Suchergebnisse

Zadatak razvijanja znanja o afričkim ruralnim područjima od strane urbanih afričkih istraživača susreće se s dva značajna izazova: nadmoć mitova i 'biće kao sila' u mreži ruralne afričke gnoze i prijezirno držanje urbanih afričkih istraživača spram domorodačkih sustava znanja (IKS). Ovaj je pristup rezultat kolonijalnih nastojanja da se sačuva epistemička hegemonija i neokolonijalizacija uz pomoć Afrikanaca koje se okrenulo protiv mogućnosti afričkog sustava znanja. Fiksacija na mit i silu ruralnih aktera i zapadnjačkog akademski orijentiranog sistema znanja sačinjava obostrano antagonističke strukture moći s kumulativnim efektom zagušivanja pokušaja da se Afriku razumije iznutra prema van. Ovaj rad, usmjeravajući se na društveno znanje Yoruba, primjenjuje rekonstruktivni pristup predlažući dva puta do razvoja robusne afričke baze znanja. Prvi put argumentira da se ruralni akteri koji doprinose razvoju afričke spoznaje moraju raščarati gdje je to potrebno. Drugi je put usmjeren na urgentnost postizanja potpune dekolonizacije. Dok prvi put vidi kretanje ruralnog od mitova prema artikulaciji liberalnog epistemičkog sistema, drugi put želi ukloniti nevjericu i prijezir koji urbani istraživači imaju o zbilji znanja u Africi. Znanje koje ima koristi od afričke originalnosti može se konsolidirati otvorenim dijalogom između urbanih istraživača i ruralnih aktera koji imaju izravnu vezu s ispostavom afričke gnoze u pogledu politike, prava, etike, farmakognoze, zdravstva, ekonomije i okoliša. ; The task of advancing knowledge on Africa from rural African spaces by urban African researchers confronts two formidable challenges; namely, the preponderance of myths and 'being as a force' in the network of rural African gnosis and the contemptuous poise of the urban African researcher against indigenous knowledge systems (IKS). This attitude is the aftermath of colonial efforts at reserving epistemic hegemony and neo¬colonisation by Africans who have been inundated against the possibility of an African knowledge system. The fixation on myths and force by rural agents and western academy-¬derived knowledge system constitute mutually antagonistic power structures with the cumulative effect of stifling efforts at understanding Africa from inside out. This paper focusing on the Yoruba knowledge society employs a reconstructive approach in proposing two paths to the development of a robust African knowledge base by African researchers. The first path argues that rural agents contributing to developing African episteme must disenchant where necessary. The second is directed at the urgency of achieving a consummated decolonisation. While the former path sees the rural moving from a system of myths to the articulation of liberal epistemic system, the latter seeks to nullify the incredulity and contempt urban researchers have about the reality of knowledge in Africa. Knowledge that has the benefit of African originality can thus be consolidated on an open dialogue between urban researchers and rural agents who have direct relations to the deposit of African gnosis pertaining to politics, law, ethics, pharmacognosy, health care, economy and the environment. ; La mission des chercheurs africains issus des milieux urbains pour développer le savoir dans les zones de l'Afrique rurale se confronte à deux défis significatifs : la prédominance des mythes et « l'être comme force » au sein du réseau africain de la gnose, et l'attitude méprisante des chercheurs issus des milieux urbains envers les systèmes de connaissances indigènes (IKS). Cette approche est le résultat d'efforts coloniaux pour sauvegarder l'hégémonie épistémique et le néocolonialisme par le biais d'un assujettissement des Africains qui va à l'encontre d'un éventuel système de connaissances africain. L'idée fixe qui porte sur les mythes et sur la force des acteurs issus du milieu rural, mais également sur celle du système de connaissances acadé¬mique constitue, des deux côtés, des structures de pouvoir qui ont pour effet d'étouffer les tentatives accumulées pour comprendre l'Afrique de l'intérieur. Ce travail, en s'orientant vers le savoir de la communauté Yoruba, applique une approche de reconstruction en proposant deux voies qui mènent à un développement solide de la base du savoir africain. La première voie discute le fait que les acteurs ruraux qui contribuent au développement du savoir africain doivent éclaircir la situation là où il est nécessaire de le faire. La seconde voie se penche sur l'urgence pour parvenir à une complète décolonisation. Alors que la première voie conçoit l'évolution du rural à partir des mythes et se dirige vers la formation d'un système épistémique libéral, la se-conde voie souhaite se débarrasser de l'incrédulité et du mépris des chercheurs urbains envers la réalité du savoir en Afrique. Le savoir qui tire ses avantages de l'originalité africaine peut se consolider par le biais d'un dialogue ouvert entre les chercheurs urbains et les acteurs ruraux qui ont un lien direct avec la gnose africaine établie eu égard à la politique, au droit, à l'éthique, à la pharmacognosie, à la santé, à l'économie et à l'environnement. ; Die Aufgabe der Fortentwicklung des Wissens über afrikanische ländliche Gebiete seitens der urbanen Forscher Afrikas stößt auf zwei bedeutende Herausforderungen: die Überlegenheit der Mythen und "das Wesen als Macht" im Netz ruraler afrikanischer Gnosis sowie die verächtliche Haltung urbaner afrikanischer Forscher gegenüber den indigenen Wissenssystemen (IKS). Ein solches Herangehen ist das Ergebnis kolonialer Bemühungen, die epistemische Hegemonie und Neokolonialisierung beizubehalten, und zwar mithilfe von Afrikanern, über die man gegen die Interessen des afrikanischen Wissenssystems die Oberhand behielt. Die Fixierung auf den Mythos und die Macht der ländlichen Akteure sowie des westlichen, akademisch orientierten Wissenssystems vereint beiderseitig antagonistische Machtstrukturen mit dem kumulativen Effekt, Versuche zu ersticken, Afrika von innen heraus zu verstehen. Diese Arbeit, indem sie sich auf das Wissen der Yoruba¬-Gesellschaft konzentriert, setzt den rekonstruktiven Ansatz ein und schlägt zwei Wege zur Entwicklung einer robusten afrikanischen Wissensbasis vor. Der erste Weg argumentiert, dass die ruralen Akteure, die der Entwicklung der afrikanischen Erkenntnis ihren Beitrag leisten, erforderlichenfalls entzaubert werden müssen. Der zweite Weg ist auf die Dringlichkeit der Umsetzung einer vollständigen Dekolonisation ausgerichtet. Während der erste Weg die Fortbewegung des Ländlichen von den Mythen zur Artikulation des liberalen epistemischen Systems erkennt, verfolgt der zweite Weg das Ziel, den Unglauben und die Geringschätzung zu beseitigen, die urbane Forscher gegenüber der Wissensrealität in Afrika pflegen. Das Wissen, dem die afrikanische Originalität zugutekommt, lässt sich durch einen offenen Dialog zwischen urbanen Forschern und ruralen Akteuren konsolidieren, die eine direkte Verbindung zur Außenstelle der afrikanischen Gnosis in Bezug auf Politik, Recht, Ethik, Pharmakognosie, Gesundheitswesen, Wirtschaft und Umwelt haben.

Na temelju Sabranih djela I–III (1997) Bonifaca Badrova (Livno, 1896. – Sarajevo, 1974), franjevca i profesora filozofije na Franjevačkoj teologiji u Sarajevu, u radu se obrađuje njegov pristup renesansnoj filozofiji i hrvatskim renesansnim misliocima. Badrov je u trećem dijelu svoje Povijesti filozofije (Sarajevo, 1959), koju je namijenio studentima za internu uporabu, uključio i neveliko poglavlje o renesansnoj filozofiji (1450–1600). On nalazi da su specifična filozofska i društvena strujanja na početku Novog vijeka iznjedrila nove, međusobno sasvim disparatne, renesansne filozofske sustave sa samo jednim zajedničkim obilježjem: odbacivanje tomističke filozofije. Prema Badrovu renesansna filozofija ima četiri glavne sastavnice: 1. obnova starih sustava: neoplatonizam, neostoicizam i hedonizam, 2. filozofija prirode, 3. politička filozofija i 4. skepticizam. Badrov hrvatske renesansne mislioce ubraja isključivo u prvu skupinu, dakle među pojedince koji su nastojali obnoviti stare filozofske sustave, i opet – isključivo među one mislioce koji se oslanjanju na Platonovu filozofiju. On smatra da je renesansni platonizam u svojoj bîti zapravo »eklektički neoplatonizam«. Na tragu spoznaje da je antički novoplatonizam eklektički zato što iz Platonovih, ali i drugih teorija probire, prihvaća i primjenjuje ono što mu se čini najprikladnije, gornju Badrovljevu tvrdnju treba razumjeti u smislu da se renesansni platonizam eklektički odnosi prema Platonovim djelima, ali i misaonim dostignućima antičkog novoplatonizma. Ipak, čini se da Badrov ne propituje detaljno izvore i izvornost renesansnog platonizma. Badrov se pojedinačno bavi trima hrvatskim filozofima: Jurjem Dragišićem, Benediktom Benkovićem i Franom Petrićem. Dodatno, o Dragišiću ističe da se bavio logičkim problemima, a da se Benković u pristupu Škotovim djelima koristio Aristotelovim logičkim aparatom. Pišući o Petriću Badrov citira Filipovića koji, pozivajući se na Überwegov Grundriss der Geschichte der Philosophie, tvrdi da je Petrić preteča i učitelj Giordana Bruna te da je utjecao na Bernardina Telesija. U kasnijim izdanjima Überwega naprotiv nalazimo da Brunov odnos prema suvremenicima nije dovoljno jasan i da se Petrić naslanja na Telesija u nekim svojim stavovima. Nadalje, Badrov o Petriću tvrdi da pobija Aristotelovu filozofiju i drži platonizam bližim kršćanskoj misli te u osnovnim potezima iznosi Petrićev nauk o svjetlu: ono je nematerijalna supstancija, samoegzistentno i sveprisutno, prvotni uzrok i princip svih stvari. Dalje, zbog stava o prostoru kao onom koji je postojao prije svijeta, neovisno o stvarima, Badrov Petrića smješta među mislioce koji imaju ultrarealističko mišljenje o prostoru. Načelno, takvi mislioci prostor poimaju kao neku apsolutnu i beskonačnu realnost, različitu od svih drugih tjelesnih realnosti, a za Petrića on je čak počelo, prvo od njegovih četiriju počela tvarnoga svijeta. Pri izradi svojih najopsežnijih skripata Povijest filozofije Badrov se, kako dokumentira njegov popis literature, oslonio na 17 djela iz povijesti filozofije tiskanih u 20. stoljeću, a u prikazu o hrvatskim renesansnim misliocima u mnogome na Filipovićevu Filozofiju Renesanse (1956). S obzirom na kratko izvješće o Petriću, nije utvrđen utjecaj Bazaline Povijesti filozofije, a Šanc u drugom dijelu svoje Povijesti filozofije hrvatske renesansne filozofe ionako ne spominje. ; Based on Sabrana djela [Collected Works] I–III (1997) of Franciscan Bonifac Badrov (Livno, 1896 – Sarajevo, 1974), professor of philosophy at