Suchergebnisse

U članku se analiziraju institucionalni aranžmani euromediteranskih politika, koji se mogu opisati kao proces euromediteranizacije, pri čemu se ključni elementi analize zadržavaju na pitanju interguvernmentalne, regionalne i vanjske politike Europske unije. Uočavajući razlike u klasificiranju utjecaja europeizacije te mogućeg tematiziranja jednog aspekta euromediteranskih politika i procesa euromediteranizacije kao procesa europeizacije, rad se bavi pitanjem diplomacije kolosijeka, uspješnosti euromediteranskih politika i, posebno, istražuje primjer komplementarne uloge nevladinih organizacija u kreiranju uspješnih euromediteranskih politika. Analiza pokazuje da su pristup Procesa iz Barcelone i institucionalna izgradnja Unije za Mediteran u velikoj mjeri ostali bez željenih učinaka te da su navedene institucionalne metamorfoze ostale samo na superficijalnoj interguvernmentalnoj razini. ; The paper analyses the institutional arrangements of Euro-Mediterranean policies, which can be described by the process of Euro-Mediterraneanization, and in doing so the key elements of the analysis dwell on the issue of the intergovernmental, regional and foreign policies of the European Union. By recognizing the differences in different classification of the impact of Europeanization, and a possible study of one aspect of Euro-Mediterranean policies and the process of Euro-Mediterraneanization as a process of Europeanization, the paper deals with the issue of track diplomacy, the success of Euro-Mediterranean policies and, in particular, examines an example of the complementary role of non-governmental organizations in the making of successful Euro-Mediterranean policies. The analysis shows that the approach of the Barcelona Process and the institutional construction of the Union for the Mediterranean have been largely left without the desired effects, as well as that the specified institutional metamorphoses have remained only at the superficial intergovernmental level.

Ovaj rad ispituje hipotezu prema kojoj je vanjsko djelovanje EU (koje prema Lisabonskom ugovoru kao važećem ugovornom okviru EU objedinjuje vanjske odnose EU kao zbirni naziv za eksternalizirane unutarnje politike EU i vanjsku politiku EU) neuspješno na Mediteranu zbog nekonzistentnosti u vanjskopolitičkom procesu, i zbog nekoherentnosti u sadržaju/ciljevima triju mediteranskih politika EU (Euro-mediteransko partnerstvo - EMP, Europska susjedska politika – ENP i Unija za Mediteran - UFM). U tom smislu prvi cilj disertacije je pokazati razloge neuspjeha vanjskog djelovanja EU spram mediteranske regije, a drugi je ukazati na šire implikacije tog neuspjeha za ambicije EU kao globalnog aktera. Korištene istraživačke metode analiza sadržaja primarnih i tercijarnih izvora podataka u kombinaciji sa diskurzivnom analizom primarnih i sekundarnih izvora, potvrdile su sljedeće. Vanjsko djelovanje EU spram mediteranske regije je neuspješno kroz sve tri faze vanjskopolitičkog procesa. (1) U fazi formuliranja mediteranskih politika zbog neusklađenosti/nekonzistentnosti između institucija EU (Europskog vijeća i Europske komisije) u definiranju mediteranske regije kao strukturnog konteksta mediteranskih politika EU, svrhe EMP-a i prioriteta EMP-a i ENP-a. (2) U fazi odlučivanja/usvajanja mediteranskih politika EU zbog nekompatibilnost/nekoherentnost ciljeva vanjske politike EU i većeg broja eksternaliziranih unutarnjih politika EU između EMP, ENP i UFM, pri čemu je najveća nekoherentnost postojala u razdoblju od 2004.