Suchergebnisse

"Eviola Prifti takes up the issue of the Commission as a political Leader versus technocratic manager with a sociological analysis of the institution. Her study of the Commission's internal organisation rejects the intergovernmentalist-versus-neofunctionalist debate and applies a 'microscopic' level of analysis that targets individual Commissioners. She argues that while the Commission possesses substantial technical capital (consistent with those arguing for a more managerial function), this was not augmented as a result of the Lisbon Treaty. On the other hand, the Treaty does strengthen its political capital, implying a latent potential for the Commission to exercise a stronger political role in the future." (contract)

"For many observers, the future of democratization in Latin America hinges on the extent to which civil society can be engaged effectively into more inclusive political arrangements. For some, the development of voluntary associational efforts, social capital and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) can provide more effective instruments of control over state agencies and political parties, so as to secure more transparent, participatory and efficient governments. For others, the pursuit of more inclusive and equitable political arrangements requires greater space for participation by social movements (e.g., among landless peasants, the unemployed, and/or labor) that generally have been more critical of the neoliberal policies that prevailed in much of the region over the last few decades. How should we assess these hopes on the potential for civil society to facilitate further democratization in the region, particularly in light of the social and political transformations brought about by globalization? To assess these questions, this paper maps and discusses the changing patterns of associational activity in Latin America from a historical perspective. The paper argues that the history of democracy in the region has been informed by highly complex interactions between markets, states and a multitude of different forms of associative practices within civil society, from churches and labor unions to sports groups. More specifically, the paper analytically explores two patterns of association: 'insiders' and 'outsiders' we discuss the transformation of these two patterns through the 20th century; finally, we argue that the interaction between those two types of activism has been and will be key to democratization in the region." (author's abstract)

The media have greatly changed electoral campaigns & modified conditions of political governance in Canada as elsewhere. One can see the political dynamic in democracy as a triangle of interaction between the elected, the electorate, & the media. Considered here is whether a decline in Canadian citizens' confidence in political institutions & politicians can be traced to an increasingly negative view of politics & an orientation toward partisan conflicts on the part of the media. These are serious grievances against the media, which are reproached for undermining the legitimacy of elected officials & exercising undue influence on their decisions as well as undermining public trust in the democratic system. Robert M. Entman (1989) writes "The press is supposed to enhance democracy both by stimulating the citizenry's political interest & by providing the specific information they need to hold government accountable." This article reviews the case against the media, examining the evidence produced to support the accusations, & concludes that the picture is neither rosy nor black but contains elements of both. It is hoped that the recommendations made here will prompt the media to adjust their focus & resume their responsibility to enhance the quality of democracy in Canada. J. Stanton

Seeking to demonstrate the varying impacts of different electoral systems, a look is taken at New Zealand's change to a mixed-member proportional (MMP) system of electoral representation. Ultimately the politicians discovered that they had unleashed forces over which they had no control. They were unable to adapt to the new rules of the political game they had instituted. To demonstrate why the country changed from the first-past-the-post system, in use since 1913, to the MMP, three sets of factors are discussed as the most important: election outcomes that were not in accord with the public vote, the recommendations made by the Royal Commission on the Electoral System, & the negative changes in public attitudes toward politics & politicians. The outcomes of the three elections held since implementation of the MMP system are described, & the outlook for MMP is discussed. J. Stanton

Examines whether the increased presence ("descriptive representation") of African-American lawmakers in the MI state legislature has actually made a difference in the operation of this body & in the policies that it has enacted into law, particularly those relevant to black issues. The ability of the Mississippi Black Caucus to "substantively" represent the black community is evaluated, drawing on official government statistics & newspaper accounts to analyze the roll-call voting of black & white Republicans & Democrats, 1980-2000. The proportion of black legislators chairing legislative committees or serving on important policy-relevant committees is also examined, along with their ability to form coalitions with white lawmakers. References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Examines whether the increased presence ("descriptive representation") of African-American lawmakers in the MI state legislature has actually made a difference in the operation of this body & in the policies that it has enacted into law, particularly those relevant to black issues. The ability of the Mississippi Black Caucus to "substantively" represent the black community is evaluated, drawing on official government statistics & newspaper accounts to analyze the roll-call voting of black & white Republicans & Democrats, 1980-2000. The proportion of black legislators chairing legislative committees or serving on important policy-relevant committees is also examined, along with their ability to form coalitions with white lawmakers. References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Surveys African-American representation in the legislatures of 6 southern states -- AL, LA, NC, SC, TN, & VA -- for the period 1980-2000. Statistical data from various issues of Black Elected Officials: A National Roster & state legislative records are used to chart increases in the numbers of blacks in both the house & senate cambers of each state legislature; explore black leadership (particularly in terms of serving as committee chairs or vice-chairs); & determine the strength of black caucuses. Significant gains by African Americans in terms of descriptive representation (actual numbers) in the legislatures of each of these states are documented, though their gains in leadership status are less clear & vary by state; their future hopes of gaining such status range from "relatively positive" (LA & TN) to "bleak" (VA & SC). References. K. Hyatt Stewart

