The author analyzes the Polish 2003 EU membership referendum. In the first part of the paper she looks into the factors which influenced the evolution of individual political actors in the course of the European debate in Poland. Due to the increasing interest in the significance of the EU-related issues for the consolidation of the political system in Poland, the first part of the paper focuses on the EU-membership debate & on the role of the political elite & the public support. In the second part the author analyzes the role of the referendum in that debate & its impact on the political actors' strategy. The author analyzes the mobilization of the pro-European & the anti-European camp. Tables, Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.
In this text, consequences of the Croatian referendum for the EU held on January 22, 2012 are analyzed from various standpoints and from the angle of the controversy which it caused in the public, but also in the expert and scientific discourse in Croatia. The author first discusses the holding of the referendum in the context of its date-setting, which brought about a dispute between the government and the opposition and a part of the Eurosceptic public. Second, controversy arose regarding participation in the referendum, which is approached here in the context of irregularity accusations. Third, there is the issue of the referendum's legality and legitimacy, and the author draws a comparison with referenda held in other accession countries -- not only in the fifth round of enlargement with post-communist and Mediterranean countries, but also in other countries where the referendum did not have a positive outcome. Relying on the available facts and variable analysis related to the referendum, the author then asserts that the Croatian referendum for the EU was undoubtedly successful, that its results, both with regard to the participation and the outcome, were even better than in many post-communist countries of the fifth enlargement. Finally, the reasons for the tardiness of Croatia's EU accession in contrast to the other Middle-European and Eastern-European countries and Slovenia are analyzed. It is viewed as a consequence of wrong political estimations and decisions. The author also focuses on the informational and educational deficit regarding the EU in Croatia, and finds that the Croatian citizens are poorly informed on the EU because of specific decisions of the government. Still, the result of the referendum met with positive reactions of EU political bodies and the member states, which opens up the process of ratification in other EU countries that should lead to full membership of Croatia in the EU on July 1, 2013. Adapted from the source document.
The article takes a comparative perspective to review the background to campaign for & result of the Slovenian ED-accession referendum. The authors describe the ED's accession referendum campaign in Slovenia as a 'cat-&-mouse game' since the 'yes' campaign was outstandingly well organized & synchronized in stark contrast to the 'no' campaign which was poorly organized & came across as the representative of a narrow set of interests. Irrespective of this, the large victory (almost 90 percent) of the 'yes' camp was unexpected as was the relatively low turnout (60,4 percent). Two of the most important reasons for this high support shown at the ED accession referendum can be traced to a broad consensus among political, social & economic elites & the reorientation of the most exposed & well-known anti-ED actors towards the NATO accession referendum that was held simultaneously. Thereby, the article also partially examines the Slovenian NATO-accession referendum but only to the extent that it influenced the campaign & result of the ED referendum. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.
The article takes a comparative perspective to review the background to campaign for & result of the Slovenian ED-accession referendum. The authors describe the ED's accession referendum campaign in Slovenia as a 'cat-&-mouse game' since the 'yes' campaign was outstandingly well organized & synchronized in stark contrast to the 'no' campaign which was poorly organized & came across as the representative of a narrow set of interests. Irrespective of this, the large victory (almost 90 percent) of the 'yes' camp was unexpected as was the relatively low turnout (60,4 percent). Two of the most important reasons for this high support shown at the ED accession referendum can be traced to a broad consensus among political, social & economic elites & the reorientation of the most exposed & well-known anti-ED actors towards the NATO accession referendum that was held simultaneously. Thereby, the article also partially examines the Slovenian NATO-accession referendum but only to the extent that it influenced the campaign & result of the ED referendum. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.