-2008. između EMP i ENP po pitanju vanjske politike, JHA, trgovine i energetike, a od 2009. stanje se između trenutno aktivnih ENP i UFM nije bitno promijenilo jer su ostale nekoherentne vanjska politika, JHA i energetika, dok trgovinska politika nije sastavni dio UFM-a. (3) U fazi implementiranja mediteranskih politika EU zbog neusklađenosti/nekonzistentnosti u bilateralnoj implementaciji multilateralnih instrumenata mediteranskih politika EU na vanjskopolitičkom području i u JHA od strane južno-mediteranskih partnera unatoč činjenici da su ove instrumente zajednički usvojili sa državama članicama EU. Nekonzistentnost u vanjskopolitičkom procesu i nekoherentnost u sadržaju/ciljevima između triju mediteranskih politika EU slabe mogućnosti EU (shvaćene kao sposobnost formuliranja, usvajanja i implementiranja politika). Ove mogućnosti zajedno sa neiskorištenim prilikama (shvaćenima kao prilike za suradnju EU kako sa južno-mediteranskim partnerima kroz uzimanje u obzir i njihovih interesa, te sa drugim regionalizirajućim akterima koji jednako kao EU djeluju u mediteranskoj regiji) kao dva analizirana elementa akterstva EU, pokazuju da je EU tek (regionalni) akter u nastajanju i da još uvijek ne može bez problema koji proizlaze iz njezine kompleksne prirode pretendirati na ulogu vanjskopolitičkog aktera u globalnim razmjerima. ; This paper examines the hypothesis that EU external action (which, according to the Lisbon Treaty as the relevant EU framework agreement, encompasses EU external relations as a collective term for externalized EU internal policies and EU foreign policy) has been unsuccessful in the Mediterranean region due to the inconsistency of the foreign policy process and incoherence of the aims of three EU Mediterranean policies (Euro-Mediterranean Partnership–EMP, European Neighborhood Policy–ENP, and Union for the Mediterranean–UFM). In that context, the first objective of this dissertation is to provide the reasons as to why the EU external action has failed in the Mediterranean region. Secondly, it will point at the wider implications of this failure in terms of EU aspirations to be a global actor. Research methods used in empirical analysis that included content analysis of primary and tertiary sources, combined with discourse analysis of primary and secondary sources, has resulted in the following. EU external action in the Mediterranean region has been unsuccessful in all three stages of the foreign policy process. (1) In the stage of formulating Mediterranean policies due to inconsistency between EU institutions in defining the Mediterranean region as a structural context of EU Mediterranean policies, EMP's purpose and EMP's and ENP's priorities. (2) In the decision making stage of EU Mediterranean policies due to the incoherence of aims of EU's foreign policy and many EU's externalized internal policies between EMP, ENP and UFM, whereby this incoherence was most prominent between 2004-2008 regarding foreign policy issues, JHA, trade and energy between EMP and ENP. Since 2009, the situation concerning the currently effective ENP and UFM has not changed significantly, since foreign policy, JHA and energy policy have remained incoherent, while trade policy is not part of the UFM. (3) In the implementation stage of EU Mediterranean policies due to the inconsistency in bilateral implementation of multilateral instruments of EU Mediterranean policies in the foreign policy field, and in the JHA from the side of south-Mediterranean partners, despite the fact that they have adopted these instruments jointly with EU Member States. Inconsistency of the foreign policy process and incoherence of the aims between the three EU Mediterranean policies are weakening the EU capabilities (the ability to formulate, adopt and implement policies). These together with unutilized opportunities (for cooperation with south Mediterranean partners through taking into consideration their interests, and interests of other regionalization actors in the Mediterranean region) as the two analyzed elements of EU actorness, are demonstrating that the EU is still an emerging (regional) actor that is yet unable to assume the role of a foreign policy actor on a global level due to its complex nature.

