Suchergebnisse

submitted by Li Jiehui. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 119-126). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Acknowledgements --- p.v ; Abstract --- p.vi ; Abbreviations --- p.viii ; Tables and figures --- p.ix ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- The research question --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- The research method --- p.3 ; Chapter 1.2.1 --- The legal and political scales --- p.3 ; Chapter 1.2.2 --- The adaptation of Page's method in China --- p.5 ; Chapter 1.2.3 --- The utilities of the two scales --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.3 --- The research plan --- p.8 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Central-local relations in China: an overview --- p.10 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Major reforms in central-local relations --- p.10 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Provinces under the economic cycle --- p.13 ; Chapter 2.3 --- The case of Guangdong --- p.14 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Legal assessment I: China --- p.16 ; Chapter 3.1 --- The general legal framework --- p.17 ; Chapter 3.1.1 --- Omni-competence --- p.17 ; Chapter 3.1.2 --- Dual subordination --- p.18 ; Chapter 3.1.3 --- The role of the Party --- p.20 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Legal documents and opportunities --- p.21 ; Chapter 3.2.1 --- National laws --- p.21 ; Chapter 3.2.2 --- Administrative regulations --- p.22 ; Chapter 3.2.3 --- Government/Party documents --- p.24 ; Chapter 3.2.4 --- Local legislation --- p.27 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Assessing legal localism --- p.28 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Legal assessment II: Guangdong --- p.30 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Build up a legal framework: 1979-1988 --- p.31 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Recession: 1989-1990 --- p.34 ; Chapter 4.3 --- Legislation of interests: 1991 -now --- p.34 ; Chapter 4.3.1 --- The case of the regulation for property registration --- p.37 ; Chapter 4.4 --- Development of other provinces: a comparison --- p.40 ; Chapter 4.5 --- Major findings --- p.43 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Political assessment I: China --- p.44 ; Chapter 5.1 --- Page's methodology --- p.44 ; Chapter 5.2 --- The ...

英若诚译. ; 原书名: The coffee house politician. ; 本书又名: 司法官作法自毙. ; 五幕剧. ; Ying Ruocheng yi. ; Yuan shu ming: The coffee house politician. ; Ben shu you ming: Si fa guan zuo fa zi bi. ; Wu mu ju.

Bilingual dossier of the Executive and Legislative Councillors in 1992. Besides the usual information one picks up on their individual profiles which often appear in the printed media, the contact telephone numbers, office and residential addresses are provided. The most interesting feature is perhaps the leading politicians' positions on important public issues in the past decade. In view of the rapid shifts and turns of the politician's stands on public policies in recent years, the publication offers a useful index with dates. (DÜI-Alb)

Lam Kwan Heung. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2006. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 135-137). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese; appendices in English with some Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.ii-iv ; Acknowledgement --- p.v ; Table of Contents --- p.vi ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1-6 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review --- p.7-22 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Research Methods --- p.23-35 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- An Overview on Hainan --- p.36-46 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Framing of Hainan --- p.47-92 ; Chapter ´Ø --- International law and order ; Chapter ´Ø --- U.S. peacekeeping surveillance ; Chapter ´Ø --- Victimized U.S ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- Framing of China --- p.93-125 ; Chapter ´Ø --- China's skewed media ; Chapter ´Ø --- China as a problematic communist state ; Chapter ´Ø --- China as a secretive military power ; Chapter ´Ø --- China's aggression towards Taiwan ; Chapter ´Ø --- China's buying off U.S. politicians ; Chapter Chapter 7 --- Conclusion --- p.126-134 ; Bibliography --- p.135-137 ; Appendices --- p.138-182

近年來,學界對20世紀上半葉中國藝術鑒藏家的關注日益提升。這些鑒藏家豐富的收藏、鑒賞、研究和展示活動,不但造就了當時繁榮的文化生活,同時也逐漸塑造出今日對傳統"中國藝術"的看法。 ; 其中,葉恭綽(1881-1968)的貢獻和影響遠被人們忽視。葉恭綽原是北洋政府中一位政治領袖,在二十年代末退出政壇,專注於文化事業。作為一位積極的文化事業組織者,他參與策劃了一系列重要的保存、考古和展覽活動;而作為一位對中國藝術見多識廣的鑒藏家,他所擁有的收藏,以及對這些藏品的品評意見則體現了清末民初對古代藝術品的新觀念。本文將通過探討他的文化活動,收藏的經歷以及對古代書畫作品的評價,去回顧這位鑒藏家的品味,以及在時代轉變下中國文化藝術觀念的轉變。 ; In recent years, the Chinese art collector in early 20th century has excited more and more interest in academia. For it is their collecting, as well as appraising, researching and displaying activities, that not only enriched the contemporary cultural life, but also constructed the concept of "traditional art" nowadays. ; Ye Gongchuo(1881-1968) is a one of those collectors, whose contribution and influence have long been underestimated. He is a leading politician during the region of Beiyang warlord, and deeply participated in cultural activities after withdrew from politics. As a effective organiser, he had schemed many momentous archaeological expeditions and art exhibitions in his time; As a collector with broad vision, his collection and art critics demonstrated a new attitude on ancient Chinese art. Via Ye's collecting activities and critics, this thesis aim to review his idea on art, and the thoughts behind that. ; 童宇. ; Thesis Ph.D. Chinese University of Hong Kong 2016. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves ). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Title from PDF title page (viewed on …). ; Tong yu. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only.

