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The author analyzes Rawls's concept of the overlapping consensus in the light of the recently published set of instructions of the Vatican's Congregation for the doctrine of the faith about the participation of Catholics in political life. Rawls introduces the idea of the overlapping consensus as an institutional mechanism aimed at avoiding imposing a comprehensive moral, philosophical, or religious doctrine on all citizens & thus preserving the pluralism of values of contemporary liberal-democratic societies. By comparing the basic outlines of Rawls's theory of political liberalism with the set of instructions of the Catholic Church about the participation of its flock in political life, signed by Cardinal Ratzinger, the author challenges the viability of this concept of Rawls's, as well as the possibility of reconciling the liberal notion of the citizen with the Catholic ideal of the participation of believers in the political life of their communities. 6 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author's argument is that Europe must renounce Kant's universalism & adopt political means in resolving its permanently conflictual situations. In that way it is to construct its new identity that stems neither from the divergent past of its members nor from their divergent perceptions of the future, but is being built in the politically active present. The European Union as a community sui generis is founded on a paradox. Namely, it does not grow from its familiar historical identity, but is growing into it by permanently resolving the conflictual situations of the state of nature by political means. That paradoxical political project may be subscribed to only politically: mythologies, religions, ideologies & metaphysics would, as it were, create a state-of-nature but only at a higher cultural level. 4 References. Adapted from the source document.

One of the central notions of the post-Yugoslav literature is the status of democracy in national states formed after the breakup of Yugoslavia. From the perspective of the exile, not only as banishment, but also as a liberating outside view into the once common social, cultural and political space, the post-Yugoslav writers question the social democracy praxis in their former home states comparing it to the social practices in the states of their current residence. In her books of essays, Dubravka Ugrešić ironizes different forms of social ideology in Croatia from the beginning of nineteen-nineties. Her writing recognizes the standards of European democracy accompanied with the ideological view into the questions of social rights, religion and language as the stumbling block of modern society. Ugrešić describes democracy as a notion hiding different things: the praxis of ruthless capitalist exploitation, loss of media freedom, media manipulation, the censorship of corporate capitalism, production of lies, modern slavery. (Don't take it personal, 2014), validating in her essays the importance of literature in disclosure of autocracy masked as democracy. ; One of the central notions of the post-Yugoslav literature is the status of democracy in national states formed after the breakup of Yugoslavia. From the perspective of the exile, not only as banishment, but also as a liberating outside view into the once common social, cultural and political space, the post-Yugoslav writers question the social democracy praxis in their former home states comparing it to the social practices in the states of their current residence. In her books of essays, Dubravka Ugrešić ironizes different forms of social ideology in Croatia from the beginning of nineteen-nineties. Her writing recognizes the standards of European democracy accompanied with the ideological view into the questions of social rights, religion and language as the stumbling block of modern society. Ugrešić describes democracy as a notion hiding different things: the praxis of ruthless capitalist exploitation, loss of media freedom, media manipulation, the censorship of corporate capitalism, production of lies, modern slavery. (Don't take it personal, 2014), validating in her essays the importance of literature in disclosure of autocracy masked as democracy.

Članak donosi pregled najosnovnijih postavki transhumanističkog pokreta. Transhumanistički pokret počinje krajem 20. stoljeća i zalaže se za korištenje tehnologije u svrhu unapređivanja ljudskog stanja. S obzirom na izvjesnu razinu sličnosti s posthumanizmom, pregled transhumanizma počinje analizom osnovnih pojmova: transhumanizam, posthumanizam, transhumano biće i posthumano biće. Nakon toga, transhumanizam se proučava iz perspektive različitih disciplina. Te su discipline: filozofija znanosti, metafizika, etika, filozofija uma, filozofija religije i filozofija politike. ; This paper features an overview of the foundations of transhumanism. The transhumanist movement has existed since the end of the 20th century and espouses the use of technology for enhancing the human condition. Due to a certain level of similarity to posthumanism, this overview of transhumanism begins with an analysis of basic terminology: transhumanism, posthumanism, the transhuman being and the posthuman being. After that, transhumanism is studied from the perspectives of different disciplines. These disciplines are: philosophy of science, metaphysics, ethics, philosophy of mind, philosophy of religion and political philosophy.