Hrvatski referendum o ulasku u EU pokazao je da je najveći dio hrvatskog biračkog tijela – euroravnodušan. Euroravnodušnost bila je preferirana opcija i za političku elitu, koja je – za razliku od biračkog tijela – unisono podržala članstvo Hrvatske u EU-u. Članak analizira uzroke euroravnodušnosti i euroskepticizma oslanjajući se na dosad provedena istraživanja. U drugom dijelu članak analizira moguće posljedice hrvatskog članstva u EU-u na smanjeni Zapadni Balkan. Te posljedice mogu biti ambivalentne, a konačan ishod ovisit će o faktorima kao što su: 1) stvarna privrženost EU-a politici daljnjeg proširenja, 2) daljnji razvoj krize u EU-u, 3) unutrašnja dinamika u svim zemljama kandidatima. Proširenje EU-a ovisit će i o sposobnosti političkih elita da ignoriraju javno mnijenje. Ujedinjenje Europe ostaje ideokratski projekt elita koji se ne temelji na ideji predstavljanja stvarnosti, nego transformacije te stvarnosti. No ignoriranje javnog mnijenja povećat će osjećaj demokratske nelegitimiranosti EU-a. Hrvatski referendum o članstvu u EU-u ponudio je neke instrumente kojima se politička elita poslužila kako bi marginalizirala rašireni euroskepticizam i suverenizam u široj javnosti. O sposobnosti ignoriranja i marginaliziranja suverenističke alternative ovisi i daljnje ponašanje Hrvatske – odnosno svake zemlje članice EU-a – unutar same Unije. ; The Croatian referendum on EU membership demonstrated that the Croatian electorate is highly indifferent towards the EU. The political elite too preferred EU-indifferentism to Euroscepticism. Unlike the largest segment of the electorate, the Croatian political elite is almost unanimously supportive of the EU membership for the country. The article analyses the main sources of Croatian EU-indifferentism and Euroscepticism. In addition, it discusses consequences of the outcome of the Croatian referendum to now reduced region of Western Balkans. Consequences of Croatian membership in the EU might be ambivalent, and will depend on factors such as: 1) EU's commitment to the policy of further enlargement (or the lack of this commitment), 2) development of political, economic and social crises in the EU, and 3) internal dynamics in candidate countries. The EU enlargement will also depend on the ability of political elites to ignore Euroscepticism in their own countries. Unification of Europe remains an ideocratic project led by political elites. It is not about representing reality as it is, but rather about changing it through thorough transformation of European societies. However, further ignoring of the electorate will result in an enhanced sense of democratic deficit and might further question the legitimacy of the EU. The Croatian EU referendum offered some instruments and lessons on how to marginalise Euroscepticism and nationalism in the general public. If it is to be a constructive member of the EU, Croatia will have to continue ignoring and marginalising nationalists and Eurosceptics. This is also the case with other EU member-states.
Ustavotvorni referendum održan 16. IV. 2017. g. donio je mnogo promjena u ustavnom uređenju Republike Turske. Izglasane ustavne promjene donose opasnost da ova država prijeđe put od ustavne demokracije do autokratske vladavine jednog čovjeka. Međutim, za bolje razumijevanje takvog zaokreta na turskoj političkoj sceni bit će potrebno uzeti u obzir povijesno nasljeđe koje u velikoj mjeri daje odlučujuće impulse trenutnom političkom uređenju zemlje. Upravo zbog toga, u ovom radu pozornost se posvećuje i povijesnom razvoju ustavnosti te države, uz naglašavanje svih onih čimbenika koji su u njemu igrali, ili još uvijek igraju, veliku ulogu. Tek uz ovakvo sagledavanje cjelokupne slike može se dati ocjena sadašnjeg stanja te razviti određena predodžba budućeg razvitka političkih odnosa u toj državi. Stoga se u prvom dijelu rada prikazuje razvoj ustavnosti Republike Turske te nakon toga slijedi ocjena trenutnog stanja i, posebice, mogućeg daljnjeg razvoja prema nedavno usvojenim ustavnim promjenama. Pri svemu tome uzima se u obzir i uloga najznačajnijih političkih, ali i ekstrapolitičkih čimbenika koji su oblikovali i usmjeravali ustavni razvoj turske države. ; The Constitutional referendum held 16.04. 2017. has brought many changes in the constitutional regulation of the Republic of Turkey. Elected constitutional changes have brought the danger that this country moves from the path of constitutional democracy to the autocratic rule of one person. However, to better understand this kind of change on the Turkish political scene, it will be necessary to take into consideration of the historical inheritance which to a large extent provides the decisive impulse to the current political regulation of the country. It is precisely because of this that this paper also focusses on the historical development of the constitutionality of this country together with emphasising all the factors which have played and are still playing a large role. Only with such consideration of the whole picture can an assessment of the situation today and certain assumptions about the future political development of relations in this country be made. Therefore, in the first part of this paper the development of the constitutionality of the Republic of Turkey is shown and after that there follows an assessment of the current situation, in particular, possible future developments according to the recently adopted constitutional changes. Above all, both the role of the most significant politicians is taken into account as well as the role of the extra political factors which have shaped and directed constitutional development of this country.