魏晉是中國古代史上最為複雜的時代之一,它的複雜不僅表現在政治上,也表現在學術層面。而魏晉時代在各種因素交織下所呈現出來的複雜程度,很難憑一條線索就梳理清楚。本文著眼於魏晉時代儒者處逸、隱士通經的特殊現象,在前人研究的基礎上,通過對魏晉隱逸的關注與分析,從而引發有關魏晉學術和政治文化的討論,希望藉此能對包括玄學發展衍化在內的一些問題產生新的理解。 ; 要詮釋上述這種儒者處逸、隱士通經的歷史現象,首先要對隱逸的起源和種類加以回顧和梳理,之後再對《晉書》傳中人物的具體情況作出分析。本文認為,「人物」、「學術」、「政治」之間可以構建一種兩兩相互作用的三角關係,通過分析這種關係,可以解釋一些歷史現象。因此本文的討論,主要集中在三個層面:第一,特定時代政治環境與學術背景的人物,「儒隱」現象是發生人物身上的現象,而這種現象可以從政治與學術兩方面尋求解釋。第二,政治人物的學術,這也包括了官方對不同學術的態度。第三,學術人物的政治,根據人物學術背景的不同──在本文的討論範圍中即以儒學與玄學二者為主──其在政治上的進退出處也不一樣。而在本文看來,當中又以魏晉玄學的作用最為顯著因此本文的許多論述都與玄學有關;同時也希望通過對作為隱逸背景的玄學的討論,為我們認識玄學提供一個新的視角。本文希望強調,從許多方面來看,玄學都是儒學的一支,儘管玄學的文本並不全是當時的傳統儒家經典。玄學在學術上的重要性,主要存在於其形成初期和南朝以後;而曹魏正始以後至東晉末年的這一歷史時段內,玄學更多地在政治上發揮著作用。但是,即使在玄學最具風采的時期,朝野各類人物依然以儒學為其學術底蘊。 ; Reclusion normally refers to people living in self-imposed isolation from the world, often for religious purposes. But it seemed to be a much more complicated matter in early medieval China, especially when there was a fusion between those scholar-officials and traditional reclusions, which used to commit disengagement under a more "simple" sort of motivation. From historical documents of that period, we started to see Ruists who were not interested in becoming politicians, and recluses who would knew awfully a lot about Ruism and even governing. Both kinds of people were valued and well respected in their time not only by common people but also lords and kings. ; After being recognized as the official guide of governing in Han Dynasty (206 BCE - 220 CE), the ideology of "Ruism" (Ruxue), or otherwise known as Confucianism, has been associated with the heavenly granted authority of emperorship, under which circumstance traditional "Ruists" (or Confucian scholars)have been following a path whereas scholarships would lead to bureaucratic positions. But this ideal path changed, for a while, for at least some Ruists, when the dynasty started to crumble around the beginning of the third century. Many scholars of Ruism started to choose to become practitioners of reclusion, instead of competing to become court-commissioned scholar-officials, ...