By using the analytical framework of the theory of modernization, the author analyzes the fundamental features of social community in postmodern society, in which it rests on kinship, religion, & cultural patterns. In modern society a new form of social community is established -- nation. It emerges within a constituted political framework as a community of individuals, subordinated to an integral legal framework. Contrary to the western model of "state-nation," there is the East European model of "culture-nation" or ethnic nation, which might be said to be an incompletely modernized social community. The dominating model in Croatia is one of the cultural or ethnic community. The consequences of such a model are the strengthening of authoritarian tendencies & the arrested development of democracy. In such a concept of social community there is no place for opposition. In Croatia, cultural & political modernization in the direction of social community with a more prominent role of intellectual elites & other social actors is vital. 15 References. Adapted from the source document.

Religion & religious communities as active components of each social & cultural set & as major factors in its functioning may contribute to social processes & relations or affect them both integrationally & disintegrationally. The paper lays out the theoretical & methodological grounds (functionalism) for the analysis of these processes & relations. As the examples of the integrational influence on the social & political processes in Croatia following all the social & political changes, we can mention the activities of the Catholic church (particularly in the Diaspora) &, to a degree, those of the Pentecostal church, while the disintegrational influence was exemplified by the activities of the Serbian Orthodox church. The text also includes a comparative analysis of the empirical data obtained from two studies carried out in Croatia (based on several partial indicators), which indicate a marked turn towards religiosity. Highlighted are possible individual & social aspects of these changes as well as the need for a complex & systematic monitoring of the religious developments in Croatia, the results of which might point to the possible integrational or disintegrational potentials of this "new religiosity" within a broader social framework. 4 Tables, 9 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author suggests that the multilayered concept of secularization should be understood as the dezideologization of culture, religion, nation, language. economy, opening the space for democratic decision-making in the European Union, & consequently the space for politics with the capacity for collectively binding decisions in the democratically generated pluralism, & not in the historically generated pluralism of the old Europe. Secularization originally meant the transfer of clergy (priests or monks) from regular to secular thereby making them secularis or laypersons. Since the Westphalian Treaty of 1647 the word secularization has meant the transfer of ecclesiastical property to civil possession or use. Secularization means a strict separation of the church & the state. It also means a secular implementation of Christian postulates of universal equality of equals among equals. Today, the concept of secularization is used metaphorically as dezideologization i.e. as the criticism of state forms such as fascism and communism which possessed only ideological & not democratic legitimacy. In that sense the thesis of the cultural or spiritual unity of Europe as its legitimizing grounds is undemocratic as it replaces & conditions democracy with a vague concept of culture or spoken communication. References. Adapted from the source document.

