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Esta entrada ofrece un recorrido panorámico por las más relevantes acepciones de la expresión «cultura política» en la teoría política contemporánea. Por su carácter mutable y poliédrico, no es sencillo dar una definición precisa que elimine los márgenes de incertidumbre que la rodean. Sin entrar en el estudio de los antecedentes en la historia del pensamiento político y social, el texto se centra en el renovado interés que esta noción ha despertado a partir de los años sesenta del siglo pasado. Se distinguen los enfoques de corte descriptivo y empírico, con los que se pretende identificar el trasfondo cultural que está en la base de las democracias estables, de aquellos que consideran la dimensión normativa y se preguntan por la responsabilidad que nuestras sociedades democráticas tendrían en la formación de una cultura cívica que esté a la altura de nuestras expectativas. Por último, se identifica en el tratamiento rousseauniano de la religión civil el hilo conductor de las muchas discusiones contemporáneas que versan sobre el entramado de creencias y lealtades que hacen posible la convivencia en nuestras sociedades democráticas. ; This entry offers an overview of the more relevant meanings of the expression «political culture» in contemporary political theory. Since its character is mutable and multifaceted, no obvious definition eliminates the margins of uncertainty. Set aside its precedents in the history of social and political thought, the article focuses on the renewed interest raised by this topic from the 1960s. A distinction is drawn between descriptive and empirical approaches, on the one side, that aim at finding the cultural background of consolidated democracies, from other approaches that look for the normative dimensions of the issue, paying attention to the responsibility that our democracies have in the construction of a civic culture which live up to our expectations. Finally, the entry deals with Rousseaunian considerations on civic religion, where it is possible to identify the common root of many beliefs and compromises that support the coexistence in contemporary pluralist societies.

Blockchain is a distributed ledger technology arising from the world of Bitcoin and cryptocurrencies, which has been advocated as a disruptive and revolutionary innovation. Because of the peculiarity of its architectural technicalities, in fact, blockchain technology has seen a growth of its social applications in recent years and has gained the attention of a large variety of actors, interested in its potentiality for entering the social domain and enabling the creation of decentralized, horizontal and peer-to-peer networks. This thesis aims at studying the visions of the world surrounding the implementation of blockchain technology, by analyzing narratives and discourses emerging among those who create and use it. Based on a critical understanding of algorithms and technology as non-neutral and as subject to bias and pitfalls, this work focuses on the sociological and political significance of imagining a technology for the social and public good, posing a particular attention to developers and digital entrepreneurs' understanding of sociality. Drawing on a one-year multi-sited fieldwork in Milan, London, Tallinn and the online sphere, this work combines a theoretical analysis with ethnographical insights that arise from participant observation and a number of interviews with individuals from the blockchain scene. By relying on a qualitative study that aims at researching the values and aspirations that are encoded in technology, I argue that blockchain social imaginary is embedded in neoliberal, technocratic visions of the world and that blockchainers' understanding of society and social relations becomes tokenized and subject to mathematical simplifications. My argument develops in three phases: firstly, I show how blockchain works as a floating signifier and thus could be interpreted as a populist buzzword; secondly, I argue that blockchain is surrounded by regimes of truth regarding its disruptive potential that overlooks social dynamics and logics; thirdly, I show that blockchainers' understanding of social good is based on metrics and competition, thereby reinforcing a number of neoliberal myths associated with the Californian Ideology. By showing the importance of integrating more sociological perspectives to the study of digital technology's potential, this work exits the financial and informatics domain, merging previous studies on blockchain with a human-rights based approach that ground its roots on social justice theory.

The article is devoted to the topical problem of political and cultural transformations in the interaction between political power and its only source in democratic discourse, the people. This eternal problem of political science and policy is considered in chronological order in the global context and in today's Ukraine. In traditional societies, there was a re- mote and alienated coexistence of state institutions and the masses. The exception was the democratic republics of ancient polises. The modern era generates a contractual theory of the origin of the state, which considers the institutions of power as the result of a social agreement between the sovereign people and the governors. In the modern era in the mid- dle of the twentieth century, the concept of the welfare state was formed. In the postmodern era, unstable life forces citizens to behave in relation to state power, depending on the actualization of a particular guise of their own existence. Citizens are losing a clear, un- ambiguous idea of state power, its functions, place and role in society.