本研究聚焦2009年到2013年,中國廣州的一場圍繞垃圾處理展開的社會運動。運動最初是當地居民動員起來反對市政府垃圾焚燒項目的鄰避抗爭。勝利後,運動領袖成立了一個環保組織,和政府從對抗走向合作,力圖推动焚燒技術以外的替代性垃圾治理方案。不過,儘管政府和環保者致力於解決垃圾,垃圾問題在消費社會中始終無法消除。本研究試圖理解後社會主義中國的綠色治理和環保行動之間的對抗與合作。 ; 首先,我分析當代中國高速城市化和消費社會急速發展所帶來的垃圾危機。然后,我檢視圍繞垃圾焚燒技術的主要爭議,並描繪廣州居民是如何針對政府計劃中的垃圾焚燒項目做出抗爭的。我指出,他們結合地方性知識和科學話語,將自己建構為"常民專家",對全球性的焚燒科技的"地方適用性"作出成功挑战。接下來,我提供一個民族誌,追溯抗議成功后運動的歷史軌跡。我注意到,通過成立一個環保組織"EC",反焚運動走向合法化、組織化和制度化,抗爭被體制吸納,轉變為參與協助國家環境治理的運動。最後,我描繪EC與广州政府聯手推動的垃圾分類運動。指出,國家在此運動中的尷尬身份、以利潤為導向的回收市場影響、理想化的垃圾分類知識與普通民眾的知識存在斷裂,都使得推動垃圾分類異常艱難。 ; 通過展示運動變遷與國家治理轉型相互交織的辯證关系,本研究挑戰了國家與社會的二元對立,指出在國家在治理轉型過程中不斷收編反抗的行動和話語,而於此同時反焚者又在不斷生產新的另類知識做出挑戰。此外,本研究還貢獻於對廢棄物的理解,將廢棄物視為是一個動態的範疇,國家、市場、科學技術、普通消費者、環保行動者等多個行動者共同生產、競爭、建構其意義。還有,本研究對於科技知識的普遍性的探討,對科學技術研究領域做出了貢獻。 ; This is a study on social movements that focused on waste treatment in Guangzhou, China from 2009-2013. The campaign began as a NIMBY (Not-In-My-Backyard) movement that mobilized community residents to protest against municipal government's proposed incineration projects. After its success, the movement leaders changed their dissident role to form an environmental protection NGO, collaborating with the state to explore alternative waste treatment solutions other than incineration. However, despite of the politicians and activists' attempt to eliminate waste, waste continues to exist in tandem of our consumption spree. I endeavor to understand the contradiction as well as collusion between green governance and environmental activisms in post-socialist China. ; Firstly, I analyze the garbage crisis caused by the rapid urbanization and the dramatic growth of consumer society in contemporary China. Then I examine a few major technological controversies of waste incineration and depict how the activists protest against the pro-incineration government. I argue that through deploying local knowledge, the activists, as "lay experts", successfully challenged the "local appropriateness" of the global technology of incineration. Next, I provide an in-depth ethnography of the transformation of this campaign after its ...

在中國現代文學中,文藝與政治之間有著密切而複雜的關係,此一問題在現代戲劇中尤其值得重視。過往戲劇研究長期位處邊緣,這與戲劇此一文類所獨具的綜合藝術特質不無關係,其橫跨文學、美術、音樂、表演等領域的跨藝術特徵,導致其複雜性實際上遠超純文學的範疇。另一方面,戲劇運動的集團性和政治性,亦導致論者對於中國現代戲劇發展較為簡單化的論述,戲劇史的書寫往往與時代話語緊密連繫。不論是純粹文藝化還是政治化的角度,皆很可能遮蔽了戲劇本身一體兩面的問題,導致研究單一化和簡單化。洪深 (1894-1955)、田漢 (1898-1968)和夏衍 (1900-1995)均是中國現代重要戲劇家,同時亦長期被定位為左翼文藝陣營中的重要成員。戲劇家和政治家的身分重疊,導致他們的研究情況往往與時代的意識形態掛鈎,而目前有關他們的研究更是受到冷落,與他們的文學成就並不相稱。本文以三位劇作家為研究對象,希望通過他們的不同面向,重新審視文藝與政治之間各種複雜關係的可能性。 ; 本文分為五章。第一章為導論,主要介紹本文的寫作理念、方法和背景。第二章以洪深為研究對象,重新探討他的現實主義戲劇創作和主張。洪深對改譯劇的主張和實踐,體現了他與晚清鴛鴦蝴蝶派文學和西方戲劇的深刻淵源,而他和蕭伯納之間的文學關係,反映了他對早期文明戲的戲劇改革和西方舞台的繼承,突顯了洪深如何在中西文化之間思索中國現代戲劇中的現實主義問題。第三章從西方唯美主義和先鋒文學運動的角度,重新探討田漢的創作和政治轉向。本章考察田漢對外國文學的譯介活動,當中包括英國唯美主義作家威廉.莫里斯、德國表現主義影劇、俄國和日本左翼劇場,反映了田漢戲劇運動的左翼國際主義特徵;然而田漢對日本作家佐藤春夫和谷崎潤一郎的翻譯,則體現了他對唯美主義的回歸。第四章以夏衍的戲劇創作為研究對象,重新探討夏衍的戲劇文學的獨特性。本章把夏衍此時期的劇作分為歷史劇和上海都市劇兩個角度作出分析,並將它們放在當時文學場域中與郭沫若的歷史劇、國防文學、現代派小說和左翼電影作一比較,並分析夏衍的現實主義與左翼現實主義的相異。第五章為結論,綜合前文各章的討論,重新思考三位劇作家的戲劇實踐,並重審中國現代戲劇中文藝與政治之間的複雜關係。 ; There is a complicated relationship between literature and politics in modern Chinese literature, especially in modern Chinese drama. As a result, the research of modern Chinese drama has long been placed at a marginal position. Drama is an integrated artistic form consisting of literature, art, music, and performance, and therefore presents a complexity that goes far beyond "pure literature". On the other hand, the history of modern Chinese drama is closely integrated with historical discourse as a result of the organizational and political characteristics of drama movements. This shows that either literary or political point of view may confine the interpretation of their inter-related complexity and interaction. Hong Shen (1894-1955), Tian Han (1898-1968) and Xia Yan (1900-1995) are three of the most important dramatists in modern Chinese literature, who were also regarded as representative members in the left-wing literary camp. Due to their dual identities as dramatist and politician, their images are often connected with historical and ideological discourses. This has also resulted in desolation in ...

