February, 1913."--T.p. verso. ; Preface -- I. The representative system -- II. The governing group -- III. The House of Commons as it is -- IV. The secret funds -- V. The control of elections -- VI. The defence -- VII. Can it be mended? -- Notes. ; RLIN, ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This book provides a complete overview of political parties in France. The social and ideological profiles of all the major parties are analysed chapter by chapter, highlighting their principal functions and dynamics within the system. This examination is complemented by analyses of bloc and system features, including the pluralist left, Europe, and the ideological space in which the parties operate. In particular, the book addresses the impressive capacity of French parties and their leaders to adapt themselves to the changing concerns of their electorates and to a shifting institutional context. Contrary to the apparently fragmentary system and increasingly hostile clashes between political personalities, the continuities in the French political system seem destined to persist. Drawing on the expertise of its French and British contributors, 'The French party system' forms a benchmark study of the state of party politics in France. It will be an essential text for all students of French politics and parties, and for students of European politics more generally.

The Professor Mykolas Romeris discussed about political systems advantages e disadvantages. He compared a multi-party system in which three or more political parties have the capacity to gain control of government separately or in coalition. And a two- party system which is a form of party system where two major political parties dominate the voting in nearly all elections. As a result, all, or nearly all, elected offices end up being held by candidates endorsed by the two major parties. The ruling party's majority may still be based on a smaller segment of the population than coalition governments due to lower turnout, and votes cast that do not lead to the desired representative. According to the professor M. Romeris the two-party system does produce stable governments, but this comes at the expense of the preferred outcome of stable democracy. M. Romeris was disposed that political corruption is the misuse by government officials of their governmental powers for illegitimate, usually secret, private gain. He was pointed that politicians forgot the main ethical, political, moral principals. Favoring relatives or personal friends became too many powerful. Professor was sure that the nations will have to try the way to identity and eliminate such kind politics and parties.

This article examines the background characteristics of Democratic and Republican party activists, their issue and ideological preferences, patterns of party factionalism, organizational strength and patterns of activity within parties at the county level. The findings demonstrate that underlying Florida's competitive party system are two sets of ideologically polarized and active party activists. While signs of internal party factionalism have not completely disappeared from Florida's political parties, at the beginning of the twenty-first century Florida's party system and party organizations are a far cry from the multifactional chaos that once characterized the old one-party or no party-system in Florida.

Party systems diverge in their levels of nationalisation. While in some countries parties obtain similar levels of electoral support in all districts, in others parties get very asymmetric electoral shares across districts. The distributive consequences of this have been seldom studied. The argument tested here is that when political parties have nationalised electorates they have stronger incentives to provide social policies that spread benefits all over the territory. This argument is tested in 22 OECD democracies for the period 1980-2006. The results show that, regardless of the electoral system in place, there is a positive relation between party system nationalisation and social spending.

The article confirms the hypothesis that a multiplicity of parties of the European and national levels forms the party system of the European Union (EU). The authors describe the main characteristics of Europarties and political groups comprised of them as key actors in the European Parliament's (EP) political and legislative processes. The authors adopt the institutional approach and make use of the tools of the comparative, structural, and functional analyses. Special attention is paid to the 'two-tier' structure the connection between national and supranational institutions as a key feature of the European Union's party system. The study is based on the European Parliament framework laws, election results, Europarties' political programmes, as well as on the comparison of the composition of the Europarties and the EU bodies. The analysis provides a new perspective on the major processes and contradictions in the functioning of the European Parliament and demonstrates that the transformation of the EU from an intergovernmental association to a (con)federation has not been completed yet.

Peter J. Potichnyi ; Zsfassung in dt. und engl. Sprache ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- 4 Z 68.247-1992,1/14

A new theoretical development for examining the institutionalization of party systems is proposed in this article. We build on electoral coordination theories to disaggregate volatility into the vote transfers that occur between or towards parties that are in equilibrium (which we call endogenous volatility) and those that are not (exogenous volatility). The former captures accountability, and the latter reflects the number of voters who are not acting in accordance with the existing equilibrium in the party system. Exogenous volatility measures the institutionalization of party systems. We also show that endogenous volatility depends on government performance, while exogenous volatility is a function of institutional openness. The empirical evidence comes from an original data set that includes 448 electoral cycles in lower-house elections in 66 countries between 1977 and 2011. ; This work was supported by the Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad of Spain under the research project CSO2017-85024-C2-1-P and ICREA.

