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In the 1960s, Yugoslavia faced rising unemployment, inflation, & an increasing national debt; while many suffered personal hardships, the elite class enjoyed a luxurious lifestyle. Influenced by these social & economic problems as well as by news of student movements all over the world, students in Yugoslavia occupied their universities for seven days on 2-9 June 1968. Among their demands were: (1) democratization of social & political life in Yugoslavia; (2) establishment of socialist solidarity; (3) removal of the political elite; & (4) democratization of the university. This was the first open political mass protest in postwar society. Repressive policies against student leaders, student organizations, & supportive professors followed. However, many of those involved in the 1968 protest later found success in other fields & continued to fight for the democratization of Yugoslav society. M. Malas

Protest in pluralist sectors will take place in a different bargaining framework & produce different consequences from protests in issue areas where the traditional pluralist structure is inoperative. Whether the pluralist bargaining matrix evolves or not is seen as a function of the political culture, the indifference level of the mass public, & the stakes of political allies in settling the dispute. Aggregate data from civil rights protests in 109 Southern counties in the US in 1961 & 1963 are used to support the protest model presented. Sources of data are: (1) materials provided by the Southern Regional Council, (2) the US Commission on Civil Rights, (3) the Potomac Instit, & (4) the INDEX OF THE NEW YORK TIMES & FACTS ON FILE. Change was measured by amount of desegregation. Where blacks were a minority in the county, large demonstrations were more successful than in counties where blacks were in the majority. They were very successful in counties with low racial consciousness (as measured by voting behavior), but failed in communities with high racial consciousness; small demonstrations had about the same degree of success regardless of racial consciousness. High intensity of conflict (high number of participants & arrests) in counties with high racial consciousness scores resulted in less change than in counties with low racial consciousness. The more complex the economy & the more potential allies for the protesters of a city (as measured by the N of large firms), the more large protests will lead to change. In cities with fewer large firms, the size of the demonstration has little effect on change. A consideration of implications for European countries concludes the discussion. 3 Tables. Modified Author's Summary.

Abstract: It is argued that civil war and protests are mutually exclusive processes. However, the prevalence of protests and their proximity with or simultaneity to armed conflict contradicts this idea. Conflict and confrontation involve different types of interactions between the state and its opponents, which can involve protests, mass mobilization, clashes, and even armed conflict. Thus, we can understand conflict as existing in a continuum. Analyzing protests and protestors as related to armed conflict may serve to widen our understanding of conflict. This chapter presents the case for linking protest with a wider understanding of conflict, considering its links with other categories of contestation such as armed conflict. We can thus envision different types of contestation as being related. If we consider this possibility, we can then analyze processes of escalation and de-escalation between different expressions of contestation. This chapter reflects on the similarities and differences between different categories used to understand contestation, focusing on the categories of protests, civil conflict, and civil war. I claim that while a distinction between protests and armed violence is often made based on the degree of violence involved in these processes, this in itself does not mean that these forms of conflict are disconnected. Through focusing on the nature of their political claims, we can understand these processes of contestation as related to each other. Thus, we can analyze how mass mobilization escalates into armed conflicts, and we also observe cases of post agreement scenarios where mass mobilization follows the signature of peace agreements (a de-escalation process). Evidence from the case of South Africa is presented to illustrate this.

Describes the use of protest event analysis (PEA) for systematically mapping, analyzing, & interpreting contentious political & social movements, riots, revolutions, etc. Developed by political scientists & historical sociologists, PEA uses content analysis of sources such as police records & newspaper reports, often linked to other types of data, to investigate the causes, progression, & outcomes of social protests. One of PEA's most valuable attributes is its ability to observe protest activities across wide geographical areas & spans of time. Basic methodological issues such as finding data sources, selecting the unit of analysis, specifying variables, coding, sampling, & testing data selectivity/robustness are discussed, along with some potential problems, eg, crossnational comparability. Two illustrative examples of large PEA projects being conducted in Berlin, Federal Republic of Germany, are provided. 2 Figures, 70 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

AbstractHow does protest spread in contemporary China? This paper analyses one case of cross-firm protest and two cases of cross-village protest in order to demonstrate a mechanism for protest diffusion, a topic rarely studied in the existing literature. It argues that central policies, protest leadership and a connective structure that links protest leaders and followers enable people with shared economic interests to protest together. Protests emerged when protest leaders, who were trained politically by the state and enjoyed moral standing in a small community, started popularizing policy documents among followers. Protest diffusion occurred when representatives from each participating unit coordinated with one another and coalesced around the core leaders, who decided tactics for the entire protest. The protestors, however, did not form coalitions across different administrative boundaries. Thus, protest leaders did play a decisive role in the spreading of a protest. However, the state also moulded and restricted the scale of the diffusion.

In der Demokratie gilt politische Partizipation als die bedeutendste Achse der Informationsübermittlung der BürgerInnen zu politischen EntscheiderInnen (Sydney Verba) und der an sie angeschlossenen Bürokratie. Unter den politisch-kulturellen Spielarten der Partizipation spielt der Protest hier eine besondere Rolle, da er mal als Symptom demokratischer Defekte, mal als Ausdruck einer lebendigen, transformativen Demokratie gesehen werden kann. Die Instanzen der Politischen Bildung situieren sich vieldimensional zu dieser speziellen Ausdrucksform politischer Kultur: Durch sie werden basale demokratische Werte in Bildungsinstitutionen tradiert und Grenzen von akzeptierter Praxis des Protestes ganz unterschiedlich markiert. Welche Reibungen sich hieraus auch für eine transformative Praxis des Protestes (Banks) ergeben können, diskutiert der vorliegende Band. Die AutorInnen unternehmen eine Neuvermessung des Feldes der Politischen Bildung unter den Bedingungen der derzeitigen krisenhaften demokratischen Transformation. Der Sammelband entstand als Dokumentation der Münsteraner Sektionstagung 2017 der DVPW-Sektion Politikwissenschaft und Politische Bildung.