自1840年清廷與英國簽訂《南京條約》以來,長久以來東亞地區傳統國家對於人身的掌握方式以及以朝貢冊封作為手段所建立的天下秩序便日漸被削弱且重新被編入近代西方國際法秩序之中。在此過程中,當時的東亞各國,皆曾嘗試一方面遵行近代西方的國際法秩序,一方面使用西式的法律將自身塑造為符合西方意義下的近代國家以達到可以完全在其「國」內外掌控其臣民之人身並同時受到西方列強所承認的目的。而所謂的近代西方國際法秩序,特別是在其秩序下主權國家所代表的對外擁有獨立性以及對內之臣民與領土擁有排他性權力等特質,更被明治維新之後的日本政治家與知識分子視為是國體存在的憑藉與證明,是使日本得以與歐美列強建立平等外交關係的前提之一。換句話說,日本近代法秩序中具有明顯地使日本作為一個主權國家融入近代西方國際法秩序的企圖。 ; 然而自1890年《大日本帝國憲法》正式實施以來,日本先後在甲午戰爭以及日俄戰爭後領有臺灣與朝鮮。日本帝國在法律上所須支配的範圍不再僅限於日本列島,同時更包含了以上在帝國轄下這些地域的人身流動。在此種情況下,本研究企圖解決兩個問題,即:第一,當時什麼是「臺灣人」?而臺灣人在帝國內被日本政府以法律的方式賦予怎樣的法律地位?而這個法律地位在治安法律的適用上與帝國內的其他人群,特別是日本內地人之間又具有怎樣的差別,而其成因又是什麼?第二,當《治安維持法》作為當時日本帝國下日本與臺灣兩地域所共同擁有的治安法律時,帝國的裁判機構是如何根據帝國下各地域在地社會的情形而處理在各地域的治安法律案件的?而這些法院的判例又對於當時「臺灣人」族群意識的形成具有怎樣的影響?以及這些法律關係對於了解整個日本帝國的發展所具有的意義上有什麼幫助? ; 而經由本研究,筆者得出結論,認為帝國下的「臺灣人」的法律地位與其治安法律的適用是與日本帝國權力秩序之結構有著深刻的關係。而當時帝國權力秩序之結構事實上即是近代西方國際法秩序在東亞的滲透、天皇制國家的國體論述、兩地各自過往治安法律的實施背景,以及當時日本國內外的臨時事件的各個因素所形成的,並且影響了「臺灣人」作為一個族群意識的形成。 ; Ever since the mid-19th century, the traditional East Asian Hua Yi (華夷) system has been weakening and was re-incorporated into the modern Western world order because of the rise of the Western powers. This process not only broke the old ruling order (in East Asia connected through the Tribute system), but also made the East Asia countries greatly shaped by the new concept of the International Law, for example the equal status between all sovereign states and the sovereign states had exclusive authorities over their people and territories. In this trend, Japan, China, and other East Asian countries were to some extent, tried to not only comply with the order of the International Law, but also made themselves a sovereign state recognized by the Western powers in order to avoid their diplomatic intervention using the excuse of different concept of law. ; In this pursuit, the legal system, particularly the characteristics in the constitution that a country owning a constitution was independent from external interferences and superior to domestic affairs have attracted many Japanese intellectuals and politicians in the Meiji period (1868-1912). They ...