Suchergebnisse

If for Ken Booth and Steve Smith theory is always for someone and for some purpose -- following Robert W. Cox's critical investigation -- their commitment with the real world begins right in the pages of a theory textbook. With this article, we set up to bring some light to what we think is one of the most crucial episodes in the recent IR disciplinary history. At the same time we set up to develop the critical potential of the discipline based on an approach that both recognizes the legacy of political realism -- but also of its shortcomings -- and the need to give voice to traditionally marginalized perspectives and interests. Adapted from the source document.

Based on an analysis of the television style, this study explores the presence of power and oppression relationships in scenes taken from the soap operas Renascer (1993) and O Rei do Gado (1996). The objective is to discover how these relationships can offer the audience a visual experience of the land and its cultural matrix. We conclude that there are different approaches in both soap operas: while in Renascer the deal with the Devil reveals a blend of the origins of "mandonismo" and marvelous realism, in O Rei do Gado negotiations between farmers and landless reveal land policies, the personification of power, and the unfinished nature of agrarian reform. ; Baseado na análise do estilo televisivo, este artigo explora a figuração das relações de poder e de subjugação em cenas extraídas das telenovelas Renascer (1993) e O Rei do Gado (1996). A meta é investigar como tais materialidades oferecem ao público uma experiência visual da terra e a matriz cultural que a subjaz. Concluímos que há um deslocamento na abordagem: enquanto em Renascer o pacto com diabo revela a imbricação das matrizes do mandonismo e do realismo maravilhoso, em O Rei do Gado a negociação entre fazendeiro e sem-terra revela a política fundiária, a personificação do poder e a incompletude da reforma agrária.

The contemporary debate in the theory of international relations is marked by two perspectives: on the one hand the perspective of political realism that conceives of peace as an inaccessible ideal and war as a necessary means for the acquisition and maintenance of power; and on the other hand the perspective of normativism or idealism that thinks the end (telos) of international relations beyond the conflicts of interest and the struggle for power. The first perspective deals with international relations at the level of being (of what is), the second at the level of ought (normative level). In view of this scenario, our idea in this article is to approach the problem of war and peace from an interdisciplinary study through contributions from Kant's Public International Law and Philosophy. In a first moment we will analyze the paradox of the war, then the role of the Public International Law for the problematic of the peace, and finally the contributions of Kant for the normative redefinition of the international right from his republican project of the league of peace (foedus pacificum).

This article explores the ambivalent position of Artigas in the political-cultural debate of the Cold War, during the 1950s, when two principal art movements were opposed. On one side, socialist realist tendencies that emerged in post-revolutionary Russia, particularly after the ascension of Stalin, who intended it to be the new art of the proletarian masses, along the lines of cultural policies shared by many communist parties. On another side, concretism, already held as a new avant-garde art of geometrical abstraction, attacked by communist militants for its supposed "imperialist" links. To carry out this exploration, we have mapped the architect's treatment of both currents from two simultaneous fonts. One refers to the writings and classes of Artigas, where it is possible to trace the changes in meaning that each movement underwent throughout his career. The other refers to his projects, where we studied two paradigmatical houses: the Olga Baeta, of 1956; and the Rubens de Mendonça, of 1958. Although the former is usually regarded as "socialist realist" and the latter as "concretist", analysis of the drawings do not permit any narrow bonds to any of them. Both positions are mixed together in both houses, revealing the cultural impasse in which Artigas was set, present in both the texts and buildings, not only regarding the formal development assigned to each of them, but the link between long-term national and political ; O artigo explora o posicionamento ambivalente de Artigas no debate político-cultural da Guerra Fria, durante a década de 1950, em que se opunham dois movimentos artísticos principais. Por um lado, o realismo socialista, tendência que tomou força na Rússia pós-revolucionária, sobretudo a partir da ascensão de Stalin, ao se colocar como a nova arte das massas proletárias, nas diretrizes da política cultural comum aos diversos partidos comunistas. Por outro lado, o concretismo, já então visto como uma nova vanguarda moderna de abstração geométrica, mas que era atacado pelos militantes comunistas, por seus supostos vínculos "imperialistas". Para tal, mapeamos o tratamento que o arquiteto deu a cada vertente, em duas fontes simultâneas. Uma se refere aos textos e aulas de Artigas, que permitiram perceber as transformações que as acepções de cada movimento sofreram ao longo de sua carreira. A outra é a de seus projetos, em que estudamos duas casas paradigmáticas: a Olga Baeta, de 1956, e a Rubens de Mendonça, de 1958. Embora a primeira seja normalmente vista como "realista socialista", e a segunda, como "concretista", a análise dos desenhos não permite uma vinculação estrita a nenhuma delas. Ambas as posições estão mescladas nas duas casas e são desenvolvidas de modo inconcluso, o que revelaria o impasse cultural em que Artigas se encontrava. Impasse presente nas obras e nos textos,referente não só ao desenvolvimento formal que cada frente lhe abria, como também por suas vinculações a projetos políticos e nacionais de longo alcance. ; El artículo explora la posición ambivalente de Artigas en el debate político-cultural de la Guerra Fría durante la década de 1950, donde se oponían dos movimientos artísticos preponderantes. Por un lado, el realismo socialista, tendencia que ganó fuerza en la Rusia postrevolucionaria, sobre todo a partir de la subida al poder de Stalin, al colocarse como el nuevo arte de las masas proletarias, en las directrices de la política cultural común a diversos partidos comunistas. Y por otro lado, el concretismo, visto ya en aquel momento como una nueva vanguardia moderna de abstracción geométrica, aunque era atacado por los militantes comunistas, por sus supuestos vínculos "imperialistas". Para demostrarlo, mapeamos el tratamiento que el arquitecto da a cada vertiente, por medio de dos fuentes simultáneas. Una se refiere a los textos y cursos dictados por Artigas, que permitieron percibir las transformaciones del significado que aquellos movimientos sufrieron a lo largo de su carrera. La otra es la de sus proyectos, donde estudiamos dos casas paradigmáticas: la casa Olga Baeta, de 1956, y la Rubens de Mendonça, de 1958. Aunque la primera sea normalmente vista como "realista socialista", y la segunda como "concretista", el análisis de los planos no permite una vinculación estricta con ninguna de estas. Ambas posiciones se encuentran en franco mestizaje en las dos casas y son desarrolladas de modo inconcluso, lo cual revelaría la encrucijada cultural en que Artigas se encontraba. Callejón sin salida presente en sus obras y textos, que concierne no sólo al desarrollo formal que cada frente le abría, sino también a su vinculación a proyectos políticos y nacionales de gran envergadura.

