Suchergebnisse

Autorica istražuje mogućnost da se pesimizam etablira kao relevantan pravac unutar teorije realizma međunarodnih odnosa u objašnjavanju kako prošlih, tako i budućih događaja u međunarodnoj politici. U radu se koristi metateorijska interpretativna metoda kako bi se iznijele neke od temeljnih niti vodilja misli pesimizma, pri čemu je fokus samo na klasičnom realizmu unutar realističke teorije, budući da su njezine postavke ujedno i temeljna izvorišta pesimizma. U prvom dijelu rada iznosi se temeljne odrednice i biti realizma i pesimizma, drugi dio se fokusira na intelektualnu pozadinu pesimistične misli u radovima Schopenhauera, Nietzschea i Freuda, a posljednji dio iznosi kritiku optimizma i temeljne opreke u poimanju koncepta vremena između pesimizma i optimizma, kao i implikacije koje pesimizam ima za međunarodne odnose. Pesimizam kao pravac unutar teorije realizma međunarodnih odnosa ima filozofsku snagu i jaku teorijsku pozadinu te može imati svoje mjesto unutar realističke teorije međunarodnih odnosa. ; The author evaluates the possibility of the concept of pessimism establishing itself as a relevant factor within the theory of realism in international relations, that is, for explaining past and future events in international politics. The approach applies the meta theoric interpretative method in order to expose some of the tenets of the leading pessimistic theories where the focus is on classical realism within the realistic theory, since its origins are also the fundamental origins of pessimism. The first part exposes the fundamental postulates and essence of realism and pessimism, while the second part focuses on the intellectual background of the pessimism thought found in the works of Schopenhauer, Nietzsche and Freud. The last part expose a criticism of optimism as well as the fundamental contradictions in understanding the concept of time between pessimism and optimism, as well as the implications of pessimism on international relations. Pessimism, as a part of the theory of realism in international ...

O poimanju ljudske prirode u Machiavellijevu djelu možemo govoriti na dvije razine. Prva je razina njegov temeljni antropološki pesimizam. Polazna je točka Machiavellijeve političke filozofije da su ljudi po prirodi skloni zlu, što, kako navodi u Raspravama o prvoj dekadi Tita Livija, kao početnu pretpostavku mora uzeti i svaki zakonodavac. Na drugoj razini, narav je pojedinoga čovjeka po njemu bitno nepromjenjiva pa kada se ona slaže s vremenima, on uspijeva (primjer pape Julija II.), a kada je u neskladu s onim što zahtijeva kontekst, neuspjeh je neizbježan. Na nizu primjera iz Machiavellijevih djela pokazuje se da je njegov pesimistički uvid u ljudsku prirodu temelj na kojem se gradi cijela njegova politička teorija. Zlu i sebičnosti sklona ljudska priroda objašnjenje je za stvaranja zajednice, zakona i državnih institucija, ali i dinamike koja dovodi do njihovog kvarenja i propasti. ; The concept of human nature in Machiavelli's work can be discussed on two levels. The first level regards its fundamental anthropological pessimism. The starting points of Machiavelli's political philosophy is that people are inclined by nature to be evil, which, as quoted in The Discourses on Livy, must be taken as a starting assumption by every legislator. On the second level, the nature of a particular man is essentially unchangeable, and thus when it agrees with the times, he succeeds (Pope Julius II being an example), and when a man is in contradiction with what is required by the context, failure is inevitable. Many examples from Machiavelli's work show that his pessimistic insight into human nature is the foundation upon which his entire political theory is built. The human nature, prone to evil and selfishness, is the explanation for the creation of communities, laws and state institutions, but also for the dynamics that lead to their decay and destruction.