Nakon nešto više od godine dana od referenduma na kojem je većina Britanaca izabrala izlazak Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva iz Europske unije, vrijeme je da se sagledaju uzroci, kratkoročne i moguće dugoročne ekonomske posljedice Brexita. Ishod referenduma stvorio je negativna očekivanja i povećao neizvjesnost. Stoga je gospodarski rast u UK-u već sada usporen, iako se odnos između UK-a i Unije još nije nimalo promijenio. Izlaskom iz Unije britansko bi se gospodarstvo, ovisno o rezultatima pregovora s EU-om, moglo do 2030. godine smanjiti za 2 do 8 posto. Na preostale članice Unije Brexit će imati različito djelovanje, a u prosjeku njihov bi BDP mogao pasti za 0,5 do 1,5 posto. Hrvatska bi, zbog niskog stupnja povezanosti s britanskim gospodarstvom, mogla ostati pošteđena značajnijeg nepovoljnog učinka Brexita. Usprkos tome, Brexit itekako zavređuje da ga pratimo s osobitom pozornošću i da iz toga događaja učimo o mogućim gospodarskim učincima neodgovorne i populističke politike. ; A little over a year after the referendum at which the majority of UK citizens voted to leave the EU, it is the right time to sum up the causes of Brexit, as well as its short-term and possible long-term economic consequences. The outturn of the referendum has created negative expectations and increased uncertainty. Therefore, the UK's growth rate has already started to decelerate even though the relationship between the UK and EU has not yet changed at all. Depending on the outcome of negotiations with the EU, leaving the Union might lead to a reduction of UK's GDP by 2 to 8 percent by 2030. The implications of Brexit on the remaining EU countries will differ—on average, their GDP might fall by 0.5 to 1.5 percent. Thanks to only minor economic connections with the UK, Croatia might avoid a significant negative effect of Brexit. Despite that, Brexit deserves to be carefully observed, since it provides us with the opportunity to learn from it about the possible economic effects of irresponsible and populist politics.
On the road to full membership in the European Union, and after completion of accession negotiations, Croatia must hold a referendum at which Croatian citizens will state their opinions on Croatia's entry into this community. In order for Croatian citizens to become familiar with the benefits of EU membership and in order to influence public opinion so that the outcome of the referendum is positive, the Croatian Government has adopted two communication strategies aimed at informing the Croatian public and gaining support for its European policy. The authors analyze the advantages and disadvantages of these strategies, comparing them with the experiences of other European countries that have successfully passed this road, and point to the untapped communication possibilities. Adapted from the source document.
In stable democracies, radical electoral changes necessitating the alteration of the type of electoral system are very rare. That is why the typological electoral reforms in New Zealand, Italy, & Japan in the 1990s generated huge scientific & public interest. In all three cases, the reforms were brought about by profound political crises, primarily by the electoral system crises. The reforms were carried out according to different patterns. The New Zealand electoral reform was an expression of a highly sophisticated intellectual design of political institutions legitimized by a referendum. The Italian reform was exacted through the initiatives & actions of the political & the civilian actors & was also confirmed by a referendum. The Japanese reform was a result of a contingently exacted party arrangement. In all three cases -- to the biggest extent in Italy, & to the smallest extent in Japan -- the reforms were implemented regardless of the will of the main political parties & most politicians. 3 Tables, 56 References. Adapted from the source document.