propovjednika) prisutni u srednjovjekovnoj Bosni već od prve polovice 13. pa sve do kraja 15. stoljeća, u ovom prilogu autor se osvrće na utjecaj i prinos dominikanaca u stvaranju hrvatske filozofske baštine u Bosni i Hercegovini. Po svom misijskom poslanju dominikanci su red propovjednika radosne vijesti, evanđeoske poruke spasenja. Pod geslom "veritas" - "istina", do koje se može doći i pravo je spoznati jedino kontemplacijom i trajnim studijem, ljudima nastoje približiti istinu o Bogu i čovjeku, o opstojnosti i svrsi postojanja ovoga svijeta, o smislu i sudbini čovjeka te o nevidljivoj prisutnosti Tvorca svega vidljivoga i nevidljivoga. Svojim dolaskom u Bosnu, kao i svojom djelatnošću, dominikanci su, nema sumnje, ostavili duboke tragove na vjerskom, znanstvenom i kulturnom planu, što znači da su uvelike utjecali na stvaranje hrvatske filozofske baštine. Na temelju povijesnih vrela, iako još uvijek nedovoljno istraženih, autor drži da su dominikanci nezaobilazni u rasvjetljavanju političkih i vjerskih zbivanja u srednjovjekovnoj Bosni i Hercegovini te da su svojom djelatnošću također znatno pridonosili i da još uvijek pridonose stvaranju hrvatske filozofske baštine, unatoč činjenici njihove povremene ili stoljetne nenazočnosti u Bosne zbog raznih vjerskih zbivanja i političkih događaja uvjetovanih unutarnjim i izvanjskim čimbenicima. U ovom prilogu autor se ukratko osvrće na Branimira (Dominika) Koraća, dominikanca iz ovoga humskog podneblja, propovjednika istine te pravednoga mira na ovim prostorima i u svijetu. Unatoč njegovom neumornom zalaganju za pravedan mir i nenasilje, u Drugom svjetskom ratu bio je žrtva ratnih razaranja i u tridesetoj godini života (1944. godine) izdahnuo je pod ruševinama zagrebačkoga samostana, potpuno uništenoga zrakoplovstvom saveznika. ; Dans cette recherche notre intention est de prendre en considération l'influence et la contribution des dominicains dans la créatio de l'héritage philosophique croate dans la Bosnie et Hercegovnie. Selon les sources historiques, il est évident que les dominicains sont présents dans la Bosnie ŕ partir de la premičre moatié de XIII-čme sičcle et ils sont en resté jusqu'ŕ la fin de XV-čme sičcle. Les dominicains ou l'Ordre des frčres pręcheurs sont obligés par leur vocation religieuse et les constitutitions de l'Ordre d'aller pręcher la Parole de Dieu, c'est ŕ dire d'annocer au monde l'Evangile, le message du salut. Le but de leur arrivée dans la Bosnie était ŕ combattre toutes les hérésies, surtout l'hérésie des bogumiles. Leur devise est la Vérité (Veritas) ŕ laquelle il est possible de s'appraucher et de la connaître véritablement seulement par la contemplation et par l'étude permanente des oeuvres de Dieu. Avec leurs engagements missioonnairs dans la Bosnie les dominicains ont laissé sans aucun doute des traces profonds ŕ l'égard de plan religieux, culturel et scientifique; c'est ŕ dire ils ont eu une grande influence sur la création de l'héritage philosophique croate. De męme leur contribution ŕ l'héritage philosophique croate est aussi trčs considérable, malgré leur absence de temps en temps de Bosnie ŕ cause de différentes raisons, des événements religieux et de la situation politique. Tout cela prouve que les dominicains sont indétournables ŕ l'égard de l'éclaircissement des événements politiques et religieux dans la Bosnie médiévale. Enfin, dans cette recherche sur les dominicains dans la Bosnie nous allons consacrer quelques mots ŕ Branimir (Dominik) Korać, le dominicain d'origine hercegovienne, né ŕ Hamzići prčs d'ici de Mostar. Il a été contre n'importe quelle forme d'agression et il a pręché la paix juste pour tous les hommes. Son intention de bien connaître les religions du monde et d'étudier des sciences religieuses, malheuresement, il ne pouvait pas réaliser, parce qu'il était, lui-męme, la victime de l'agression dans la deuxičme guerre mondiale oů il était tué ŕ l'âge de trente ans avec les autres ses confrčres au couvent de Zagreb, complčtement détruit par l'aviation des alliés, de l'année 1944.