Od samih početaka ljudske civilizacije vanjska politika je jedna od nezaobilaznih i najvažnijih državnih politika i bez nje je nemoguće zamisliti funkcioniranje države. Budući da je riječ o složenoj i raznolikoj aktivnosti države, postavlja se pitanje kako na najbolji znanstveni način analizirati takvu politiku. U radu je stoga na pregledan način predstavljen neoklasični realizam, u radovima unutar hrvatske akademske zajednice relativno malo zastupljen teorijski okvir, koji bi, prema našem mišljenju, mogao biti češće korišten zbog svoje pluralnosti i relativno širokih mogućnosti primjene s obzirom na to da omogućava testiranje širokog spektra varijabli. Neoklasični realizam objedinjuje elemente klasičnog realizma i neorealizma na način da neorealističku analizu nadopunjuje elementima klasičnog realizma i interesom za unutarnju politiku i ulogu lidera. Pritom se vanjsku politiku država kao zavisnu varijablu nastoji objasniti analiziranjem nezavisnih varijabli na strukturnoj/sistemskoj razini te intervenirajućih varijabli na jediničnoj odnosno državnoj razini. ; Foreign policy has been one of the essential and most important state policies since the beginning of human civilization, without which it is impossible to imagine the functioning of a state. Given the fact that foreign policy is a complex and diverse activity of the state, the question arises how to analyse such a policy in the best scientific way. This paper presents a review of the neoclassical realism, as a theoretical framework that is relatively underrepresented in the literature within the Croatian academic community, and which, in our opinion, could be used more often due to its plurality and relatively wide area of application, given that it allows testing of a wide range of variables. Neoclassical realism combines elements of classical realism and neorealism, in a way that complements neorealist analysis with elements of classical realism and interest in domestic politics and the role of state leaders. In doing so, it tries to provide explanation of the foreign policy, as a dependent variable, by analysing independent variables at the structural/systemic level and intervening variables at the unit/state level.

Polazište ovog rada nedavni je prijepor suvremenih realista oko aktualne dvojbe je li vanjskopolitička doktrina američkog predsjednika Donalda Trumpa realistička. Autor ukazuje da je navedena polemika posljedicom zastarjelog, tautološkog, ali još uvijek i neprevladanog dualističkog diskursa u teorijama međunarodnih odnosa, koji dijeli teoriju i vanjskopolitičku praksu na dva dominantna pravca: realizam i liberalizam. Na temelju dosadašnje teorijske kritike novog realizma, ili neorealizma, članak potvrđuje da ovaj suvremeni realistički pravac epistemološki ne pripada tradiciji realizma na koju se poziva, nego se svojim predodžbama o moći, državi i međunarodnom sustavu utemeljuje u političkom idealizmu: pravcu mišljenja koji se redovno pripisuje liberalima I kojemu je tradicionalni, ili "klasični" realizam bitno suprotstavljen. Analizirajući glavne podudarnosti između pretpostavki neorealizma i načela Trumpove doktrine, ovaj rad navodi na zaključak da Trump nije realist nego protuliberalni idealist. Pojam "protuliberalni idealizam" prikladniji je za razmatranje aktualne američke vanjske politike u kontekstu njene hegemonijske pozicije u liberalnom međunarodnom poretku. ; The article's initial motive is the recent controversy among contemporary realists, who questioned the supposed realism of US president Donald Trump's foreign policy doctrine. The author argues that the polemic is a consequential outgrowth of outdated, tautological, and yet still actual binary discourse, that divides international theory and foreign policy practice on Realism and Liberalism. Referring to the established critique of Neorealism, the article argues that Neorealism does not in epistemic terms belong to the tradition of Realism, to which it is a self-proclaimed successor. On the contrary, with its notions of power, state and international system it is established in political idealism: the tradition of thought that is conventionally attributed to Liberalism, and to which "classical" Realism was fundamentally opposed. By analyzing evident congruence between principles of Neorealism and Trump's America First doctrine, the article concludes that Trump is not a realist, but illiberal idealist. His idealistic nationalist world-view, when translated into foreign policy objectives, is in stark contrast to the professed principles of Realism. Furthermore, the concept of illiberal idealism offers an analytical framework for further analysis of present US foreign policy in the context of its hegemonic position in the Liberal International Order.

