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微博在中国的互联网上十分流行,这对中国宣传机构的信息控制形成了新的挑战。微博可以使信息得到快速和广泛的传播,从而增加了国家宣传机器进行信息控制的难度。本文试图探讨微博可以在多大程度上帮助网民挑战政府对信息的控制。通过分析在新浪微博上收集的数据,本文发现微博对宣传工作的挑战有四种机制。首先,基于对微博上热门政治信息的分析,本文发现微博上的部分话语权由媒体转向个人,同时出现了一批对政府持批判态度的超级网民。其次,对于一些热点事件,微博与传统媒体的报道角度与侧重点不同,从而使得中国的政治信息更加多元化 。第三,虽然中央政府可以实现对微博的有效审查,但地方政府时常不能控制微博上的报道。第四,网民通过微博上的信息运动,可以将某些传统媒体不愿报道的事件问题化,这对中国传统媒体的自我审查形成了冲击。本文认为微博可以帮助人民挑战国家的信息控制。 ; The micro-blog, with its huge popularity in recent years, poses a new challenge to the propaganda state in China. The micro-blog is able to spread information fast and reach a wide audience. The liberating potential of the micro-blog on the information flow is in conflict with the control efforts from the propaganda state. It is puzzling then the extent to which the netizens are able to use the micro-blog to counter the information control. Based on the data collected from Sina Weibo, this study finds the propaganda state is challenged by the micro-blog through four mechanisms. First, analysis of political posts demonstrates a partial shift of discursive power from media to individuals and a rise of critical super-netizens in the micro-blog. Second, the posts in the micro-blog report the controversial issues in a different way than the traditional media that contributes to the pluralization of political information. Third, the netizens are able to use the micro-blog to expose certain information that the local government would like to censor. Forth, the netizens are able to problematize certain issues through information movement that challenge the self-censorship of media. This study concludes that the micro-blog is able to empower the people in the battle between state and society on what is fit to know. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Yang, Shen. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 94-98). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES --- p.VI ; Chapter CHAPTER I. --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- ...

Book Cover; Half-Title; Title; Copyright; Dedication; Contents; List of figures, charts, and tables; Acknowledgements; Introduction; The problem and its setting; Formation of genocide-Review of the related literature; Data and Method; Findings and Interpretations; Words kill -- Concluding discussions; Appendix; Bibliography; Index

《北洋官报》于1902 年12 月创刊发行,至1912 年5 月随清王朝的覆灭而寿终正寝。纵观清末十年《北洋官报》的刊行,可见其应新政而生,又以报道和宣传新政为第一要务。本研究旨在透过《北洋官报》来看清末北洋新政。具体而言,首先要探讨的是作为新政喉舌的《北洋宮报》的创刊背景,即清末新政与北洋独特的政治文化;同时,也要梳理这份新式官报与晚清业已存在的报纸之间的文本联系。其次要具体探讨的是北洋官报局的局务,包括《官报》的发行、书籍为主的印刷业务的开展,以及"官纸印刷"的筹划与争论等。其三是《北洋官报》对新政的展示和宣传。其四是《北洋官报》在展示新政与启蒙民众过程中对日本的借鉴与推崇。通过以上四方面的研究,本论文主要探讨了《北洋官报》及官报局在北洋新政中的作用《官报》在展示新政、启蒙民智上所形成的官方新政话语和所体现的官方与非官方之间的互动关系,以及北洋与中央之间的复杂关系等。 ; 就时间的划分而言, 1906 年之前,清末新政主要集中在经济、教育、军事等诸领域的改革, 1906 年之后转为以中央与地方推行的宪政改革为主要内容。依此,本论文讨论《北洋官报》对新政的展示和宣传就以1906 年为界,分为两个峙段:新政时期和宪政时代。前者侧重于《北洋官报》中的不同部分如何展示新政;后者侧重于从《官报》中看到的清末宪政推进情况。论文正文的末章则对宪政时代作详细论析。 ; 综合言之, 《北洋官报》从其创刊之际,即与晚清的变局、北洋政治文化以及清末新政息息相关。《官报》为新政产物和应新政而生的同时,又以宣扬新政与开民智为己任,塑造了呈现于《官报》上的新政话语。作为官方报纸上的新政话语,并非纯然代表官方立场表达官方意志,而是既有官方的一面,又有非官方的一面,更有官方与非官方之间互动的一面。《官报》的语境既与一个多元与过渡的时代息息相关,同样,这个多元与过渡的时代也呈现在《宮报》的各种不同文本空间之中。体现在《北洋官报》中的北洋新政,在某种程度上也预示了北洋政治左右民初政局的现象,这是多元变化和过渡形态的一个方面。 ; The Beiyang Gazette (Beiyang guanbao) published its first issue in December, 1902, and stopped publication in May, 1912, following the fall of the Qing Dynasty. From an overview of its ten-year publication and circulation, it is clear that the gazette was born to serve the late Qing reform, and publicizing and reporting on the reform became its top priority. This thesis aims at studying the reform through textual and contextual analyses of the Beiyang Gazette. In details, the author first investigates the background of the gazette as the mouthpiece of the reform, to understand the unique political culture of the reform under the Beiyang authorities in the late Qing. This study also traces the textual links between the new-style Beiyang Gazette and other contemporary newspapers. Second, the thesis examines the Bureau of the Beiyang Gazette in length. Details include the distribution of the gazette, the development of its book-based printing business, the controversy of "official paper" printing, and so forth. Third, the representation ofthe reform in the Beiyang Gazette is studied through textual analysis. Fourth, Japan as an enlightening model for the Chinese ...