Raymond Aron was at once a philosopher of history, following Max Weber's epistemological critique; a critic of ideology, concentrating on totalitarianism, & in defense of liberal democracy; an interpreter on modern society & the history of the 20th century; & an analyst of international relations. The subtleness of his thinking makes him stand apart from other experts associated with the realist tradition in international relations & his intellectual legacy is crucial for our understanding of the complexity of the Post-Cold war world. Adapted from the source document.

During the last thirty years, democracy & development have been the engines driving Portuguese foreign policies. Portugal become once again a European country retaining important relations with the former colonies & in the transatlantic dimension. In the Portuguese case realism is not an option but an imperative need & a survival mechanism. Portuguese foreign policy should not be parochial & regionalist as its non-European dimensions are the best part of what it can bring unto Europe, at the same time it brings Europe to other parts of the world. Adapted from the source document.

A review essay on books by (1) Fareed Zakaria, The Post-American World (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2008); (2) Robert Kagan, The Return of History and the End of Dreams (Londres: Atlantic Books, 2008); (3) Michael Lind, The American Way of Strategy -- U.S. Foreign Policy and the American Way of Life (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006); (4) Reinhold Niebuhr, The Irony of American History (Chicago University Press, 2008) & (5) Anatol Lieven and John Hulsman, Ethical Realism -- A Vision for America's Role in the World (New York: Pantheon Books, 2006).

The article analyses the negotiation process surrounding the establishment of the FTAA, in face of the 3rd Ministerial Meeting which took place in May, 1997, in Belo Horizonte. Stressing the need for an agreement propelled by the political will of the nations involved and marked by a sense of balance, realism and pragmatism, the author analyses the interests of Brazil in the FTAA negotiations. The article reviews the rhythm and scope of trade liberalization in the hemisphere, the preservation of the building blocks strategy, reciprocity in the opening of markets, the agricultural question, and Brazil's aspirations, reflected in the Mercosul proposal presented at the Recife meeting. (Polit Externa/DÜI)

Northeast Asia is a political system divided & ripe for change, where the U.S. play the role of the offshore balancer & China can eventually become a potential hegemon. The future of this region is unclear & leads to three scenarios: the present aloofness, conflict, or cooperation. Trying to overcome the limits of neorealism, liberalism & constructivism, an offensive neoclassical realist theory named tridimensional realism is presented. According to this theory, under the present balanced multipolar structure of power the possibilities of conflict are reduced & the aloofness should evolve towards limited cooperation. However, in case a potential hegemon unbalances the multipolar structure, aloofness & limited cooperation may fall into conflict. Adapted from the source document.