Posljednjih je godina teorijska literatura o međunarodnim odnosima znatno napredovala u proširivanju i preciziranju tipologije revizionističkih država – država koje teže preraspodjeli moći u međunarodnom sistemu i/ili promjeni normativnog poretka. Istovremeno je malo pozornosti posvećeno pojmu status quo države, kojim se označava država koja teži zadržavanju moći i očuvanju postojećeg stanja. Status quo država uglavnom se svodi na status quo predrasudu koja se odnosi na države koje imaju averziju prema riskiranju u vanjskopolitičkim odlukama i ne sudjeluju aktivno u oblikovanju međunarodne politike ili pak na države koje nastoje egzistencijalno preživjeti u anarhičnom sustavu. Literatura pritom previđa ono bitno u opreci kategorija: sukob revizionističke i status quo države. Naime, otvoreno suparništvo s revizionističkom državom i agresivno pružanje otpora promjeni redovito se označava kao još jedan vid revizionizma. U ovom se radu pokazuje da kategorija status quo države nije slučajno u "mrtvom kutu" teorije međunarodnih odnosa. Razlog je tomu što uvjet njezine mogućnosti – konsenzualni međunarodnopravni poredak – u suvremenim okolnostima nije prisutan. Povijesno iskustvo pokazuje da u određenim, veoma rijetkim uvjetima konsenzualnoga međunarodnopravnog poretka države s agresivnim motivima i nerijetko ofenzivnim sredstvima mogu biti status quo države. Pokazat će se da su u moderno doba samo dva razmjerno kratkotrajna međunarodna poretka činila status quo državu mogućom: europski vestfalski sustav ravnoteže snaga u 18. stoljeću i hladnoratovski detant u drugoj polovici 20. stoljeća. ; In recent years, the International Relations theoretical literature has made significant progress in expanding and refining the typology of revisionist states – states that seek to redistribute power in the international system and/or change the normative order. At the same time, little attention is paid to the notion of the status quo state, which denotes a state that strives to retain power and preserve the status quo. The category of status quo states is mainly reduced to either status quo bias referring to the states that have an aversion to risk in foreign policy decisions and do not actively participate in international politics or to the states that seek to survive in the anarchic system. At the same time, the literature overlooks the key aspect of the opposing categories: the conflict between the revisionist state and the status quo state. Namely, open rivalry with the revisionist state and aggressive resistance to change is regularly labeled as another form of revisionism. This paper shows that the category of the status quo state is not accidentally in the IR theoretical "blind spot". The reason for this is that the condition of its possibility – a consensual international legal order – is not present in modern circumstances. Historical experience shows that in certain and very rare conditions of a consensual international legal order, states with aggressive motives and often offensive means can be categorized as status quo states. It will be shown that in the modern age only two relatively short-lived international orders made the status quo possible: the European Westphalian system of balance of powers in the 18th century and the Cold War détente in the second half of the 20th century.

This article will explain why Russia annexed Crimea and is destabilizing eastern Ukraine. To do this, three different theoretical approaches on various levels of analysis will be used. It will be examined how far the expansion of NATO, as well as that of the European Union (Theory of Neorealism), was a motive for Russia's action. NATO's enlargement is analysed predominantly. In addition, politicalpsychological motivations of the Russian leadership are considered. But it is also analysed whether Russia's pure power interests have played a role (Theory of Realism). The focus here is on the Russian naval base in Crimea. It is necessary to examine whether preserving its fleet in the Black Sea was a motive for Moscow to annex the Crimean peninsula. ; This article will explain why Russia annexed Crimea and is destabilizing eastern Ukraine. To do this, three different theoretical approaches on various levels of analysis will be used. It will be examined how far the expansion of NATO, as well as that of the European Union (Theory of Neorealism), was a motive for Russia's action. NATO's enlargement is analysed predominantly. In addition, politicalpsychological motivations of the Russian leadership are considered. But it is also analysed whether Russia's pure power interests have played a role (Theory of Realism). The focus here is on the Russian naval base in Crimea. It is necessary to examine whether preserving its fleet in the Black Sea was a motive for Moscow to annex the Crimean peninsula.