Franciscan Theology in Sarajevo, the paper examines his approach to Renaissance philosophy and Croatian thinkers of this period. In the third part of Badrov's Povijest filozofije [History of Philosophy] (1959), which he wrote for the students' internal use, he also included a small chapter on Renaissance philosophy (1450–1600). He finds that specific philosophical and social mainstreams of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries gave way to new, mutually disparate Renaissance philosophical systems sharing a single common feature: rejection of Thomistic philosophy. According to Badrov, Renaissance philosophy has four main components: 1. revival of old systems: Neoplatonism, Neostoicism and hedonism; 2. natural philosophy; 3. political philosophy; 4. Renaissance scepticism. Croatian thinkers of the Renaissance, Badrov holds, fall exclusively within the first group, that is, among those who worked on the revival of old philosophical systems, or more precisely, among the philosophers who leaned on Plato's philosophy only. In its essence, he views Renaissance Platonism as eclectic Neoplatonism. Grounded on the understanding that Neoplatonism of the Antiquity was eclectic because from the theories of Plato and others it selected, accepted and applied what it considered to be most appropriate, Badrov's statement should be understood in the sense that Renaissance Platonism had an eclectic approach to Plato's works, but also to philosophical achievements of the classical Neoplatonism. However, it seems that Badrov's analysis of the sources and originality of the Renaissance Platonism lacks depth. The philosophers that Badrov treats individually are Juraj Dragišić, Benedikt Benković and Frane Petrić. In addition, he emphasizes that Dragišić devoted himself to logical problems, and that Benković in his approach to Duns Scotus' works used Aristotle's logical apparatus. While writing on Petrić, Badrov paraphrases Filipović's Filozofija Renesanse [Renaissance Philosophy] (1956): »Überweg considers Petrić to be the forerunner and teacher of Giordano Bruno. He also influenced another Renaissance philosopher, Bernardino Telesio.« In the later editions of Überweg's Geschichte der Philosophy, by contrast, we find that Bruno's relationship to Petrić lacks clarity and that Petrić leans on Telesio in some of his views. Badrov states that Petrić refutes Aristotle's philosophy and holds Platonism to be closer to Christian thought. The Sarajevo professor outlines Petrić's doctrine on light. Further, on account of Petrić's view of space as that which exists before the world, regardless of all things, Badrov places the philosopher of Cres among the thinkers who share an ultrarealistic view of space. Mainly, these philosophers understand space as some kind of an absolute and infinite reality, different from all other bodily realities, while for Petrić it is even a principle, the first of his four principles of the material world. While preparing his most extensive manual Povijest filozofije, Badrov, as documented in his bibliography, drew from 17 works of the history of philosophy: three Zagreb editions (Albert Bazala, Franjo Šanc and Vladimir Dvorniković), five Belgrade editions (Borislav Lorenc, Branislav Petronijević, Dragan Jeremić and Bertrand Russell), six German and three French. All these books were published in the course of the twentieth century. Being too short and general, Badrov's outline of Petrić offers sparse information for the establishment of any connection with Bazala's statements on Petrić published in the second volume of Bazala's Povjest filozofije [History of Philosophy] (1909). Šanc, however, in the second part of his Povijest filozofije [History of Philosophy] makes no reference to Croatian philosophers of the Renaissance.

Nakon kratke uvodne kontekstualizacije i ocrtavanja renesansne vojno-političke slike Italije, kao i susljednih društveno-kulturalnih stratuma, u radu su u kratkim crticama prikazani djetinjstvo Leonarda da Vincija i njegove prve umjetnički formativne godine, odnosno šegrtovanje u firentinskom ateljeu Andree del Verrocchija. Glavnina rada potom je posvećena raspravi o vizualnim prikazima Leonardovih ratnih izuma, razvijenima na dvorovima ondašnjih najmoćnijih talijanskih obitelji, milanskih Sforzi i rimskih Borgia. Kraćom interpretacijom dostupne historiografske produkcije nastoje se povući paralele između kasnorenesansne i moderne vojne tehnologije te istražiti donekle nezastupljena sfera Leonarda da Vincija kao homo militarisa. ; After a brief introductory contextualization and depiction of the Renaissance military-political image of Italy, as well as the subsequent socio-cultural strata, the work briefly illustrates the childhood of Leonardo da Vinci and his first artistic formative years, that is, apprenticeships in the Florence studio of Andrea del Verrocchi. The majority of the work deals with a discussion of visual representations of Leonardo's inventions of war, developed on the courts of the most powerful Italian families of that time, Milan Sforzi and Roman Borgia. A shorter interpretation of the available historiographical production seeks to draw parallels between the late Renaissance and Modern military technology as well as to explore the somewhat unrepresented sphere of Leonardo da Vinci as a homo militaris.