Problem setting. The formation of the rule of law state and civil society in Ukraine is largely conditioned by the state of political culture, which emerges as an important component of the sociocultural image of the nation and at the same time as a structural element of the political system of the state, which determines the nature of the interaction between the state and citizens, the state and institutions of democracy. Recent research and publications analysis. The study of political culture belongs to the sphere of scientific interests of Ukrainian and foreign scientists. Problems of studying political culture were addressed by such Ukrainian scientists as V. Bebyk, M. Golovaty, L. Gorodenko, M. Dmytrenko, L. Nagorna, V Rebkalo, N. Repina, O. Rudakevich, O. Stehnii, M. Trebin, B. Tsymbalistyi and others. Important contributions to the theoretical development ofpolitical culture ideas have also been made by foreign scholars, including G. Almond, R. Jackman, L. Dittmer, R. Ellis, D. Fuchs, R. Lane, J. Lorenz, I. Lustick, S. Maerz, R. Miller, W. Mishler, M. Neumann, L. Pye, W. Rosenbaum, C. Schneider, R. Tucker, S. Verba, et al. Paper objective. The purpose of the article is to study the nature and structure of political culture, to consider the features of its typology. Paper main body. The concept of «political culture» as a subjective dimension of politics was introduced in to scientific circulation only in the XVIII century by German philosopher J. Herder and until the middle of the twentieth century it was view edrather at the level of world-view universalism ratherthaninits specific form sandmanifestations. Through the efforts of G. Almond, S. Verba, L. Pye, D. Kavanagh, and other researchers, the theoretical foundations for considering political culture were developed. In the future, three major theoretical and methodological approaches to defining the essence ofpolitical culture have emerged in political science. The first of these, including the time of its appearance, is an orientation approach that, ...

Every nation, to one extent or another, has the right to its own opinion and promotion of its own vision of political ideals and value contents. In this context, it should not go without mention other countries' negative experiences on their way towards modernization and transition from the industrial to post-industrial structure. Emphasis should be placed on the fact that even the best examples of disregarding the state national characteristics will not be accepted by the society, resulting in hostile attitude growth. Such changes are dangerous enough for Russia as a multinational state. Wrong interpretations of the methods to improve the population quality of life might lead to interethnic or inter-religious hostility, discrediting the democracy concept itself and inciting regress in the country development process. According to many researchers' opinions, the contemporary government is one of the most important research institutes of political culture determinants. Government appears as a result of the nation long-lasting historical development, its changes representing effective factors hindering or accelerating certain individual political culture patterns emergence. Nevertheless, a detailed overview of the respective issues requires studying the entry of the "political culture" concept, the interaction of this phenomenon's determinants, and becoming aware of the significance of government as an institute of research on the political culture elements and transformations in terms of the societal impact and attitude. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n1s1p594

Public architecture is the container of public life and idea, which expresses the political culture. Political symbolism can be used to analyze the political meanings of the public architecture, and this meaning can be vividly expressed in political rituals. The political landscape which combines the political symbolism and rituals is the first approach of public architecture-political culture. The fate of public architecture mirrors the change of political idea. So the historical study is the second approach. The third approach is based on the environmental, psychological 'space ballet' and 'place attachment.' They decode that political culture is cultivated in the background of public architecture, where persons get their political cognitions and accumulate their political sentiments. The three approaches correlate with each other.

This article is part of an exploratory research conducted by the Center for Latin American Studies and Research, CEILAT, of the University of Nariño Colombia. The surveys applied were elaborated with common questions in Political Culture and conceptualized in Political Philosophy. The results obtained in the surveys have been charted and analyzed with instruments of these techniques. This is a first outcome of the analysis. On the other hand, focus groups interviews applied to inhabitants of the city of Pasto have given us indications of their knowledge of the concepts used in the surveys. ; Este artículo hace parte de una investigación exploratoria realizada en el Centro de Estudios e Investigaciones Latinoamericanas -CEILAT- de la Universidad de Nariño; se aplicaron encuestas elaboradas con temas de uso en Cultura Política y que forman parte directa o connotativamente del cuerpo conceptual de la Filosofía Política. Los resultados obtenidos en las encuestas se han graficado y analizado con instrumentos propios de estas técnicas. Este es un primer momento del análisis. Por otra parte, las entrevistas a grupos focales aplicadas a habitantes de la ciudad de Pasto nos han dado indicios de los conocimientos que tienen los participantes de conceptos utilizados en las encuestas.