The Venezuelan political party system has witnessed a transformation from a stable two-party system to a multi-partyism and partisan fragmentation since decentralization was introduced in 1989. New parties have emerged via the possibilities to enter the political and State arenas in the direct elections of governors and mayors. The previously dominating parties, Acción Democrática and COPEI, have met competition from alternative political forces at the municipal and regional state level. Theoretically, the study departs from a political process approach, particularly some aspects of political opportunity structures. The article suggests that decentralization strongly contributed to dramatic transformations of the political party system, and to internal restructuring within the respective political parties. Likewise, some psychological aspects are considered when it comes to the examination and understanding on how the dominant political parties argued during the decision-making processes before the eventual decentralization reform. Some considerations around the emergence of the political movement of current President Hugo Chávez is included, as well as its possible contribution to a re-centralization of the system.Desde la introducción de la reforma de la descentralización en 1989, el sistema venezolano de partidos políticos ha vivido una transformación de un estable sistema bipartidista a un multi-partidismo y una fragmentación partidista. Nuevos partidos politicos han emergido a través de las posibilidades de entrar el sistema político y del Estado por las elecciones directas de gobernadores y alcaldes. Los dos partidos políticos tradicionales, Acción Democrática y COPEI, anteriormente tan dominantes en la política venezolana, han encontrado competencia de fuerzas políticas alternativas en los niveles municipal y estadal. Teóricamente, el estudio parte de una aproximación de procesos políticos, particularmente algunos aspectos de estructuras de oportunidades políticas. El artículo sugiere que la descentralización fuertemente contribuyó a transformaciones dramáticas del sistema partidista, así como cambios estructurales internos de los respectivos partidos políticos. Asimismo, se toma en consideración algunos aspectos psicológicos en cuanto al análisis y la comprensión de cómo los partidos politicos dominantes finalmente aceptaron la reforma descentralizadora. Se incluye además algunas consideraciones sobre el desarrollo del movimiento político del Presidente Hugo Chávez y su posible significado en términos de una recentralización del sistema político.

Patrick Dunleavy and Sean Kippin examine how democratic the UK's party system and political parties are. Parties often attract criticism from those outside their ranks, but they have multiple, complex roles to play in any liberal democratic society. The UK's system has many strengths, but also key weaknesses, where meaningful reform could realistically take place.

Patrick Dunleavy and Sean Kippin examine how democratic the UK's party system and political parties are. Parties often attract criticism from those outside their ranks, but they have multiple, complex roles to play in any liberal democratic society. The UK's system has many strengths, but also key weaknesses, where meaningful reform could realistically take place.

This study has been prepared by the Observatory on Political Parties and Representation (OPPR), part of the European Democracy Observatory (EUDO) at the European University Institute (EUI). It covers four aspects: 1) An analysis of the political doctrine and programme of major political parties in several Member States. 2) An examination of current procedures applied to political parties to choose leaders for European Office. 3) The development of proposals on how to help a European political party system evolve from national structures strongly influenced by historical traditions and cultural factors. 4) Suggestions regarding the extent to which the European electoral system and different systems of party financing would have to be revised in order to facilitate the above objectives.

The article examines the changes that took place in the Czech party system from the moment of the political transformation of 1989/1990 to the last parliamentary elections in 2017. It is based on a survey of data on the results of the elections to the Czech National Council and the Chamber of Deputies. The interpretation of the data allows answering several research questions: is the Czech party system stable, and if so, is it possible to determine it model? Are the inevitable model changes sudden or evolutionary as a consequence of an observable trend? Is it possible to distinguish and define the stages of functioning of the Czech party system? To what extent does the party system of the Czech Republic have roots in the party system of Czechoslovakia and did the disintegration of the federal republic significantly affect its change? ; The article examines the changes that took place in the Czech party system from the moment of the political transformation of 1989/1990 to the last parliamentary elections in 2017. It is based on a survey of data on the results of the elections to the Czech National Council and the Chamber of Deputies. The interpretation of the data allows answering several research questions: Is the Czech party system stable, and if so, is it possible to determine its model? Are the inevitable model changes sudden or evolutionary as a consequence of an observable trend? Is it possible to distinguish and define the stages of functioning of the Czech party system? To what extent does the party system of the Czech Republic have roots in the party system of Czechoslovakia and did the disintegration of the federal republic significantly affect its change?