Dubrovački renesansni filozof i pjesnik Miho Monaldi (1540. – 1592.) u svojoj je estetičkoj raspravi Irena, iliti o ljepoti (Irene, overo della belleza, Venecija, 1599.) glazbenoj problematici posvetio čitavo poglavlje – Dialogo ottavo (fol. 135–153) – da bi predstavio svojevrsnu opću teoriju glazbene umjetnosti. U tom se poglavlju Monaldi detaljno bavio pojedinim aspektima glazbe, a to su: podjela glazbe na različite vrste, intervali, značenje u glazbi, funkcije glazbe, modusi, glazbala, odnos između glazbe i politike, odnos između glazbe i drugih »predmeta sluha« te kriteriji za postizanje »ispravne glazbe«. Radi se, dakle, o prilično velikom broju tema vezanih uz glazbenu problematiku, zbog čega se to Monaldijevo djelo smatra najznačajnijim doprinosom refleksiji o glazbi na hrvatskom području u renesansnome razdoblju. U svojoj klasifikaciji glazbe Monaldi je prednost dao vokalnoj glazbi (u odnosu na instrumentalnu), što je u potpunome skladu s općim renesansnim poimanjem glazbe. ; The work Irene, overo della bellezza (Venice, 1599), written by the Renaissance philosopher and poet Michele Monaldi (1540–1592) from Dubrovnik, is considered to be the first aesthetic treatise that originates from Croatia. In that dialogue, Monaldi devoted a whole chapter to music and presented his version of the general theory of it. Monaldi's thoughts on beauty and music originate primarily from the philosophy of Plato and Aristotle. He was mainly theoretically oriented, thus his ideas on music are primarily based on Plato's philosophical thoughts, and only partially on Aristotle's. In the greater part of this chapter, Monaldi does not consider the changes that occurred in the field of music in the second half of the 16th century and on the turn of the 17th century. Thus, his ideas on music and art, in general, can be interpreted almost as a purely theoretical model, without any indications of its possible use in practice. Monaldi's Platonic orientation is also evident in the form of his work, which is the dialogue form modelled after similar dialogues written by Plato. In some aspects of his discussion on music, though not numerous, Monaldi still relies on Aristotle, especially when it comes to functions of music. In his chapter devoted to music (Dialogo ottavo, fol. 135–153) Monaldi rather thoroughly discusses several aspects of music: the divisions of music into different branches, the intervals, the meaning in music, the functions of music, the modes and the instruments, the relationship between music and politics, the relationship between music and other "objects of hearing", as well as criteria necessary to achieve "proper music". Given the fact that Monaldi treated quite a large number of music issues, his work Irene, overo della bellezza is considered to be the most valuable contribution to the reflection on music from Croatia in the Renaissance period. This paper presents Monaldi's understanding of music, based on the example of his classifications of it into different categories.

ATLASES: Poetics, Politics, and Performance is a web exhibition of atlases from the Special Collections and School of Geographical Sciences of the University of Bristol (http://uobatlases.net/). It includes atlases produced between 1570 to approximately 1970.The exhibition consists of four thematic parts. Renaissance Theatres contains famous and les famous atlases produced between the end of the 16th century to the middle of the 17th century, such as atlases by Ortelius (1574), Camden (1610), Speed (1611) and four atlas tomes by Blaeu (1645). Rhetoric of Truth contains geological and archaeological atlases from the 18th and the beginning of the 19th century. However, Rhetoric of Truth is not only limited to renaissance, but it also encompasses first computer generated atlases, e.g. Atlas of Breeding Birds in England and Ireland (1976) and others. The Colonial Gaze focuses on atlases applied in colonial projects and land exploitation in Africa and the Caribbean Islands, as well as in circulation of race theories in Europe and North America at the end of the 19th century. The last part, National Identities and Conflict explores the role of atlas as a powerful instrument for visualizing conflicts and shaping territorial-political ideas in the 20th century. ; ATLASES: Poetics, Politics, and Performance je izložba na mreži atlasa iz Specijalne zbirke i Škole geografskih znanosti (Special Collections and School of Geographical Sciences) Sveučilišta u Bristolu (http://uobatlases.net/). Uključeni su atlasi od 1570. do približno 1970. godine.Izložba obuhvaća četiri tematske cjeline. Renaissance Theatres sadrži slavne i manje poznate atlase od kraja 16. do sredine 17. stoljeća., među ostalim, Orteliusov atlas iz 1574., Camdenov iz 1610., Speedov iz 1611. i četiri toma Blaeuova atlasa iz 1645. Rhetoric of Truth sadrži geološke i arheološke atlase iz 18. i početka 19. stoljeća. Međutim, cjelina Rhetoric of Truth nije ograničena samo na stoljeća prosvjetiteljstva već prožima i prve računalno generirane atlase poput npr. Atlas of Breeding Birds in England and Ireland (1976) i neke druge. Treća cjelina The Colonial Gaze fokusirana je na atlase koji su primjenjivani u provedbi kolonijalnih projekata i eksploataciji zemljišta u Africi i na Karibima, ali i cirkulaciji rasnih teorija krajem 19. stoljeća u Europi i Sjevernoj Americi. Posljednji dio National Identities and Conflict istražuje ulogu atlasa kao moćnog instrumenta za vizualizaciju sukoba i oblikovanje teritorijalno-političkih ideja u 20. stoljeću.