Demokracije su u opasnosti da će ih zadaviti populistički demagozi, koji se postavljaju kao jedini i istinski vođe "naroda", i koji zanemarujući ustavnu "strukturu slobode", parlamentarnu supremaciju, kontrolu sudova i, nadasve, ustavna ograničenja dovode u izravnu vezu s odlučivanjem biračkog tijela. Referendumi se sve više koriste za donošenje određenih odluka koje ne mogu proći u parlamentu. Tvrdi se da ne smije postojati nikakva prepreka vlasti naroda. Ovaj je fenomen najpoznatiji liberalni časopis The Economist obilježio novom riječju referendumanijom u kojoj se referendum izravno povezuje s manijom. U okolnostima kada televizija i Internet pokazuje svu bijedu brojnih skupština i to ne samo u novim već i u zrelim demokracijama taj je fenomen dobio punu simpatiju šire javnosti. Nakon što je u Velikoj Britaniji toj matici svih parlamenata referendum o Brexitu iskorišten kao instrument političke borbe što je dovelo do tekućeg "pretapanja" visoko cijenjenog britanskog političkog sistema izgleda da se ispunilo najgore moguće proročanstvo o napredovanju populističkih snaga u velikom broju europskih država. Republika Hrvatska je već dugo izložena takvim ugrozama od strane političkih grupa koje se ekstremno protive politici Vlade, počam od katoličkih konzervativaca a odnedavno i sindikalista. Zahvaljujući neadekvatnoj regulaciji refrerenduma o građanskim inicijativama gdje se ne govori o nikakvom kvorumu već se odluka donosi većinom onih koji glasuju mogućnosti manipulacije su ogromne. U postojećim okolnostima trajne konfuzije, brojni političari koji su već izjavili svoju namjeru da će ukoliko budu izabrani za Predsjednika Republike takav referendum koristiti radi uklanjanja svih kontrola i provjera koje postoje između šefa države i "naroda". Imajući u vidu krizu demokracije i smatrajući takve prijetnje sasvim ozbiljnim autor naglašava potrebu da se jednim međustranačkim dogovorom stvore uvjeti kojima bi se referendum uz odgovarajuću regulaciju uklopio u deemokreatski sistem ustavne demokracije. ; Democracies are at risk to be strangled by the populist demagogues, posturing as the only and true leaders of 'the people', while disregarding constitutional "structure of liberty", meaning that, the parliamentary supremacy, judicial review and, above all, the constitutional limits to the very direct decision making by the voters' constituencies. Referenda are being used ever more, often to push certain decision, which could not pass the parliament. The claim is that there must not be any limits to the power of the people. That phenomenon the most esteemed liberal magazine "The Economist" nicknamed coining the word "referendumania", apparently combining 'a mania' with 'referenda'. It has been received with a lot of sympathy by the general public, in circumstances when the television and the Internet shows all the misery of the numerous assemblies, not only in a new but also in the mature democracies. After the referendum on the Brexit has been used as an instrument of the political struggle in the mother of parliaments, Great Britain, which lead to the ongoing "melting down" of the highly valued British political system, it seems that the worst of prophecies are realized by advancing populist forces in a number of Euroepan states. Republic of Croatia has been for a long time exposed to such treats, by the political groups extremely opposed to governmental policies, first by the Catholic conservatives and most recently by the trade unionists. Due to the very inadequate regulation of the referenda on civil initiatives, whereas the decision is to be made by a majority of those who vote, without any quorum being provided, the posibilites of manipulation are enormous. In the lasting confusion, a number of politicians has already proclaimed their intention, if elected the president of the Republic, to use such a referendum in order to remove all the checks and balances between the chief of state and "the people". Taking such treats very seriously in the existing crisis of democracy, the author emphasizes hi plead for an interparty agreement which would enable the referendum to be properly regulated and thus incorporated into the system of a democratic constitutional democracy.