Nakon Hladnoga rata pojavila se nova sigurnosna prijetnja: zbog propalih država koje ne mogu kontrolirati vlastiti teritorij, širenje nestabilnosti postala je realna opasnost. Da bi se to spriječilo, angažirane su međunarodne organizacije radi uspostavljanja stabilnoga društva u slabim državama. Izgradnja države zahtjevniji je posao od izgradnje javnih ustanova i pretpostavlja stvaranje političkih, gospodarskih i vojnih uvjeta za održavanje trajnoga mira. Politički se analitičari ne mogu usuglasiti oko pitanja vezanoga za međunarodno sponzoriranu izgradnju države; jedni to nazivaju neokolonijalizmom, dok drugi tvrde da je proces izgradnje države nužan ne samo zbog sigurnosnih nego i humanitarnih razloga. Dva tipična primjera izgradnje države jesu Kosovo i Irak – obje su prošle rat i rušenje institucija vlasti. Na Kosovu je glavnu ulogu preuzeo UN, dok je u Iraku proces izgradnje države preuzeo SAD. U ovom se članku analizom izgradnje države u Iraku i Kosovu nastoje prikazati razlike u pristupu UN-a s jedne i SAD-a s druge strane. ; New security threat appeared after the Cold War: expanding of instability became a real danger because of ruined countries which cannot control their own territory. Developing a country is a more demanding work than developing public institutions; that requires creating political, economic and military conditions for keeping permanent peace. Political analysts cannot agree on the issue related to internationally sponsored developing of countries; some call it neocolonialism, while the others say that process of developing the country is necessary not only because of security but also because of humanitarian reasons. Two typical examples of developing the country are Kosovo and Iraq – both went through the war and destroying authorities. UN took over the main role in Kosovo, while the USA took over the process of developing the country in Iraq. In this paper analysis of developing the country in Iraq and Kosovo served for showing differences in UN approach from one side and the USA approach from the other side.

Polazeći od društvene okoline upravne organizacije, autor analizira poboljšanje odnosa uprave s građanima kao najrelevantnijim dijelom društvenom okoline. S obzirom na to da taj odnos najsnažnije dolazi do izražaja u jedinicama lokalne samouprave, kao slučaj za analizu uzima se Grad Zagreb i poboljšanje odnosa gradskih upravnih tijela s građanima. S obzirom na odnos prema građanima, poslovi gradskih upravnih tijela klasificiraju se u dvije osnovne skupine. Na jednoj su strani poslovi kojima se građanima pružaju određene javne usluge pa se građane percipira kao korisnike tih usluga. Druga kategorija poslova su poslovi strateškog odlučivanja za koje su građani subjekti demokratskog procesa zainteresirani za utjecaj na ishod pojedinih javnih politika. Kao doktrinarno-teorijski temelj koristi se koncept javne vrijednosti i koncept upravljanja odnosima s korisnicima, a kao metodološki pristup koristi se analiza relevantnih propisa i podataka o kontaktima građana i uprave, kao i analiza sadržaja relevantnih web stranica ; The author uses social environment of an administrative organisation to analyse the improvement of public administration's relations with citizens, who are the most relevant part of social environment. Considering that the relations in question are best visible in local self-government units, the author has analysed the City of Zagreb and the improvement of the relations between the city's administrative bodies and citizens. The functions of the city's administrative bodies are divided in to two main groups with regard to relations with citizens. In the first group, there are the functions through which citizens receive certain public services, and are perceived as service users accordingly. The second group comprises the functions of strategic decision-making where citizens are perceived as the subjects of a democratic process interested in the out comes of different public policies. The author used the concepts of public value and user-relation management as a doctrinary-theoretical basis. The analysis of the relevant legislation, information on the contacts between citizens and public administration, and the analysis of the relevant web pages are used as a methodological approach.