U članku se objavljuju rezultati istraživanja provedenih na lopudskom Kneževu dvoru. Donose se podaci o njegovim tipološkim obilježjima i načinu gradnje, o prostornoj organizaciji cjeline i kuće, o funkciji pojedinih prostorija i infrastrukturi 15. stoljeća. Tlocrtno rješenje i arhitektonska dekoracija unutrašnjosti i vanjštine pokazuju karakteristike i gotičkog i renesansnog stila. ; Research carried out in 2005 in the Rector's Palace on the island of Lopud resulted in two kinds of finds. One clarified the function and appearance of the rooms of this monument in the second half of the 15th century and proved to be important for the renovation. The second set of finds, however, can be considered completely unexpected, relating to the manner of construction, the preparation of the ground and the way the rooms are equipped technologically. Here it is not the stone furniture or installations that are meant. Almost nothing of these finds can be renovated and restored to its function, but is of great importance for knowledge of the conditions of housing at that time. By referring to the notes in little known fragments from the writings of the greatest treatise writers of the time it has been shown that the camino and necessario together with all the outlet ducts (chimneys and channels) are topics that they found engrossing. The typological particularity of the Lopud Rector's Palace derives from the combination of the two essentially different functions – residential and public. However, of all the seats of government in the extra-urban area of Dubrovnik, this is the best example of the creation of a grand building for public use by the adoption of the typological and architectural features of country villa architecture. The characteristic L-shaped ground plan created by a two storey house and wing with terrace, the disposition of the developed parts within the fenced plot and the division of the fenced garden into two parts (including the courtyard), the link of the hall with the terrace in front of the façade and with the garden behind are all marks of many of the Dubrovnik villas. But while the villas, almost without exception, have a standard floor plan on both ground floor and first floor – a central hall and two rooms on each side, in the Lopud Rector's Palace there was a deviation from this kind of plan. In the ground floor the deployment of the rooms and their apertures in shape and size is subordinated to function. But on the first floor it is very different: in that part of the façade that is visible in the full height, the fenestration is symmetrical, irrespective of the asymmetrical arrangement of the rooms. Here prevailed, clearly, the aspiration to mark the piano nobile by the regular distribution of windows. On the façade, then, the apertures of the ground floor and the upstairs do not correspond along the vertical axes. This prompts the conclusion that some of the elements in the organisation of the space and the fenestration – in spite of the stylistic forms of architectural decoration – reveal a stronger connection with Gothic than with Renaissance architecture. The interweaving of Gothic and Renaissance elements can be followed in the Lopud palace in the spatial division, in the distribution of apertures on the facades, and also in the parallel appearance of windows in both one and the other style. What is more, here it is shown that in spite of the increasingly marked penetration of Renaissance forms, the traditional Gothic shapes were still preferred, and considered a mark of refinement, particularly where the exterior is concerned. For this reason on the front elevation, which can be seen from a distance and from all around, there are only Gothic apertures, while the Renaissance windows are placed on the subsidiary lateral elevations visible only from the garden. The time of the creation of the Rector's Palace on Lopud was determined by some characteristics of the architecture and some stylistically formed elements of its stone furnishing. And while on the fireplace and all the wall wardrobes in the rooms, in the private areas, that is, Renaissance forms prevail, in the grandest public room in the hall on the top floor the most important decorative element, the large wall wash basin, the Gothic type of framework remains, decorated with Renaissance motifs. Irrespective of such combinations of two styles corresponding to a fairly broad time span, it is certain that a decision to build the Rector's Palace on Lopud could have occurred only after 1447; the upper limit for the building can be placed in the 1470s. Proof of this kind of dating can be found in Lopud itself. In its own Lopud surrounds, the Rector's Palace remained a supreme achievement. The example would be followed in various ways, but it would have been hard for the forms of the two styles to be so logically and properly combined at all levels anywhere else. In the quality of its architecture the Rector's Palace on Lopud should call to mind numerous still unexplored and undiscovered houses, palaces and mansions that with the loss of their original function are gradually disappearing, while at the same time, outside this country, increasing attention is being devoted to the history of residential architecture.