Hrvatski ustav promijenjen je 2010. godine kako bi se snizili uvjeti za provedbu neposredne demokracije na nacionalnoj razini, te na taj način spasio referendum o članstvu Hrvatske u Europskoj uniji od vjerojatnog neuspjeha. Od tada je u Hrvatskoj došlo do naglog uspona građanskih inicijativa putem kojih je zaustavljana provedba nekoliko vladinih reformskih prijedloga. Stoga se može reći da je u Hrvatskoj recentna privlačnost neposredne demokracije stvorila novo okružje za djelovanje predstavničke demokracije. Počevši od teorijskih razmišljanja, ovaj članak analizira praksu neposredne demokracije u odabranim tranzicijskim zemljama, koja bi mogla biti poučna za Hrvatsku. Središnji dio članka razmatra prepreke na putu prema učinkovitoj provedbi neposredne demokracije u Hrvatskoj. ; In 2010 the Croatian Constitution was changed to lower the requirements for the implementation of direct democracy at the national level, in order to save the referendum on Croatia's EU membership from possible failure. Since then, Croatia has witnessed a sharp increase in people's initiatives that have managed to block a number of the government's reform proposals. Therefore, the newly discovered appeal of direct democracy in Croatia has created a new environment for the operation of its representative democracy. Starting from theoretical notions, this paper analyses the practice of direct democracy in selected transitional countries, which could be instructive for Croatia. In its central part, the paper explores the obstacle that stand in the way of the efficient implementation of direct democracy in Croatia.
Kurdi su koncentrirani na nepristupačnom području planina Zagros i Taurskog gorja što se smatra njihovim etničkim prostorom pod nazivom Kurdistan. Unatoč brojnosti, Kurdi nemaju vlastitu nacionalnu državu, već je prostor Kurdistana podijeljeno između četiri države- Turske, Irana, Iraka i Sirije. Svrha rada je pronaći glavne uzroke zbog čega Kurdi nisu iskoristili povijesnu priliku za osnivanje neovisne države nakon raspada Osmanskog Carstva i ispitati mogućnost za osnivanje Kurdistana u budućnosti. Radi tradicionalne podjele u kurdskom društvu na plemena i klanove, Kurdi su kasnije formirali modernu nacionalnu svijest i osjećaj pripadnosti jedinstvenom narodu. Kroz dvadeseto stoljeće slabi plemenska struktura, ali se podjela nastavlja u obliku političkog sukoba kurdskih stranaka oko ciljeva i metoda rješavanja kurdskog pitanja. Oprečni stavovi kurdskog naroda oko pitanja ujedinjenja kurdskih regija u jedinstvenu državu onemogućuje njihovo zajedničko istupanje. U daljnjem tekstu se ističe da međunarodna zajednica nije sklona osnivanju neovisne kurdske države jer bi spomenuto pridonijelo destabilizaciji već turbulentne regije. Regionalne sile neće dopustiti ugrozu vlastitog teritorijalnog integriteta, a velike sile koriste Kurde kao sredstvo za ostvarivanje pojedinih interesa u regiji. ; The Kurds are inhabiting an inaccessible area of the Zagros and Taurus mountains which is considered their ethnic space called Kurdistan. Despite of vast number of the Kurdish people, their independent country does not exist and the territory of Kurdistan is divided by 4 different countries – Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria. The main purpose of this research was to discover the real reason why Kurds did not take an advantage of a historical opportunity to establish an independent country after the fall of the Ottoman Empire and to consider a possibility of establishing Kurdistan in the future. Because Kurds are traditionally divided into tribes and clans, later they have formed a modern idea of national consciousness and an ...