This chapter analyses Poland's initial support of the Bush Doctrine & comparatively summarizes some of the similarities between Poland's & other Central European country's foreign policy with the United States. The article also explores the limited domestic discussions in Poland regarding the Bush Doctrine & notes a change of tone in 2004 with stronger criticisms emerging from politicians against the Bush Doctrine. Tables. D. Miller

The author analyzes the use & rhetoric of 'conflict prevention' in Africa. In the post-cold war era the notion of conflict prevention, became a popular one among politicians as well as political scientists. The notion was then picked up by African policy makers & diplomats as a way to garner outside support to fight continental conflict. However, the structure of African government made it relative ineffective. In this chapter, the author analyzes the concept of conflict prevention & how it has been used in Africa, focusing on the work of the continent's inter-governmental institutions. These institutions, run by political elites, represent some of the more powerful institutions on the continent. The author prefaces this discussion with comments on the concept of conflict prevention & mediation.

"Zvone Zigon's article is concerned with the role of the Slovene diaspora in the process of Slovene independence. Whereas the Slovene diaspora was neither big in numbers nor politically mobilized, both changed with the break-up of Yugoslavia and the prospect of Slovene independence. As Yugoslavia responded militarily to Slovene independence, diaspora activities, especially in the US but also in other places, tried to influence American politicians to stop the war and recognize Slovene independence. Often due to the small size of the communities but also due to the context that meant they had a common adversary, Croats (that also opted for independence) and Kosovars joined in. Compared to other diaspora communities from the Former Yugoslavia, it seems that the Slovene community is the best organized one." (author's abstract)

"This contribution will consider processes on the lower rungs of Arnstein's ladder (classified as 'consultation') in more detail, so-called public dialogues initiated by government to ask participants to provide policy advice on a certain topic. It will explore how the initiating public sector ensures responsiveness to the participants' input, especially with regard to impact on macro-political decision- and policy-making. An increase in direct public participation possibilities currently seems to be hailed as the 'panacea' to the increasing frustration of citizens with the representative democratic system. This frustration has manifested itself as a waning trust in politicians and democratic institutions, a declining voter turnout at elections, and the loss of members in major political parties. But are participatory processes living up to their expectations? Are participants satisfied with the way participatory processes are conducted to date?" (extract)

Although the lack of Israeli politicians' public discussion of Chinese-Taiwanese political & security issues suggests that Israel has not established a position on cross-Taiwan Strait relations, it is recognized that the Israeli Ministry of Defense values its burgeoning relationship with the People's Republic of China. It is demonstrated that the US's ambiguous foreign policy approaches to both the People's Republic of China & Taiwan have thwarted Israel's efforts to establish defense agreements with the Chinese state; nonetheless, it is argued that Israel will take few measures to jeopardize its potential defense agreements with the Chinese state. It is subsequently revealed that the Israeli state is interested in forming non-defense relations with Taiwan, yet it is concluded that Israel is expected to remain silent should Chinese-Taiwanese tensions escalate to cross-Taiwan Strait military conflict. J. W. Parker

The effects of increased tensions between the People's Republic of China & Taiwan concerning the latter's sovereignty upon Taiwanese political & security policy are investigated. Two factors that have augmented resistance to Chinese-Taiwanese reunification in present-day Taiwan are identified: the Chinese state's threats of military action against pro-independence movements in Taiwan & Taiwanese politicians agitation of cross-Taiwan Strait relations as a means of enhancing their political prospects. It is asserted that these determinants have reduced the ideological differences between Taiwan's premier political parties, the Kuomintang & the Democratic Political Party, & that both parties are becoming pro-sovereignty; moreover, it is stated that these factors have likely eliminated the possibility of establishing a pro-unification movement in Taiwan. In addition to accelerating the modernization of Taiwan's military, it is shown that cross-Taiwan Strait tensions have forced the US to deepen strategic relations with Taiwan even though it continues to publicly advance a "one China" policy. References. J. W. Parker