Na Veliki petak 1494, 28. ožujka, u Sikstinskoj kapeli, pred papom Aleksandrom VI. (Borgiom) i članovima papinskog dvora rapski arhiđakon Martin Nimira održao je – dakako, na latinskom – propovijed o Muci; njezinu je pisanu verziju u travnju iste godine u Rimu tiskao Eucharius Silber. Propovijedati pred papom za vrijeme mise značajan je društveni uspjeh; objaviti održanu propovijed dodatno ističe njezinu važnost; pa ipak, Nimirin su život i djelo do danas u povijesti hrvatske i novolatinske književnosti neistraženi. Donijet ću ovdje osnovne podatke o Nimiri, društvenom kontekstu njegove propovijedi, o strukturi tog djela i njegovim kurijalno-humanističkim obilježjima te recepciji (knjižicu je posjedovao Marko Marulić, a 1522. nekoliko je Nimirinih stranica u svoje djelo uvrstio Giovanni Mercurio da Vipera). ; On Good Friday 1494, Martin Nimira, archdeacon of Rab and scion of a wellregarded Rab family, delivered a sermon on the Passion to Pope Alexander VI and members of the papal curia. After April 3 that same year the sermon was printed in Rome by Eucharius Silber. Nimira built his career in the Papal States of Italy as a client of the cardinal of Siena Francesco Todeschini Piccolomini (1439–1503); some years earlier, in March 1487, Nimira had already preached before the Roman cardinals, on the feast of Saint Thomas Aquinas in the Dominican church of Santa Maria sopra Minerva. Nimira's known writings and activities (a poetic prayer for the health of the cardinal Todeschini Piccolomini Hecatosticum carmen ad Christum optimum maximum pro cardinalis Senensis salute, perhaps in 1488; his copyediting of the Politics of Aristotle translated by Leonardo Bruni and commented on by Thomas Aquinas and Ludovico Valenza, 1492) suggest Nimira was a curial humanist, dependent on the patronage of the Roman court and its cardinals. Nimira's sermon on the Passion, in the printed edition dedicated to the cardinal Bernardin López de Carvajal (d. 1523), bishop of Cartagena, Spain, displays Nimira's learning, his command of theological, philosophical and lyrical registers of expression, as well as oratorical elegance and a readiness to adopt Cicero's rhetorical models (sentences from speeches Against Verres 2, 5, For Publius Quinctius and For Aulus Cluentius, as well as the famous fragment of Gaius Gracchus reported by Cicero in On the Orator). The sermon has an introduction, two main parts, and a short closing prayer for God's mercy, especially to the Pope. The first part is philosophical (in Nimira's words, stemming from ingenium), the second part lyrical (arising from pietas). The philosophical part considers the necessity of Christ's Passion and death, touching also on the suffering of the good and the success of the evil in this world, while the lyrical part shows how Christ suffered and died. There is a prosopopoeia of the Virgin Mary, and the piercing of Christ's body is seen as the culmination of his suffering. The Jews (including Judas Iscariot) are presented as the main enemies, their faith as utterly wrong and depraved (confirmation is presented in a collage of biblical quotes), and the piercing of Christ's body is seen as their most terrible crime. The extremely strong antisemitic tone of Nimira's sermon might have been set partly by the tradition of the liturgical Improperia as part of the observance of the Passion, partly by the rhetorical need to contrast blame (of the Jews) and praise (of Christ), but possibly also by the antisemitic leanings in the circle of Nimira's acquaintances: these must have included Antonio Lollio, the secretary of the cardinal Todeschini Piccolomini, who had already in 1486 composed another highly antisemitic sermon before the Pope, and the Dominican Paolo Moneglia from Genova, who as the magister Sacri palatii chose Nimira as the preacher for the Good Friday of 1494; in April of the same year Moneglia was appointed inquisitor of the March of Genoa, which was under strain because of the influx of large numbers of Sephardic Jews and Marranos expelled from Spain and Sicily (later, in Rome in 1498, Moneglia led a spectacular auto da fé of several hundred Marranos in front of St. Peter's Basilica). The success of Nimira's sermon can be inferred from the privileges granted to his family by the cardinal Todeschini Piccolomini later in 1494, from the relatively large number of printed copies of Nimira's small book that survive today (32 in public libraries), from the record of Nimira's preaching in the diaries of Johannes Burchard, papal Master of Ceremonies, and from those who read Nimira's sermon during the Renaissance: we know that a copy of the sermon was owned by Marko Marulić, and that Giovanni Mercurio da Vipera (bishop of Bagnoregio 1523–1527) quoted extensively from the philosophical part of the sermon in his Contra a recto divini cultus itinere aberrantes (Rome 1522). We present an edition of Nimira's sermon following a digital facsimile of a copy in Bavarian State Library. In the edition, the abbreviations are expanded, orthographic variants of ae, u and i are removed, the punctuation is modernized, the spelling and capitalization standardized. Nimira's explicit and implicit textual sources are identified wherever possible.

Autor pokazuje kako se stil Božidarevićeva slikarstva može analizirati kao reprezentativna građa za povijest dubrovačkog društva1500-tih godina, premda se Nikola ustezao od prodornijeg promatranja svog unutarnjeg svijeta i onog vanjskog koji ga je okruživao, dočim se moglo očekivati (obzirom na njegov temperament i budući da je radio po narudžbi kapetana i trgovaca globe-trottera) da mu slike budu proviđene s više detalja onodobne vidljive stvarnosti. ; He signed himself in brush strokes only twice as: Nicolaus Rhagusinus, Nicolo Raguseo- Nikola of Dubrovnik - once in a marble medallion under the arm of Gabriel in the middle of the Annunciation, which he painted in 1513 forthe Đorđić family, the second time at the foot of the Virgin's throne on the main altar retable in the Church of Our Lady of Dance, his last work (1517). This name, until the archival discovery of his Croatian family name, fired the imagination of those researching Dubrovnik Renaissance art and even became a kind of myth. To call himself Rhagusinus in the middle of Dubrovnik undoubtedly meant a self-confident declaration vis a vis his artistic contemporaries- especially Mihajlo Hamzić and Vicko, the son of Lovro Dobričević,and even perhaps in relation to his own father whose workshop he had just left. When we stand today in front of polyptychs of this kind (which, when preserved in full, amaze us by the perfect balance of their general composition) we rarely think that they were created as bricolage. Immediately after Nikola's return from Italy he, and his father Božidar Vlatković received several very large orders. In 1495 they were given a contract for the retable of the main altar of the Franciscan church in Cavtat. The church authorities required that the central composition and figures on the left side should be composed according to the pattern of a polyptych executed almost half a century earlier by Matko Junčić in the church of the Minorite Friars in Dubrovnik, while figures on the right side were to be done according to the pattern of another altar in the same church. The saints in the upper part of the polyptych, shown down to the waist, were to be done after Junčić also, and only the central Pieta according to an earlier painting by Božidarević. The same is true of their style. Experts have very easily "reduced" Božidarević's work into the style and themes found in the Crivelli brothers and Vittore Carpaccio. But Božidarević obviously also knew the fresco paintings of Perugino and Pinturichio in the Vatican