Prvi hrvatski predsjednik Franjo Tuđman vodio je vrlo zanimljivu i kompleksnu vanjsku politiku. Njegovu vanjsku politiku obilježio je Domovinski rat te rat u Bosni i Hercegovini. Franjo Tuđman je vodio hrvatsku narod kroz jedan od najtežih perioda u njegovoj povijesti te je iza njega ostalo mnoštvo upitnika. U ovom radu će se, kroz prizmu realizma, analizirati određena dijela Franje Tuđmana i odnosi koje je vodio sa Srbijom te Bosnom i Hercegovinom, te će se, na temelju te analize, pokušati ponuditi odgovor na pitanje kakva je njegova vanjska politika uistinu bila, odnosno je li ona stvarno bila realistička. ; The first Croatian President Franjo Tuđman has lead a very interesting and complex foreign policy. His foreign policy was marked by the Homeland War and the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Franjo Tuđman led the Croatian people through one of the most difficult times in Croatias history and behind him remained a multitude of questions. In this paper, through the prism of realism, we will analyze certain academic works of Franjo Tuđman and the relations he has strived to build with Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and on that analysis will try to offer an answer to the question of what his foreign policy really was and was it really realistic.

U ovome ću diplomskome radu usmjeriti pozornost na načine na koje je, iz očišta različitih likova u romanu "Umjetne suze" Milka Valenta, prikazana Europa – kao ideja i fenomen u današnjoj epohi banalnosti. Cilj je ovoga rada pokazati da gospodarski rast nije uvjet za demokratsku jednakost nego je jednakost pred zakonom naslijeđe i temelj demokracije koja je, kako je pokazala Martha Nussbaum, utemeljena u obrazovanju za kritičko mišljenje i suosjećanje koje nude humanističke znanosti. Milko Valent poetikom psihotičnog realizma stvara bolesnički karton Europe koja se raspada zbog "metastaza neoliberalnog kapitalizma" uzrokovanih različitim institucijama koje promiču mit o europskoj demokraciji. Dok je nekada Grčka bila "kolijevka zapadne civilizacije", danas je Europska unija sinonim za demokraciju i društvo visoke kulture (Luketić) u kojoj su prisutni fenomeni banalnosti, rasizma, bijega od multikulturalizma, apatije, lažnih medija i drugi, što je u "Umjetnim suzama" problematizirano na više narativnih razina. Europljani su stvaraoci iluzije političkog ideala koju Valent demistificira svojim tekstom u kojem istovremeno opisuje kako izgleda stvarnost i proizvodi tu istu stvarnost. ; In this graduation thesis I will aim my attention to the ways in which Europe is portrayed in the novel ''Artificial Tears'' by Milko Valent. Europe, as an idea and a phenomenon in the today's era of banality, will be analysed from the perspectives of various characters from the novel. The aim of this thesis is to show that economic growth does not imply democratic equality; moreover, equality before the law is the legacy and foundation of democracy which is, according to Martha Nussbaum, grounded in cultivating critical thinking and empathy provided by humanities. Using the poetics of psychotic realism, Milko Valent creates a medical record of Europe which is crumbling due to ''the metastases of neoliberal capitalism'' caused by various institutions that promote the myth of European democracy. While Greece used to be ''the cradle of ...