Although it has spread mainly as a lingua franca, Kiswahili, Kenya`s national language, is increasingly becoming the language of intercultural communication. Most interestingly, Kiswahili is catching up as the medium of intra-group conversation in many rural up-country areas in Kenya. Not only do most Kenyan women wear lesos and kangas bearing Kiswahili proverbial sayings but the youth form different language communication almost invariably converse and interact through the medium of share or just Kiswahili. This brief paper sets out to speculate on the nature of Swahili lexical diffusion in up-country Kenya. Observation is made of the plorification of common Swahili names in both urban and rural areas far from the Swahili speaking coast. The paper argues that given the ever-growing tendency for non-Swahili speaking Kenyan up-country communities to adopt and use Swahili names represents a forum of intercultural communication. There seems to be a deliberate socio-cultural and political preference for Swahili names not just to denote borrowed Swahili concepts in the up-country communities but to forge a `nationalistic`culture as opposed to a localized and ethnic culture.

In 1990, during reunification, West German democratic institutions and the existing political party system were expanded to the East German states. Even after 25 years, the people of eastern and western Germany still differ in their political engagement and attitudes. However, these differences do not apply across the board by any means. A detailed analysis of survey data from the Socio-Economic Panel (SOEP) study shows that differences both in terms of general interest and active participation in politics cannot be identified statistically in many years. By contrast, there are considerable differences between eastern and western Germany in terms of party attachments and actual turnout in national and state elections. The gap in turnout at national elections is not only evident over the years but is also clearly recognizable across all age groups. There are also still distinct differences in the political party systems of eastern and western Germany. In particular, the Left (Die Linke) plays a major role in eastern Germany but despite some electoral successes in some state parliaments, this party has not been able to establish itself to the same extent in the former West German states. What is more, according to our data, individuals' attitudes to the welfare state in the two parts of the country, which differed significantly at the beginning of the 1990s, have converged since.

[Extract] Queensland has over recent weeks passed a number of laws declaring guilt by association for those who are members of or associate with "criminal" bikie gangs. Twenty-six gangs have been declared criminal organisations but a criminal organisation also includes three or more people who have as their purpose engaging in serious criminal activity. Under amendments to the Criminal Code, participants in a criminal organisation who are "knowingly present" in a public place with two or more other participants in a criminal organisation, are guilty of an offence charged with a minimum sentence of six months to be served "wholly in a correctional facility". A list of addresses – bikie clubhouses (though they are not named as such) – are "prescribed places" under the new laws. It is an offence under the Criminal Code for a member of a criminal organisation to enter any prescribed place. It is also an offence to wear or carry clothing and jewellery marked with the insignia or names of a criminal organisation into licenced premises.

The fact that in recent years citizen action groups have caused a change In the structure of political processes in Germany can hardly be denied. But neither the state of research reached so far nor the experience of political practice in dealing with action groups permits reliable judgments on the importance of these changes . Did the political system of Germany gain a new element or are the activities of civic groups a more or less shortlived fad or are we at the start of a transformation of Western political systems at the end of which we will have the often described "participatory democracy"? No valid answer can be given to these questions - as there probably is no typical civic action group. We are dealing with a completely heterogeneous pattern of political organization and action if we take into account the aims of the groups, the means they use to achieve their ends, the organization and membership structure, their fields of activity, and more.

Includes bibliographical references (p. 181-188) and index. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Article gives a review of studies devoted to the political culture of Ukraine. Author presents main theoretical and methodological principles of political culture research, describes its structure and main typologies of key structural elements. The diachronic analysis of political culture in Ukraine was performed on the basis of several Ukrainian and international sociological surveys. Political culture of Ukraine is presented in a comparative perspective with other European countries.The diachronic analysis of the political culture of Ukraine demonstrated that parameters described by a pioneering research in 1991 stayed practically unchanged during the next two decades. The comparison with other European countries reveals that according to the measures of the main structural components of political culture Ukraine holds the last place out of 26 countries. One may conclude that Ukraine demonstrates a fi rmly low level of political culture.The only shortly lasting exception was the period of 2004–2005 (Orange revolution), when due to the active political mobilization and protest activities, a temporary positive dynamic in all basic elements of political culture of Ukraine became visible. But even at this short period of time Ukraine did not reach to the mean level of European parameters of political culture. As our research demonstrated, in 2013 at the background of further deterioration of all parameters of political culture in Ukraine, we observe a rise of protest moods and readiness of Ukrainian citizens to fi ght for their rights in all possible forms. Which can be described as a fi xation of prerevolutionary situation, which exploded a few months later. Keywords: political culture, element of political culture, classifi cation. ; Наведено огляд основних досліджень особливостей політичної культури в Україні. Обґрунтовано теоретико-методологічні засади дослідження політичної культури, розкрито її зміст і здійснено типологію основних складових політичної культури. З використанням матеріалів українських та міжнародних соціологічних досліджень проведено діахронний аналіз політичної культури українського соціуму. Виконано порівняльний аналіз проявів політичної культури в Україні та в інших європейських країнах. Ключові слова: політична культура, складові політичної культури, класифікація.