palace (Appartamento Borgia)and elsewhere in Rome where his brush may, according to Vladimir Marković, have indeed been involved. The form of a polyptych (like the form of a sonnet) helps in the construction of a figural composition, in a rationally and symmetrically balanced composition. It equalizes lighting, concentrates sight and attention: even when its constructional elements are removed, which make the composition of a polyptych, it continues to make an invisible effect for a long time. By 1500 the form of the polyptych which the "Dubrovnik School of Painting" retained until the end had become a Procrustean bed. It did not allow figures to be shown in a natural context, to be enlivened by being shown with real appurtenances, nor for any relaxation of stiff postures, or any easier breathing. Thus in Božidarević's paintings the representation of real life and the movement of the real world is only found in miniatures, on the borders of polypthychs, in "footnotes" on individual articles or when we study details "microscopically". In fact it is drapery which is the most convincing and arresting and almost tactile element of Božidarević's painting. Just as we perceive the bustle of the harbour on the model of Dubrovnik held by St Blasius so too he was fully aware of the richness of the materials which were produced at this time in Dubrovnik. Cloth was as important as salt for the trade of Dubrovnik and was a very tangible asset in the consciousness of the city. It may be paradoxical but it is accurate to say that Božidarević did not paint portraits (using patterns of characters) but portrayed materials in which his saints were clothed. It is of significance in this context that the most outstanding assistant in his workshop for which in 1507 he rented a whole floor in one of the mansions on Placa, suitable because of its good light - was Marin Kriješić who is recorded in one of the archives as "pictor sive coltrarius", painter of pictures, curtains, covers and cloth. When we consider Božidarević's landscapes we also notice a paradox. The endless journeys of the Dubrovnikians, constantly involving the sea, did not give rise to the desire to extend the picture to include real landscape even in those ordered by ship's captains, merchants, or globe-trotters. But it would have been unrealistic to expect Nikola Božidarević to show the Annunciation in Kolendić's Lopud landscape. Instead he presents the stereotyped picture of the humanists' idea of Arcadia but omitting Bellini's ploughmen and donkeys. This is no bucolic Virgilian landscape as created in the circle surrounding Giorgione - no mundane Utopia in which we might like to live. Behind Gabriel the landscape is wild and rough, behind Our Lady it is cultivated, these are more symbolic, antithetical rather than any true mise-en scene. When we first come to Božidarević's paintings we may be surprised by the fact that in spite of the very real situation within which they developed, there is a lack of any penetrating observation of either inner or outer worlds. Where details appear they largely represent a sanctified aspect of reality: spiritualiasub metaphoris corporalium, as Thomas Aquinus would say. The political, diplomatic, commercial realism of the people of Dubrovnik was, surprisingly enough, very late reflected in an art which served symbolic ends. Considered from this angle the architectural presentation of the city has something in common with butterflies which have great black eyes on their wings in order to make an impression on their surroundings and themselves. Thus in Božidarević and his predecessors we shall find no dark allegory, as measured by today's art critics, but a clear and balanced representation of the Bible message. These polyptychs provide a view of many kinds of fear (of heaven, of the sea, of plague, of Turks of all kinds, of oneself), and also of much hope. The four paintings by Božidarević which have come down to us are typologically different. This only shows us how impoverished we are not to have his entire opus. All four of Božidarević' surviving paintings were private votive offerings. Their subject must therefore be read according to the wishes of the person who ordered them. It is often considered, taking into account their formal superioriy that the Sacra conversazione of the Đođic painting and the Annunciation done for Captain Marko Kolendić are the "measure" of Božidarević's painting. If the former is his first example of a particularly popular Renaissance composition in Croatian art history, the second is his first independent central altar painting. Private orders in Dubrovnik of the time continued to demand the traditional religious, especially votive themes. But in the wider sphere new, more secular, opportunities presented themselves. A study by Vladimir Marković shows this programme to have arisen out of a combination between political intentions and the moral principles of the patrician oligarchy which coincided and were identified with the Renaissance view of Christian and especially with the classical Roman exempla. Božidarević was the contemporary of poets Džore Držić and ŠiškoMenčetić, of Mavro Vetranović. Marin Držić, the most successful writer of Dubrovnik's "Golden Age" was born when Nikola was in prison for the ribald songs. But we cannot but feel that the painter's temper remains hidden behind the porcelain surface and perfect outer symmetry of his compositions. The Dubrovnik context did not provide opportunities for the expression of strong passions. The demands for caution and order were unremitting. There might be considerable personal pride but there must never be bragging. It was not a setting for great philosophy or poetry, nor for tragedy, but for the natural sciences, economics and- along with them- comedies. Unfortunately Dubrovnik painting was fated to disappear almost unnoticed, with no fanfares or real apogee, to be drowned in the import of baroque art from the other side of the Adriatic. When we talk about Dubrovnik, the Renaissance is our first association, but the Renaissance in Croatian painting never managed fully to develop. Indeed Gothic was never fully relinquished but, rather, gradually disintegrated. Its place was taken by the counter Reformation, together with a whole packet of ready-made solutions, before the Renaissance had managed to achieve full definition. We cannot experience Nikola's paintings as Renaissance building blocks cut out from the reality of their own day. We may rather consider them as tables bearing rich fabric. His saints, enveloped in brocade, standing before an azure sky, are sunk in timeless melancholy. They are depicted in an indeterminate context as they appeared to the eye of the painter - without any later addition of colour. They did not attain the position of an academic standard for the Dubrovnik painting of the period that followed. Božidarević went ad patraim paradisi the same time as Mihajlo Hamzić, son of the German immigrant Hans, a "bombardiere" from Cologne, and Vicko Lovrin, son of Dobričević. The sudden and complete change of generations coincided with a fundamental change in the taste of the rich commercial class when it began to turn to the artists of the Bellini and Titian circle. The colours of Božidarević's painting are the most harmonious chords of Dubrovnik's "Golden Age". Of the one hundred and fifty polyptychs registered at the time of Sormano's apostolic visitation in 1573 less than one tenth remain. The Dubrovnik archives record seventeen works by Božidarević but only four have come down to us. In old cities such as Dubrovnik - colour, like everything else except stone, is recessive. What we have today is an idealized impression of what was once reality.