U radu se na temelju relevantne literature, arhivske građe i novinskih natpisa razmatraju tranzicijski procesi u zadarskoj, benkovačkoj i obrovačkoj općini tijekom 1989. i 1990. godine. Autor je predočio stanje u Savezu komunista kroz prizmu demokratskih procesa i liberalnih strujanja te pokušao odgonetnuti u kojoj je mjeri Savez komunista bio spreman na radikalne promjene. Nezaustavljivi valovi demokracije zapljusnuli su i SR Hrvatsku pa je posebna pozornost posvećena pojavi novih stranaka, prvim višestranačkim izborima i izbornim re zultatima. Sukladno tome u radu se obrađuje i početak velikosrpske pobune koja je dovela do neslućenih ratnih razaranja na prostorima Republike Hrvatske. ; This paper, based on relevant literature, archive material and newspapers, examines transition processes in the area of Zadar, Benkovac and Obrovac municipalities during 1989 and 1990. Autor presented the situation in the League of Communists through the prism of democratic and liberal processes and tried to figure out to what extent the League of Communists was ready for a radical change. As the unstoppable waves of democracy have come to the Socialist Republic of Croatia, particular attention in this paper is devoted to the appearance of new parties, first multi-party elections and election results. Accordingly, the paper also deals with the beginning of the serbian rebellion which led to unthinkable war destructions on the territory of the Republic of Croatia.

Cilj je rada istražiti što su osnovni kriteriji pri odabiru sugovornika u TV prilozima o bosanskohercegovačkome postizbornom procesu u središnjim informativnim emisijama javnih RTV servisa u BiH. S obzirom na jasna pravila o zastupljenosti kandidata i stranaka tijekom izborne kampanje, mediji nakon izbora imaju znatno veću slobodu u načinu obrade informacija i tema, stoga je u ovome radu izabrano to razdoblje. Osim toga, u BiH kao složenoj državi s kompliciranim izbornim sustavom i zbog izbora izaslanika u domove naroda, a koji se odvijaju nakon izbora, postizborni proces ima značajniju ulogu u konstituiranju vlasti u odnosu na druge europske države. Zato je važno istražiti kako mediji izvještavaju o tome. U prvome dijelu rada iznosi se teorijski okvir u vezi s podjednakim tretmanom osoba. Upravo su tu mogući brojni oblici pristranosti, a sugovornici čiji su stavovi sinkronizirani s redakcijskom politikom nazivaju se "oportuni svjedoci". Drugi dio rada odnosi se na raspravu o rezultatima istraživanja apsolutne i relativne zastupljenosti sugovornika glede stranačke ili institucionalne pripadnosti; zastupljenosti analitičara te njihova neutralnoga stava ili pak preferiranja stranačkih politika te načina provedbe pravila druge strane u TV prilozima o postizbornom procesu. Uzorak su središnje informativne emisije dnevnik na trima javnim radiotelevizijskim servisima u BiH: BHRT, RTVFBiH i RTRS u razdoblju od 8. listopada do 8. studenoga 2018. g. Rezultati će pokazati stupanj (ne)pristranosti pri odabiru sugovornika u programima javnih RTV servisa. ; This paper aims to explore the basic criteria for selection of interlocutors in TV news packages on Bosnia and Herzegovina's post-election process in the central information programs of public broadcasting services in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Having clear rules on the representation of candidates and parties during the election campaign, after the elections, media have more freedom in the way of processing the information and topics. Therefore, this period is chosen for the analysis. Besides, Bosnia and Herzegovina is a complex state with a complicated electoral system. The delegates for House of Peoples are elected after the election. Therefore, the post-election process has a more significant role in authority constitution than in other European countries and it is important to research the media reports on this process. The first part of the paper presents the theoretical framework related to the equal treatment of people. There is a possibility for many forms of bias, and interlocutors whose attitudes are synchronized with the editorial policy are called "opportunistic witnesses". The second part of the paper deals with the discussion on the research results. The results refer to the absolute and relative representation of the interlocutors' party or institutional affiliation; the representation of analysts and their positions. They can be neutral or prefer certain party policies. Also, it is about the means of implementing the rules of the other side in the TV news packages on the post-election process. The central news program Dnevnik in three different public broadcasting services in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BHRT, RTVFBiH and RTVRS) is taken as a sample in the period from the October 8 to November 8, 2018. The results show the degree of bias in the selection of interlocutors in public broadcasting service programs.