Domovina je s jedne strane prirodna činjenica, a s druge strane nije gotova datost nego politička zadaća. Mi sami sebe tek u slobodi podižemo i stvaramo svoju domovinu. Autorica odabire dva književna predloška koji tematiziraju domovinu i lutkarski su uprizoreni u Kazalištu lutaka Zadar: Pionir Grujo Vladimira Nazora (1952.) i Gradovanje Tahira Mujičića (1986.). Predstave imaju različitu poetiku i nastaju u različitom kontekstu i unutar samog Kazališta lutaka Zadar ali i političkih prilika u Hrvatskoj. Lutkarska igra Pionir Grujo bila je na repertoaru Kazališta lutaka Zadar već u njegovoj prvoj godini djelovanja. Nastaje u doba socrealizma i kako bi izbjegao klišeje tadašnje književnosti, Nazor priču o Pioniru Gruji postavlja između mitologije i stvarnosti. Aktualna tema, izgradnja domovine, konkretizirana je u gradnji pruge Šamac – Sarajevo. Lutkarska igra Gradovanje nastaje u doba kada je lutkarstvo u Zadru bilo već afirmirano i spremno na neobične priče i inscenacije. Gradovanje nastaje u doba prosvijećenog ili dekadentnog socijalizma kada se Tahir Mujičić morao poslužiti bajkom kako bi predstavio svoje viđenje domovine. ; On the one hand a homeland is a natural fact, but on the other hand it is not something finished and given but a political task. Only in freedom can we raise and create our homeland. The author is choosing two literary templates which thematize a homeland and were staged as puppet show in the Zadar Puppet Theatre: Pioneer Grujo from Vladimir Nazor (1952.) and Towning from Tahir Mujičić (1986.). Those puppet shows have different poetics and are born in different contexts of Zadar Puppet Theatre but also in different political circumstances of Croatia as a whole. Puppet show Pionir Grujo was on the repertoire of Zadar Puppet Theatre already in its first active year. It appeared in the age of socialist realism so, to avoid literary clichés of that time, Nazor placed the story between mythology and reality. Actual theme, the creation of homeland, is concretized in the construction of railway Šamac-Sarajevo. Puppet show Towning appeared when a puppetry in Zadar had already been established and ready for unusual stories and staging. It was in the age of enlightened or decadent socialism when Tahir Mujičić was compelled to get use of a fairytale to represent its vision of homeland.

The paper deals with the ideologically conditioned changes of cultural politics in socialist Yugoslavia in the first decade after the Second World War (1945-1955) and their influences on children's poetry. The sudden shift from party-controlled socialist realism towards freedom of (also ideologically established) scientific and artistic creativity has resulted in the artistic and ideological phenomenon that certain literary historians call socialist aesthetics. The paper will attempt to prove that the expression of this kind of aestheticism in children's literature is modern poetry for children. Ideas of creative freedom and general social modernism were reflected in the educational politics and social welfare of children and youth. All this is expressed in poetry that gives priority to play, primarily language play, humor, and imagination over direct pedagogical function. Such poetry has its roots in folk and European literary tradition, welcoming children's wishes and fears. It is emancipatory and simultaneously detached from many aspects of the reality of children's lives and children's status in society. Such poetry emerged in various ways and within various national cultures of the former socialist Yugoslavia, at the same time realizing similar, and in many ways, comparative aesthetic and social effects. ; Rad se bavi ideološki uvjetovanim promjenama kulturne politike u socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji u prvom desetljeću poslije Drugoga svjetskog rata (1945. – 1955.) i njihovim utjecajima na dječju poeziju. Nagli zaokret od partijski kontroliranog socijalističkog realizma prema slobodi (također ideološki uspostavljenoj) znanstvenog i umjetničkog stvaralaštva rezultirao je umjetničko-ideološkim fenomenom koji pojedini povjesničari književnosti nazivaju socijalističkim estetizmom. Naš rad dokazuje da je izraz takvog estetizma u dječjoj književnosti moderna poezija za djecu. Ideje stvaralačke slobode i sveopćeg društvenog modernizma reflektirale su se i u prosvjetnoj politici i u društvenoj skrbi o djeci i mladima. Sve je to našlo svoj izraz u poeziji koja daje prednost igri, i to, prije svega, igri u jeziku, humoru i mašti nad izravnom pedagoškom funkcijom. Takva poezija ima svoje izvore i u narodnoj i u europskoj književnoj tradiciji, otvorena je za dječje želje i strahove, emancipacijska je, ali je istodobno i odijeljena od mnogih aspekata stvarnoga dječjeg života i položaja djeteta u društvu. Takva je poezija na različite načine nastajala unutar različitih nacionalnih kultura nekadašnje socijalističke Jugoslavije, istodobno ostvarujući slične i po mnogo čemu usporedive estetske i socijalne učinke.