Stvaralaštvo se uvijek povezuje sa slobodnom ljudskom djelatnošću, s ljepotom, umjetnošću, ljudskom invencijom, itd. – ona je najčešće nešto prihvatljivo i dobro. Ali što se događa u vrijeme globalne manipulacije? Razvija li ovaj period nove tipove i forme stvaralaštva? Što će nam pokazati analiza rada globalne medijske manipulacije? Ideja članka je ukazati na tamnu stranu stvaralaštva u masovnim medijima. Masovni mediji smanjuju mogućnost kreativne aktivnosti u medijima dok istodobno razvijaju manipulativne oblike stvaralaštva. Ti oblici zahtijevaju da ih se ustanovi, objasni i komentira. ; Creativity is always associated with free human activity – with beauty, art, human inventions Most of the time it is something acceptable and good. But what happens in a time of global manipulation? Does the new time develop new types and forms of creativity? What will an analyses of global mass media manipulation performance reveal? The goal of the paper is to show a dark side of creativity in mass media. Mass media reduce the possibility of creative action in the media whilst they develop manipulative forms of creativity. These forms ought to be detected, explained, and commented. ; La créativité est toujours associée à l'activité libre de l'humain, à la beauté, à l'art, aux inventions humaines, etc. – elle est considérée la plupart du temps comme quelque chose d'acceptable et de bon. Or, que se passe-t-il en ces temps de manipulation globale ? Cette période développe-t-elle de nouveaux types et de nouvelles formes de créativité ? Que vont montrer les analyses sur les manipulations médiatiques auxquelles se sont livrés les acteurs mondiaux de l'univers des médias ? L'idée sous-jacente de cet article est de montrer le côté sombre de la créativité dans les médias de masse. Ces derniers réduisent la possibilité d'une action créative au sein des médias et développent en parallèle des formes manipulatoires concernant la créativité. Ces formes requièrent une identification, une explication et un commentaire. ; Die Kreativität wird stets mit der freien menschlichen Aktivität, mit der Schönheit, Kunst, den menschlichen Erfindungen usw. assoziiert – größtenteils mit etwas Akzeptablem und Gutem. Was geschieht aber in einer Zeit der globalen Manipulation? Entwickelt diese Periode neue Typen und Formen der Kreativität? Was werden uns die Analysen der Beobachtung der Medienmanipulation durch globale Spieler der Medienindustrie zeigen? Die Idee hinter dem Artikel ist es, die Schattenseiten der Kreativität in den Massenmedien aufzuzeigen. Die Massenmedien reduzieren die Möglichkeit des kreativen Handelns in den Medien. Zugleich entwickeln sie manipulative Formen der Kreativität. Diese Formen erfordern Feststellung, Erklärung und Kommentierung.

The author initiates the article with the theory that the concept of sovereignty significantly differs in the late Middle Ages & the early modern age. Bodin gave to the sovereign the competency to both legislate & command, thus creating a significant shift forward from the medieval monarchical competency. Although he connected the two competencies, he was still unable to make the sovereign master of law but only master of statutes, with some limitations. The modern age recognizes two types of sovereignty: sovereignty of the sovereign & sovereignty of the people. The first case deals with absolute monarchies, while the second is concerned with democracies. Today, only the latter case is politically relevant. The author differentiates between 'the people' as a group of autonomous individuals, & 'the people' as an organic entity. The first form of political unity comes from autonomous individuals, & sees in the government only limiting power, while the second sees the basis for political unity in the whole of the ethnic body, culture, language, religion, history, etc. The second form has its roots in the romanticism of the 19th century; since the fall of socialist systems, it is again dominant in political thought & practice. The author warns of the dangers of one-sided use of organic unity in the creation of political communities & considers a combination of national & individual elements (democratic & liberal) the only successful basis for sovereignty. Adapted from the source document.

Stalni postav antike Arheološkog muzeja Zadar izlaže građu rim­ske antike po principu tematskih cjelina, kao što su rimska vojska, arhitektura i urbanizam, umjetnost, religija i pokapanje. Veliki dio izložene građe čini kamena plastika, točnije 96 vrijednih pri­mjeraka kojima je bila potrebna konzervatorsko-restauratorska obrada. U periodu od dvije godine na 50-ak kamenih spomenika izvršena je preventivna zaštita, dok je na 25 spomenika izvršen kompletan postupak zaštite. U ovom radu opisuje se konzerva­torski postupak i petrografske analize provedene na mramornim skulpturama i portretima iz zbirke Danieli. Na temelju uzoraka kamene prašine, uzetih s eksponata, determinirana je vrsta i na­stanak stijene. Petrografskom analizom određena je točnija pro­venijencija kamena i lokacija mogućih kamenoloma. ; The permanent exhibition of Roman antiquities in Archaeological Museum Zadar is organized by themes, such as Roman military, architecture and urban planning, art, religion and burials. Stone sculptures account for large part of the exhibits – specifically, 96 valuable specimens that required conservation and restoration work. Over a period of two years, some 50 stone monuments un­derwent preventive protection measures and 25 of them under­went a full protection procedure. This paper describes the con­servation treatment and petrographic analyses conducted on the marble sculptures and portraits from the Danieli Collection. Based on the stone dust samples collected from the exhibits, the type of the stone and its formation were determined. The petro­graphic analysis was used to establish a more accurate origin of the stone and the locations of the quarries it possibly came from.