The theoretical part of the paper consists of an analysis of different approaches and models for evaluating the quality of practice in early childhood education (ECE) institutions. The particularity of evaluating the quality of planning and documenting the educational process and monitoring children's achievements was emphasized. The empirical part of the paper presents the results of research conducted in institutions of early childhood education in the Herzegovina-Neretva County (B&H). Taking into account the territorial, cultural and legislative characteristics of Bosnia and Herzegovina, a model for (self) evaluation of planning and documenting the quality of the educational process and monitoring the development of children in early childhood education has been defined. The model can serve as a starting point for further research on improving the quality of planning and documenting educational processes and monitoring children's achievements, as well as improving the quality of other aspects and areas within preschool institutions. ; Teorijski dio rada sastoji se od analize različitih pristupa i modela vrednovanja kvalitete prakse u ustanovama ranoga i predškolskoga odgoja i obrazovanja, s naglaskom na specifičnosti vrednovanja kvalitete planiranja i dokumentiranja odgojno-obrazovnoga procesa i praćenja dječjih postignuća. U empirijskom dijelu rada predstavljeni su rezultati istraživanja provedenoga u ustanovama ranoga i predškolskoga odgoja i obrazovanja na području Hercegovačko-neretvanske županije (BiH). Uz uvažavanje teritorijalnih, kulturoloških i zakonodavnih specifičnosti Bosne i Hercegovine, definiran je model za (samo)vrednovanje kvalitete planiranja i dokumentiranja odgojno-obrazovnoga procesa i praćenja razvoja djece u ustanovama ranoga i predškolskoga odgoja i obrazovanja. Model može poslužiti kao polazna točka za daljnja istraživanja u području unaprjeđenja kvalitete planiranja i dokumentiranja odgojno-obrazovnoga procesa i praćenja postignuća djece, kao i kvalitete prakse drugih aspekata i ...

Austro-Ugarska Monarhija, stvorena austrijsko-mađarskim kompromisom 1867. godine, bila je i za ondašnje pravnike neobična pojava, koja se nije uklapala u onodobnu državnopravnu tipologiju "složenih država". Bio je to rezultat stalnih sukobljavanja između austrijskih političkih krugova, koji su težili što jačoj integraciji pod habsburškim žezlom sjedinjenih entiteta s jedne strane, a s druge mađarskih političkih krugova, koji su težili što većoj, a neki i potpunoj državnoj samostalnosti Ugarske. Kako Ugarska nije smogla snage osnovati svoju nacionalnu banku (a koja bi tiskala i vlastite novčanice), to je Austrijska nacionalna banka 1878. postala Austro-ugarska banka, te je kao zajednička središnja banka imala skrbiti o zajedničkoj valuti, najprije austrijskoj forinti, a zatim austro-ugarskoj kruni, te tiskati zajedničke novčanice. Što zbog političkih razmimoilaženja, što zbog državnopravnih nejasnoća, zajedničke austrougarske novčanice bile su predmet sporova jer su im obje strane pridavale veliko simbolično značenje, a i po reakcijama javnosti vidljivo je koliko je važno bilo ovo pitanje. Kako bi predmet rada bio što razumljiviji, u uvodu je objašnjena problematika državnopravne prirode austro-ugarske državne sveze, a zatim su analizirane novčanice po kronološkom redu njihova puštanja u optjecaj (tri novčanice austrijskih forinti te devetnaest austro-ugarskih kruna). Ondje gdje je to bio slučaj opisane su katkad i burne reakcije javnosti kao pokazatelj političkih sukoba, koji su se javljali u Monarhiji, kojom je dominirao austrijsko-mađarski dualizam. ; Created by the Austro-Hungarian Compromise in 1867, the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy was an unusual construct even for the lawyers of that time, and did not fit into the then state-law typology of "complex states". It was the result of constant confrontations between Austrian political circles, which wanted to increase the integration of entities unified under the Habsburg crown, on the one hand, and on the other of Hungarian political circles, which aspired to the maximum, even to the complete state independence of Hungary. As Hungary did not have the strength to found its own national bank (which would issue its own banknotes), in 1878 the Austrian National Bank became the Austro- Hungarian Bank, and as the common central bank it was in charge of and issued the common currency, first the Austrian forint, and then the Austro-Hungarian krone. Partly because of political differences, partly because of constitutional vagueness, the common Austro-Hungarian banknotes were a subject of disputes because both sides gave them a great symbolical importance, and the reactions of the public show how important this issue was.