Globalizacija i povećana međunarodna međuovisnost pridonose tomu da se ponovno povećava interes utjecaja strukture međunarodnog sustava na međunarodne odnose. Međunarodni sustav od kraja Hladnog rata neprestano proživljava promjene. One se najviše odlikuju u političkim i sigurnosnim novitetima. U takvim je uvjetima struktura sustava postala glavnom odrednicom ponašanja država koje se, promatrajući ih kroz perspektivu strukturalnog realizma ili neorealizma, ponašaju isključivo u skladu s vlastitim interesima, u uvjetima anarhičnog sustava. S obzirom na geopolitički položaj te veličinu Hrvatskoj je izrazito bitno čvrsto članstvo unutar NATO-saveza i Europske Unije. Kontekst razvoja sigurnosti i obrane time postaje više usmjeren na činjenicu da se zemlje članice saveza obvezuju pomagati jedna drugoj u slučaju pojave ugroze, te se time jača stabilnost nacionalne sigurnosti potrebne da se omoguće dugoročni mir i stabilnost u zemlji, ali i u susjedstvu. Kao središnji i konstantan fenomen u proučavanju međunarodnih odnosa, savezi nastaju jer su vlade svih razvijenih država svjesne da su dio jednog većeg entiteta u međunarodnoj politici u kojoj, prema postavkama neorealističke škole među-narodnih odnosa, postoje prijetnje koje su uzroci stvaranja saveza. ; Globalisation and increased international interdependence have contributed to the fact that once again the interest of the impact on the structure of the international system to international relations is increased. The international system, since the end of the Cold War, is constantly going through changes. They are the most distinguished in political and security innovations. In such circumstances, the structure of the system has become the main determinant of behaviour of states that, looking through the perspective of structural realism or neorealism, act solely pursuing their own interest, in terms of an anarchic system. Given the geopolitical position and size of the country, it is extremely important for Croatia to have a firm membership within the NATO and the European Union. The context of development of security and defence thus becomes more focused on the fact that the member states of the alliance commit to assist each other in case of threats, so the stability of national security needed to enable long-term peace and stability in the country, but also the neighbourhood, is strengthened. As a central and constant phenomenon in the study of international relations, alliances are formed because the governments of all developed countries are aware that they are part of a larger entity in international politics, in which, according to the neorealist school of international relations, there are threats that cause creating alliances.