Article gives a review of studies devoted to the political culture of Ukraine. Author presents main theoretical and methodological principles of political culture research, describes its structure and main typologies of key structural elements. The diachronic analysis of political culture in Ukraine was performed on the basis of several Ukrainian and international sociological surveys. Political culture of Ukraine is presented in a comparative perspective with other European countries.The diachronic analysis of the political culture of Ukraine demonstrated that parameters described by a pioneering research in 1991 stayed practically unchanged during the next two decades. The comparison with other European countries reveals that according to the measures of the main structural components of political culture Ukraine holds the last place out of 26 countries. One may conclude that Ukraine demonstrates a fi rmly low level of political culture.The only shortly lasting exception was the period of 2004-2005 (Orange revolution), when due to the active political mobilization and protest activities, a temporary positive dynamic in all basic elements of political culture of Ukraine became visible. But even at this short period of time Ukraine did not reach to the mean level of European parameters of political culture. As our research demonstrated, in 2013 at the background of furtherdeterioration of all parameters of political culture in Ukraine, we observe a rise of protest moods and readiness of Ukrainian citizens to fi ght for their rights in all possible forms. Which can be described as a fi xation of prerevolutionary situation, which exploded a few months later. Keywords: political culture, element of political culture, classifi cation. ; У статті наведено огляд основних досліджень особливостей політичної культури в Україні. Обґрунтовано теоретико-методологічні засади дослідження політичної культури, розкрито її зміст і здійснено типологію основних складових політичної культури. З використанням матеріалів українських та міжнародних соціологічних досліджень проведено діахронний аналіз політичної культури українського соціуму. Виконано порівняльний аналіз проявів політичної культури в Україні та в інших європейських країнах. Ключові слова: політична культура, складові політичної культури, класифікація.

The ideaof political culture has remained intuitively appealing as a framework for political explanation and assessment, despite a large body of compelling criticism that has accumulated since its introduction three decades ago. However, even recently, adherents of the political culture approach have been unsuccessfulto address the fundamental shortcomings of the concept and its application. This book has two goals. First, a thoroughanalytical critique is undertaken of a dominant strand of political culture theory, closely examining major formative works (e.g.Almond and Verba) as well as numerousrecent studies (e.g., Inglehart). Secondly, on the basis of this critique, a recasting of the concept is presented.The thesis underlying the examinationis that theoretical and methodological problems were built into the concept of political culture at the outset. The chief conceptual problems identified are that: 1) the conceptual melding of the broader culture with political culture has muddled the identification of causes and subverted the investigation of political structures and procedures; 2) the assumption of cultural continuity has left change to be explained only outside the model; and 3) the insistence upon national units of analysis has obscured the significanceof subnational political groupings. Major political trends in recent decades defy explanation in terms of the predictableapproach to political culture, forprominent subculturalcleavages and rapid changes in collectively held political attitudes imply not only important effects emanating from the functioning of politics itself, but also a lack of uniformity across subnational groupings. Political cultures are shaped, not of broader cultural forces, but of individual subjective perceptions gleaned from a limited variety and quantityof interactions with the structures and processes of politics. Theseperceptions produceexpectations, assumptions, choices, and incentives concerning the functioning of politics, all of which comprise political cultures. In this model, political cultures manifest themselves not in terms of national political cultures, butrather of political cultural subgroupings based on differentialperspectives on politics (e.g.socioeconomic, demographic, regional.). The book concludes with discussions of the model and of its implications for research.