Rad smjera pokazati značaj i relevantnost poststrukturalnog pogleda na ekonomiju kako trasiranjem sada već općih konceptualnih mjesta tog pristupa tako i prakticiranjem te teorijske pozicije u konkretnoj analizi zaduženosti financijskog sustava. Kratkotrajna i lokalizirana, ali značajna tradicija poststrukturalnog problematiziranja kategorije ekonomije ovdje se prezentira preko tri ključne discipline – governmentality studies, ekonomske sociologije i međunarodne političke ekonomije. Nakon opisa dometa i ograničenja tih disciplina ulazimo u drugi dio rada gdje analiziramo aparaturu standardifikacije i validacije kreditnog rizika kod banaka, točnije Basel kapitalne uvjete i prakse sekuritizacije. Pružanjem genealogije tih tehnika interpretiramo domenu financija kao diskurzivni prostor (re)artikuliran preko skupa normaliziranih mehanizama i praksi koji zajednički tvore racionalnost vladanja. Na taj način ukazujemo na važnost performativnih, simboličkih, relacijskih, decentriranih i kontingentnih momenata u kritičkom poimanju (financijske) ekonomije, odnosno pokazujemo da kritika ekonomije ne mora nužno biti organizirana i provedena kroz matricu kapital – klasa – ideologija. ; This paper aims to demonstrate the significance and relevance of the poststructural gaze towards the economy by both tracing the conceptual commonplaces of this approach as well as practicing this theoretical position in the concrete analysis of indebtedness of the financial system. A brief and localized, but nonetheless significant tradition of the poststructural problematizing of the category of economy is here presented through three key disciplines: governmentality studies, economic sociology and international political economy. After portraying the contributions and limitations of those disciplines, the second part of the paper analyzes the apparatus of standardification and validification of credit risk within banks, namely the Basel Capital Accord and practices of securitisation. By offering a genealogy of those techniques, we interpret finance as a discursive space (re)articulated through an aggregate of normalized mechanisms and practices which collectively form a rationality of governance. In this way, we point out the importance of performative, symbolic, relational, decentered and contingent moments in the critical conception of (financial) economy, as well as show that the critique of economy does not necessarily have to be organized and conducted through the capital – class – ideology matrix.

Game theory as a theory of interactive decision making formalizes the modeling of social processes by creating an analytical basis for analyzing decision making in circumstances of risks, & the actors' cooperation or noncooperation. The core concepts -- Nash & Stackelberg's equilibrium, stochastic & differential games, transferable utility, cooperative & noncooperative games -- illustrate the scope of issues in the international economy that are applicable to the game theory. The author analyzes several instances of game theory in the international economy: various national tariff policies & the creation of tariff unions; international cartels; extraction of the resources of joint property; coalitions; & international negotiations. The author presupposes a smattering of knowledge of the game theory technique; as far as possible, the analysis is carried out nontechnically. 30 References. Adapted from the source document.