Autor pokazuje kako se stil Božidarevićeva slikarstva može analizirati kao reprezentativna građa za povijest dubrovačkog društva1500-tih godina, premda se Nikola ustezao od prodornijeg promatranja svog unutarnjeg svijeta i onog vanjskog koji ga je okruživao, dočim se moglo očekivati (obzirom na njegov temperament i budući da je radio po narudžbi kapetana i trgovaca globe-trottera) da mu slike budu proviđene s više detalja onodobne vidljive stvarnosti. ; He signed himself in brush strokes only twice as: Nicolaus Rhagusinus, Nicolo Raguseo- Nikola of Dubrovnik - once in a marble medallion under the arm of Gabriel in the middle of the Annunciation, which he painted in 1513 forthe Đorđić family, the second time at the foot of the Virgin's throne on the main altar retable in the Church of Our Lady of Dance, his last work (1517). This name, until the archival discovery of his Croatian family name, fired the imagination of those researching Dubrovnik Renaissance art and even became a kind of myth. To call himself Rhagusinus in the middle of Dubrovnik undoubtedly meant a self-confident declaration vis a vis his artistic contemporaries- especially Mihajlo Hamzić and Vicko, the son of Lovro Dobričević,and even perhaps in relation to his own father whose workshop he had just left. When we stand today in front of polyptychs of this kind (which, when preserved in full, amaze us by the perfect balance of their general composition) we rarely think that they were created as bricolage. Immediately after Nikola's return from Italy he, and his father Božidar Vlatković received several very large orders. In 1495 they were given a contract for the retable of the main altar of the Franciscan church in Cavtat. The church authorities required that the central composition and figures on the left side should be composed according to the pattern of a polyptych executed almost half a century earlier by Matko Junčić in the church of the Minorite Friars in Dubrovnik, while figures on the right side were to be done according to the pattern of another altar in the same church. The saints in the upper part of the polyptych, shown down to the waist, were to be done after Junčić also, and only the central Pieta according to an earlier painting by Božidarević. The same is true of their style. Experts have very easily "reduced" Božidarević's work into the style and themes found in the Crivelli brothers and Vittore Carpaccio. But Božidarević obviously also knew the fresco paintings of Perugino and Pinturichio in the Vatican palace (Appartamento Borgia)and elsewhere in Rome where his brush may, according to Vladimir Marković, have indeed been involved. The form of a polyptych (like the form of a sonnet) helps in the construction of a figural composition, in a rationally and symmetrically balanced composition. It equalizes lighting, concentrates sight and attention: even when its constructional elements are removed, which make the composition of a polyptych, it continues to make an invisible effect for a long time. By 1500 the form of the polyptych which the "Dubrovnik School of Painting" retained until the end had become a Procrustean bed. It did not allow figures to be shown in a natural context, to be enlivened by being shown with real appurtenances, nor for any relaxation of stiff postures, or any easier breathing. Thus in Božidarević's paintings the representation of real life and the movement of the real world is only found in miniatures, on the borders of polypthychs, in "footnotes" on individual articles or when we study details "microscopically". In fact it is drapery which is the most convincing and arresting and almost tactile element of Božidarević's painting. Just as we perceive the bustle of the harbour on the model of Dubrovnik held by St Blasius so too he was fully aware of the richness of the materials which were produced at this time in Dubrovnik. Cloth was as important as salt for the trade of Dubrovnik and was a very tangible asset in the consciousness of the city. It may be paradoxical but it is accurate to say that Božidarević did not paint portraits (using patterns of characters) but portrayed materials in which his saints were clothed. It is of significance in this context that the most outstanding assistant in his workshop for which in 1507 he rented a whole floor in one of the mansions on Placa, suitable because of its good light - was Marin Kriješić who is recorded in one of the archives as "pictor sive coltrarius", painter of pictures, curtains, covers and cloth. When we consider Božidarević's landscapes we also notice a paradox. The endless journeys of the Dubrovnikians, constantly involving the sea, did not give rise to the desire to extend the picture to include real landscape even in those ordered by ship's captains, merchants, or globe-trotters. But it would have been unrealistic to expect Nikola Božidarević to show the Annunciation in Kolendić's Lopud landscape. Instead he presents the stereotyped picture of the humanists' idea of Arcadia but omitting Bellini's ploughmen and donkeys. This is no bucolic Virgilian landscape as created in the circle surrounding