Wang Siu-ha. ; Thesis submitted in: December 2003. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 146-150). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter I : --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter II : --- Peasant women before the Revolution --- p.18 ; Chapter Chapter III: --- "The Bolsheviks on the ""Women Question""" --- p.46 ; Chapter Chapter IV : --- Mobilizing Peasant Women --- p.71 ; Chapter A. --- Educating Peasant Women ; Chapter (I) --- Formal education --- p.72 ; Chapter (II) --- Informal education --- p.76 ; Visual political propaganda: poster ; Chapter B. --- Coercing Peasant Women ; Chapter (I) --- Dekulakization --- p.83 ; Chapter (II) --- The Anti-Religious campaign --- p.85 ; Chapter Chapter V : --- Peasant Women Respond to Collectivization --- p.91 ; Chapter A. --- Educating Peasant Women ; Chapter (I) --- Peasant Women Respond to Formal Education --- p.93 ; Chapter (II) --- Peasant Women Respond to Informal education --- p.108 ; Chapter B. --- Coercion ; Chapter (I) --- Dekulakization --- p.112 ; Chapter (II) --- Anti-religious measures --- p.115 ; Chapter (III) --- Introduction of Secular Rites for Religious Rites --- p.119 ; Chapter Chapter VI: --- Conclusion --- p.131 ; Chapter A. --- Rationalists --- p.136 ; Chapter B. --- Rationalist-Romantics --- p.138 ; Chapter C. --- Romantics --- p.139 ; Appendix 1 --- p.143 ; Appendix 2 --- p.144 ; Appendix 3 --- p.145 ; Bibliography --- p.146