Cilj ovog rada je prikaz usporedne analize između dva kolegija koji se predaju na učiteljskim fakultetima u Danskoj i Hrvatskoj, a putem kojih se studenti osposobljavaju za poučavanje prirodnih znanosti u osnovnim školama. To su kolegiji Priroda i tehnika u Danskoj te Metodika prirode i društva u Hrvatskoj. Poučavanje prirodnih znanosti je jedan od najkompleksnijih predmeta u osnovnoj školi, a na učiteljskim fakultetima jedan od najzahtjevnijih kolegija. Provedena analiza obuhvaća karakteristike obrazovnog sustava u ovim zemljama, sadržaje kolegija i specifičnosti inicijalnog obrazovanja učitelja s posebnim osvrtom na neophodne kompetencije u poučavanju ovih predmeta u osnovnoj školi. Na temelju usporedne analize može se zaključiti da studijski program Metodike prirode i društva u Hrvatskoj nedovoljno priprema buduće učitelje za sudjelovanje u znanstvenim istraživanjima, suradnju s predstavnicima lokalne zajednice kao i za cjeloživotno učenje. Imajući na umu, da se u demokratskim društvima, koji se temelje na znanju i aktivnom sudjelovanju njihovih građana, od učitelja očekuje da razviju kod svojih učenika vještine istraživanja, komunikacije i intelektualnog razvoja tijekom života, pitanje je kako oni mogu uspješno ostvariti svoju profesionalnu zadaću, ako ih učiteljski fakulteti adekvatno ne osposobe prije ulaska u školu. ; The aim of this paper is to present the results of a comparative analysis of the two courses taught at teacher training institutions in Denmark and Croatia through which students are prepared to teach science at primary schools, namely the course on Nature and Techniques taught in Denmark and the course on Teaching Science taught in Croatia. Science is one of the most complex subjects to teach in primary schools and one of the most demanding subjects at teacher training faculties, in general. The analysis encompassed the characteristics of public education systems in both countries, the content of the courses and the specificities of the teacher pre-service training to implement this subject, with emphasis on competences required to teach them in primary schools. The analysis of teacher training curricula yielded that Teaching Science poorly prepares Croatian future teachers for participating in scientific research, establishing contacts with the representatives of local community, as well as for lifelong learning. Having in mind that, in democratic societies based on knowledge and participation, teachers are expected to develop in their students the skills for inquiry, communication and intellectual growth throughout their lives, the question emerges on how they could fulfil their professional tasks if teacher training faculties fail to properly prepare them before they enter schools.

Rad istražuje značenje teorije vrijednosnog uokvirivanja u političkoj komunikaciji, odnosno ispituje utjecaj vrijednosnih okvira na formiranje političkih stavova u javnosti. Učinak vrijednosnog uokvirivanja izveden je iz kontekstualne vrijednosti informacije (pozitivno, negativno) i vrijedi ako stavovi ljudi prema određenoj temi odgovaraju kontekstualnoj vrijednosti primljene informacije. Ovaj rad kao studiju slučaja predstavlja izvještavanje za vrijeme krize vlade Mireka Topoláneka u Češkoj Republici 2009. Rad ispituje u kojoj je mjeri kontekst izjava na češkim vijestima o dvjema parlamentarnim strankama – Građanskoj demokratskoj stranci (Občanská demokratická strana, ODS, predsjednik Mirek Topolánek) i Češkoj socijaldemokratskoj stranci (Česká strana sociálně demokratická, ČSSD, predsjednik Jiří Paroubek) – povezan s postojećim političkim stavovima njihove potencijalne publike. U radu se tvrdi kako je učinak vrijednosnog uokvirivanja bio vidljiviji u programu javne televizije Události ČT nego u komercijalnom programu Televizní noviny, što predstavlja paradoks koji se može objasniti jedinstvenom poveznicom između karakteristika češkog medijskog okruženja i političkih stavova televizijskih gledatelja. ; This article explores the meaning of valence-framing theory in political communication. It examines the influence of valence frames on the formation of political attitudes among the public. The valence-framing effect is derived from the information context value (positive, negative) and applies if people's attitudes towards a certain subject match the context value of the information received. The article presents a case study of reports during the crisis of Mirek Topolánek's government in the Czech Republic in 2009. It examines to what extent the context of the statements on the Czech news concerning the parliamentary parties Civic Democratic Party (ODS, leader Mirek Topolánek) and the Czech Social Democratic Party (ČSSD, leader Jiří Paroubek) related to the existing political attitudes of their prospective audiences. The article argues that the valence-framing effect was more evident in the public broadcasting programme Události ČT than the commercial programme Televizní noviny, a paradox which can be explained by the unique link between the attributes of the Czech media environment and the political opinions of their viewers.