Giorgione - no mundane Utopia in which we might like to live. Behind Gabriel the landscape is wild and rough, behind Our Lady it is cultivated, these are more symbolic, antithetical rather than any true mise-en scene. When we first come to Božidarević's paintings we may be surprised by the fact that in spite of the very real situation within which they developed, there is a lack of any penetrating observation of either inner or outer worlds. Where details appear they largely represent a sanctified aspect of reality: spiritualiasub metaphoris corporalium, as Thomas Aquinus would say. The political, diplomatic, commercial realism of the people of Dubrovnik was, surprisingly enough, very late reflected in an art which served symbolic ends. Considered from this angle the architectural presentation of the city has something in common with butterflies which have great black eyes on their wings in order to make an impression on their surroundings and themselves. Thus in Božidarević and his predecessors we shall find no dark allegory, as measured by today's art critics, but a clear and balanced representation of the Bible message. These polyptychs provide a view of many kinds of fear (of heaven, of the sea, of plague, of Turks of all kinds, of oneself), and also of much hope. The four paintings by Božidarević which have come down to us are typologically different. This only shows us how impoverished we are not to have his entire opus. All four of Božidarević' surviving paintings were private votive offerings. Their subject must therefore be read according to the wishes of the person who ordered them. It is often considered, taking into account their formal superioriy that the Sacra conversazione of the Đođic painting and the Annunciation done for Captain Marko Kolendić are the "measure" of Božidarević's painting. If the former is his first example of a particularly popular Renaissance composition in Croatian art history, the second is his first independent central altar painting. Private orders in Dubrovnik of the time continued to demand the traditional religious, especially votive themes. But in the wider sphere new, more secular, opportunities presented themselves. A study by Vladimir Marković shows this programme to have arisen out of a combination between political intentions and the moral principles of the patrician oligarchy which coincided and were identified with the Renaissance view of Christian and especially with the classical Roman exempla. Božidarević was the contemporary of poets Džore Držić and ŠiškoMenčetić, of Mavro Vetranović. Marin Držić, the most successful writer of Dubrovnik's "Golden Age" was born when Nikola was in prison for the ribald songs. But we cannot but feel that the painter's temper remains hidden behind the porcelain surface and perfect outer symmetry of his compositions. The Dubrovnik context did not provide opportunities for the expression of strong passions. The demands for caution and order were unremitting. There might be considerable personal pride but there must never be bragging. It was not a setting for great philosophy or poetry, nor for tragedy, but for the natural sciences, economics and- along with them- comedies. Unfortunately Dubrovnik painting was fated to disappear almost unnoticed, with no fanfares or real apogee, to be drowned in the import of baroque art from the other side of the Adriatic. When we talk about Dubrovnik, the Renaissance is our first association, but the Renaissance in Croatian painting never managed fully to develop. Indeed Gothic was never fully relinquished but, rather, gradually disintegrated. Its place was taken by the counter Reformation, together with a whole packet of ready-made solutions, before the Renaissance had managed to achieve full definition. We cannot experience Nikola's paintings as Renaissance building blocks cut out from the reality of their own day. We may rather consider them as tables bearing rich fabric. His saints, enveloped in brocade, standing before an azure sky, are sunk in timeless melancholy. They are depicted in an indeterminate context as they appeared to the eye of the painter - without any later addition of colour. They did not attain the position of an academic standard for the Dubrovnik painting of the period that followed. Božidarević went ad patraim paradisi the same time as Mihajlo Hamzić, son of the German immigrant Hans, a "bombardiere" from Cologne, and Vicko Lovrin, son of Dobričević. The sudden and complete change of generations coincided with a fundamental change in the taste of the rich commercial class when it began to turn to the artists of the Bellini and Titian circle. The colours of Božidarević's painting are the most harmonious chords of Dubrovnik's "Golden Age". Of the one hundred and fifty polyptychs registered at the time of Sormano's apostolic visitation in 1573 less than one tenth remain. The Dubrovnik archives record seventeen works by Božidarević but only four have come down to us. In old cities such as Dubrovnik - colour, like everything else except stone, is recessive. What we have today is an idealized impression of what was once reality.