Suchergebnisse

Images of Europe -- Prologue I: the fall of the wall -- Prologue II: Maastricht -- Post-cold war NATO -- Present at the second creation: European Monetary Union -- Present at the rebirth: Poland and Central Europe -- Absent at the rebirth: the Eastern Slavs -- EU "domestic" policy -- EU foreign policy

'Ein Haupthindernis für die wissenschaftliche Beschäftigung mit den Muslimen der ehemaligen UdSSR bestand in der Beschränkung auf sowjetische Quellen, da zu eigener 'field work' kaum Möglichkeiten bestanden. Das Bemühen, aus der ideologisch verzerrten Quellengrundlage objektive Erkenntnisse herauszufiltern, konnte nicht verhindern, daß spezifische Sichtweisen sowjetischer Islamexpertise durch den Filter hindurch- und in westliche Analysen hineingelangten, etwa die Charakterisierung islamischer Bewegungen und Organisationen außerhalb des staatlich kontrollierten Sektors als konspirativ. Nach dem Zerfall der Sowjetunion wurde in voreiligen westlichen und russischen Kommentaren ein 'islamischer Krisenbogen' um Eurasien erweitert und bis vor die Tore Moskaus gespannt. Nach ersten publizistischen Paukenschlägen zur Rückmeldung der 'vergessenen Muslime' auf der Weltbühne wurde das Thema der 'islamischen Wiedergeburt' in zahlreichen internationalen Publikationen differenzierter dargestellt. Es ist aber imer noch wenig präzisiert, mit widersprüchlichen Informationen und Daten gefüllt, die zumeist nicht aus empirischer Forschung resultieren. Im vorliegenden Bericht soll der Islam im exsowjetischen Raum überwiegend auf der Grundlage englischsprachiger und russischer Quellen nach ineinander übergreifenden Schichten und Funktionen wie 'Hochislam' und 'Volksislam', 'offizieller' und 'inoffizieller Islam', nach konservativen und reformistischen, mystischen und orthodoxen, politischen und unpolitischen Facetten unterschieden werden. In weiteren Berichten wird er auf der regionalen und einzelstaatlichen Ebene differenziert und gesondert in bezug auf Rußland behandelt.' (Autorenreferat)

Cover -- Half-title -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Preface -- Part I The pre-political context -- 1. Politics and communism: figure and ground -- Structure and the Soviet form of organization -- Characteristics of structural strength -- Structural weakness of the Soviet order -- Structures and capacities -- Social communication and state penetration -- Conclusions and implications -- The problem of state structures -- The problem of social communication -- The problem of interest -- The problem of social and political identity -- 2. Regime and opposition in the pre-political period -- After the war -- After Stalin -- Dissidents -- Nationalists and Stalinists on the cultural-political field -- Part II Perestroika and the return of political life -- 3. Perestroika: renewal, transition or transformation? -- Perestroika as renewal -- Perestroika as transition -- Perestroika as transformation -- 4. Glasnost, mass media and the emergence of political society -- Glasnost introduced -- Authority and the press -- The press and the public -- The process of radicalization -- A note on the mass media and the formation of political subjects -- 5. The informal movement: politics on the margins of the Soviet order -- The politicization of the informal movement -- The first political groups -- The politics of differentiation -- Organizing a party and a front -- The role of the informals in Russia's political rebirth -- 6. National elections and mass politics -- First phase of the election campaign: the struggle to participate -- Voters' meetings -- Workplace assemblies -- Second phase of the electoral campaign: the struggle to participate continues -- Third phase of the electoral campaign: open competition for public office -- Voters versus candidates -- Candidates versus candidates -- Election results -- Agency -- Outcomes

The concept of territory is central in international law, but a detailed analysis of how the concept is used in both discourse and practice has been lacking until now. Rather than reproducing the established understanding of territoriality within the international legal order, this study suggests that the discipline of international law relies on an outmoded spatial paradigm. Gail Lythgoe argues for a complete update and overhaul of our understanding of territory and space, to engage more effectively with key processes, structures and actors relevant to contemporary global governance. In this new theoretical account of an essential aspect of public international law, she argues that territory is a dynamic social reality created by the exercise of power. Territories are constituted by the practices of a more diverse array of actors than is acknowledged. As a result, functions are re-assembling in territories constituted by state and non-state actors alike.

In an era when government seems remote and difficult to approach, participatory democracy may seem a hopelessly romantic notion. Yet nothing is more crucial to the future of American democracy than to develop some way of spurring greater citizen participation. In this important book, Jeffrey Berry, Ken Portney, and Ken Thompson examine cities that have created systems of neighborhood government and incorporated citizens in public policymaking. Through careful research and analysis, the authors find that neighborhood based participation is the key to revitalizing American democracy. The Rebirth of Urban Democracy provides a thorough examination of five cities with strong citizen participation programs--Birmingham, Dayton, Portland, St. Paul, and San Antonio. In each city, the authors explore whether neighborhood associations encourage more people to participate; whether these associations are able to promote policy responsiveness on the art of local governments; and whether participation in these associations increases the capacity of people to take part in government. Finally, the authors outline the steps that can be taken to increase political participation in urban America. Berry, Portney, and Thomson show that citizens in participatory programs are able to get their issues on the public agenda and develop a stronger sense of community, greater trust in government officials, and more confidence in the political system. From a rigorous evaluation of surveys and interviews with thousands of citizens and policymakers, the authors also find that central governments in these cities are highly responsive to their neighborhoods and that less conflict exists among citizens and policymakers. The authors assert that these programs can provide a blueprint for major reform in cities across the country. They outline the components for successful