U ovome radu želimo ukazati na korijene Moltmannove »nove političke teologije« koje je izgradio uz J. B. Metza krajem 1960-ih i početkom 1970-ih godina s posebnim naglaskom na značenje križa u političkom i društvenom angažmanu kršćanskih vjerskih zajednica i vjernika. Moltmannova koncepcija »nove političke teologije« u velikoj se mjeri oslanja na poimanje smrti Boga koje crpi kako iz povijesti Isusa iz Nazareta, tako i iz Hegelova razumijevanja spekulativnog Velikog petka. Postavljajući veliki naglasak na smrt Boga, Moltmann je u mogućnosti križ postaviti kao radikalnu kritiku bilo kakvih obogotvorenja kolektivnih identiteta koje nameće društvo, politika i religija, pri čemu revolucionarnost križa vidi u neprestanoj kritici tih identiteta. ; In this paper, we want to point to the roots of Moltmann's "new political theology" which he initiated along with J. B. Metz at the end of the 1960s and the beginning of 1970s, with special emphasis on the meaning of the cross in the political and societal engagement of Christian communities and believers. Moltmann's conception of "new political theology" is mainly relying on his conception of the death of God which he draws from the history of Jesus of Nazareth, but from Hegel's understanding of the speculative Good Friday as well. Mainly emphasising the death of God, Moltmann was able to posit the cross as a radical critique of the divinization of collective identities that the society, politics and religion push forward. Along those lines, he sees the revolutionary potential of the cross in the critique of these identities.

The author points up the proverbial complexity of Yugoslavia & the inadequacy of its political structure, made up of six republics, five peoples, four languages, three religions, two alphabets, & one party. That is why the subjective orientations of its peoples went counter to its existence, leading to its disintegration following the first multiparty elections. Serbs & Montenegrins were its partisans & due, to a lack of democratic political culture, they launched the war for the preservation of Yugoslavia. The properties of the political culture of the peoples living on its territory had acted as trip-wires for that war, & defined its form, course, & intensity. The aggressors belong to the Eastern civilizational sphere, speak the Serbian language, write in the Cyrillic alphabet, are culturally tribally oriented, want to live in Yugoslavia & Greater Serbia (which would be socialist), & are adherents of repressive types of political culture. The victims belong to the Western civilizational sphere, are Catholics & Muslims, speak Croatian (Croato-Serbian), write in the Latin alphabet, are culturally communally oriented, & favor the participatory political culture. During the Serbian & Montenegrian aggression, two civil wars erupted in Bosnia & Herzegovina: (1) between the Muslims & the Croats & (2) between the Muslims. The participants of this war all swear their allegiance to the state of Bosnia & Herzegovina, but differ in their visions of its political structure. The Muslims wish for a unitarian state of Bosnia & Herzegovina, the Croats want it to be a federal state, & the Serbs are against any separate state of Bosnia & Herzegovina. 7 Tables, 15 References. Adapted from the source document.

This article is written on the occasion of the 500 years anniversary of the Lutheran reformation (siðbót) which started in 1517. The aim is to point out new perspectives worth considering in research on the main implications of the reformation in the political field (siðaskipti) and cultural and / or social field (siðbreyting). In this regard, it is pointed out that in researches of such a complex historical process is inevitable to assume pre-defined pardigms that can serve as prerequisites for the interpretation of the subject. It is also pointed out that, up to present time, a single one-sided paradigm which describes the reformation as a revolution has been assumed in Icelandic studies of the reformation which assumes that the transition from a catholic to a lutheran church in Iceland has been sudden and for more or less political reasons, ie. for the efforts of Christian the III:rd of Denmark to increase his assets, properties and power in the country. The article argues that the relationships between religion and politics was much more complexed at this time than has generally been expected, as well as that Christina the III:rd and his representatives in Iceland considered it as their duties as christians to promote the reformation in the country and in that way respond to the demand of Luther to the christian nobility to rescue the Church on the basis of the gospel. In the article it is assumed that the reformation in Iceland happened in the period 1539-1600 and the development took place on various religious, ecclesial, political and cultural fields. In that way it is meaningful to describe it as a viscous reformation.