Chan, Mun Tak Ada. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 65-69). ; In English with some Chinese characters; abstract also in Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Abstract (Chinese) --- p.iii ; Acknowledgements --- p.iv ; Table of Contents --- p.V ; List of Figures and Tables --- p.vii ; Chapter Chapter One --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Geographical Location and Political Status of Hong Kong --- p.3 ; Personal Reflection on the Change of HKSAR´ةs Sovereignty --- p.8 ; Chapter Chapter Two --- Propaganda on Television: Music Video in Hong Kong Mass Media --- p.10 ; Defining Post-colonialism --- p.10 ; A Brief History of Hong Kong --- p.12 ; National Affiliation of the Hong Kong Citizens in the Pre- and Post-Handover Era --- p.14 ; Chapter Chapter Three --- The Changing Audiovisual Presentation of the PRC National Anthem Video Clips in Post-colonial Hong Kong --- p.23 ; Chinese Musical Nationalism in Post-colonial Hong Kong --- p.23 ; "Vocabulary´ح and Its Post-colonial Interpretation --- p.24 ; "Structure´ح and Its Post-colonial Interpretation --- p.25 ; Conceptualization of the Nation by Displaying the PRC flag and the Hong Kong SAR flag --- p.26 ; Conceptualizing the Ideas of Ethnicity --- p.30 ; Image of People´ةs Liberation Army in Constructing the Concept of the Nation --- p.32 ; Interrelationship between the Musical Interpretation and the People featured --- p.34 ; Vocabulary in Constructing the Concepts of the Chinese Nation --- p.41 ; Conclusion --- p.44 ; Chapter Chapter Four --- Conclusion --- p.48 ; Post-Colonial Influences Upon the Cultural Identity of Hong Kong Citizens --- p.48 ; Reinforcing Political Affiliation to the PRC using the National Anthem after the 1997 Handover --- p.49 ; Our Home Our Country featuring the PRC National Anthem as a Political Tool --- p.50 ; The Historical Significance of Our Home Our Country --- p.52 ; Appendix I Basic Information of the National Anthem Video Clip Our Home Our Country --- p.54 ; Appendix II Musical ...

中國大陸的電影審查是在意識形態領域對文化工業所施加的國家控制,以確保後者能夠服務於整體性的國家目的。20 世紀 80 年代中期,原本主要承擔宣傳和教育功能的電影工業開始了國家主導的改革,並在新世紀被定位為"文化產業"後,其主體迅速向資本化、商業化和娛樂化發展。本文的目的就是研究在這一過程中,審查制度及其實踐的變遷與延續,特別是要追問它在制度上沿襲了毛澤東時代基本框架和不放棄意識形態控制的同時,為什麼可以容納文化產業化電影工業的發展。為此,我選擇了生產研究(production study)路徑,從"結構-行動者"(structure-agent)的分析框架出發,以對電影人和審查者的訪談材料為基礎,綜合多種途徑搜集到的一手和二手資料,聚焦於這些行動者審查與自我審查的日常實踐,以及支撐他們實踐活動的信條(belief)和話語(discourse)體系。我認為問題關鍵在於改革過程中國家自身的分化。首先,國家控制電影工業的出發點從單一的政治目的,多元化為經濟、政治和文化三重目的。其次,隨著國家目的多元化,主要考慮政治問題的審查權力機構和兼顧經濟與文化發展的審查執行機構在利益和立場上的分化進一步加深。這些使國家控制本身出現了一定的彈性(flexibility),給電影工業有限的發展空間。這種彈性主要表現在兩個方面:一是審查標準上"去政治化的政治"原則;二是審查制度設計及其實踐上的"結構的不確定性"。前者代表了國家意識形態控制的原則,後者是具體的控制手段。因此,本研究同時也處理了中國國家在後社會主義轉型過程中,國家控制的性質及其運作機制的問題。 ; In China, censorship system of the film industry is ideological control of the state, for ensuring later can serve the object of the former. From the mid 1980s, the film industry begun to reform by the state, and it became one of the "cultural industries" in the beginning of the new millennium from the tool for propaganda and education, as well as is being capitalized and commercialized quickly. ; The purpose of this thesis is to study the change and continuity of this censorship system and its practice during this period, as well as to answer the question why this censorship system can allow such kind of development, while this system still follows the basic framework of the one in Mao's era and does not give up the goal of ideological control. ; So, methodologically, I chose the production study approach and structure-agent analytical framework. Basing on the interviews of filmmakers and reviewers, as well as other first-hand and secondary materials, this thesis focus on the agents' practice of censorship and self-censorship, as well as the belief and discourse system behind these practice. And I think the answer of that question above is the diversification of the state during the reform. Firstly, it is the diversification of the object of the state, it becomes politics, economy and culture from politics only. Secondly, with the ...