The role of the European Union (EU) trade liberalisation with the Western Balkans — namely Kosovo, Montenegro, Albania, and Macedonia — is overestimated, as major benefits could be expected mainly from institutional reforms rather than trade creation and economic perspective due to low economic development and a lack of comparative advantages in these countries.1 The core issue to be addressed in this article is whether these firms can exploit the opportunities arising from the EU integration process. The aim of this article is to confirm the hypothesis that the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) and trade agreements in the Western Balkans are not sufficient pre-conditions for successful performance and increase of exports by local firms; the main focus should be on the internal performance of firms. The paper analyses and compares the data collected by surveys conducted with local firms in Kosovo in order to measure the impact of the SAA. Finally, the article suggests that in the short and medium run the SAA could support and improve the quality of products, technical standards, and firm competitiveness as a pre-condition for better access to the EU market in the long run. ; The role of the European Union (EU) trade liberalisation with the Western Balkans — namely Kosovo, Montenegro, Albania, and Macedonia — is overestimated, as major benefits could be expected mainly from institutional reforms rather than trade creation and economic perspective due to low economic development and a lack of comparative advantages in these countries.1 The core issue to be addressed in this article is whether these firms can exploit the opportunities arising from the EU integration process. The aim of this article is to confirm the hypothesis that the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) and trade agreements in the Western Balkans are not sufficient pre-conditions for successful performance and increase of exports by local firms; the main focus should be on the internal performance of firms. The paper analyses and compares the data collected by surveys conducted with local firms in Kosovo in order to measure the impact of the SAA. Finally, the article suggests that in the short and medium run the SAA could support and improve the quality of products, technical standards, and firm competitiveness as a pre-condition for better access to the EU market in the long run.

Reforma sustava visokog obrazovanja potaknuta je potrebom stvaranja jedinstvenog europskog prostora visokog obrazovanja s ciljem razvoja nove dimenzije europskoga društva i Europe znanja. Kao dio reforme, poduzete su mjere i uvedeni mehanizmi za osiguravanje i unapređenje kvalitete visokog obrazovanja. Temelj za uspostavu i provođenje osiguravanja kvalitete u Republici Hrvatskoj je Bolonjska deklaracija, a temeljni dokument u tom kontekstu Standardi i smjernice za osiguravanje kvalitete u Europskom prostoru visokog obrazovanja. Svrha je ovog rada ukazati na važnost Bolonjskog procesa u funkciji osiguravanja kvalitete visokog obrazovanja u Republici Hrvatskoj, kao temeljne misije u izgradnji društva znanja i gospodarstva u cjelini. U skladu s navedenim, cilj ovog rada je prikazati napredak u provedbi Bolonjskog procesa kroz promicanje mobilnosti studenata i nastavnika, uspostavu sustava praćenja kvalitete te promicanje europske suradnje. ; Reform of the higher education system has been induced by the requisite creation of a unique European area of higher education, aimed at the development of a new dimension of the European society and knowledge. As a part of the reform, adequate measures were undertaken and new quality assurance and development mechanisms were implemented. The basis for consolidation and implementation of quality assurance in the Republic of Croatia is the Bologna Declaration, with Standards and Guidelines for Quality Assurance in the European Higher Education Area being the fundamental document concerning quality assurance within the context. The objective of this work is to show the importance of the Bologna process in the function of higher education quality assurance in the Republic of Croatia as the fundamental mission in the development of knowledge society and economy as a whole. In this accordance, the aim of this work is to show the progress followed in the implementation of the Bologna process through promoting students' and educators' mobility, setting up the quality monitoring system and pursuing European cooperation.