Članak se, iz perspektive »primijenjene makijavelistike«, bavi Machiavellijevim Umijećem ratovanja (Dell'arte della guerra) i drugim djelima (Vladar, Rasprave o prvoj dekadi Tita Livija) u kojima autor, između ostalog, daje i savjete za uspješniju borbu, vojnu i političku. Znakovito je da ti savjeti renesansnog filozofa i nakon petsto godina imaju velik odjek. Nekoliko relevantnih autora, dobrih poznavatelja njegova djela, zadnjih godina objavilo je knjige u kojima se Machiavellijeva misao reaktualizira u kontekstu borbi i odluka u 21. stoljeću, bilo da se radi o savjetima za menadžere u »ratovima« u poslovnom svijetu, bilo da se radi o pomoći biračima na izborima kako bi izabrali boljeg vladara. Analizirajući ta djela koja aktualiziraju Machiavellija kao vodiča i savjetnika u suvremenim borbama i odlukama, pokazuje se u kojoj mjeri takav pristup banalizira Machiavellijevu misao, a koliko pridonosi novoj, kreativnoj recepciji njegova djela. ; From the perspective of "applied 'machiavelistics'", the paper deals with Machiavelli's The Art of War (Dell'arte della guerra) and other works (The Prince, Discourses on Livy) in which the author, among other things, gives advice for successful struggle, military and political. It is significant that these advices of Renaissance philosopher have a strong impact even after five hundred years. Few relevant authors that are familiar with his work recently published several books that reactualize Machiavelli's thought in the context of the struggle and decision making in the 21st century, whether it is about advising managers in the "wars" within the business world, or it is offering assistance to voters in elections in order to choose a better ruler. Analysing these works, which updated Machiavelli as guide and counselor in contemporary struggles and decisions, shows the extent to which this approach trivializes Machiavelli's thought, but also in how many ways it contributing to new, creative reception of his work.

The political and social renascence that took place in the latter part of the 19th century made possible the revival of economic, cultural, and artistic activities. This became particularly evident in the building activity spreading, as in the rest of Europe of that period, in the wake of the then fashionable neo-styles that made a somewhat belated appearance at Vis. A Neo-Gothic building, designed to house the premises of the Hrvatski Dom, was built in the central part of the water-front (luka) et the very beginning of the current century, while a Neo-Renaissance dwelling-house was erected for the Tramontana family in 1911. The local school, designed by the native architect Marinković, was built in the Neo-Classicist style in 1910. The building housing the Army Club premises (Dom JNA) and the new fishmarket were also erected in the Neo-Classicist style. Some Neo-Classicist tombs may be seen on the cemetery where the Neo-Renaissance Dojmi Chapel stands out among other monuments. A Neo-Renaissance dwelling-house, belonging to the Mardešić Gariboldi family, was built at Komiža in in the early part of the current century, while the construction of a building in the Secessionist style (The Hum Café) followed shortly. The trend prevailing at the end of the 19th and at the beginning of the 20th centuries is evident also in a series of simple, modest houses designed in no definite style at all, but containing elements of various neo-styles or of the Viennese Secession in their facades. Gutters for carrying off rain water, usually sunk in decorative roof cornices supported by consoles; rows of tall windows with simply dressed stone frames that were molded in some cases; standard shop entrances in the ground floor; balconies with wrought-iron balustrades; basement windows protected with iron grating, etc., all these elements were commonplace during that period lasting through the thirties of the current century when the increasing use of concrete almost entirely repleced stone as building material, rendering the facade construction an utterly simple affair. Among the movables dating from the above mentioned period, the Neo-Gothic furniture of the pharmacy (Narodna Apoteka) at Komiža, and the home furniture owned by the Lučić-Roki family at Vis (designed by Dragutin Inkiostri Medenjak, painter and decorator, 1866-1942) are worth mentioning. So are several pieces of furniture, etc., dating from the late 19th and early 20th centuries scattered in various houses on the island. Two painters native from Komiža, Vinko Foretić and Miho Marinković, contributed to the development of the modern art in Croatia during the early part of the current century. While the former returned to his native island after years of youthful wanderings, dedicating his ability to landscape painting and portraying of life and people of Komiža, the latter ended his days as a university professor (member of the Faculty of Architecture) in Belgrade. Boasting marvellous scenery and views of the sea, picturesque water-front and interesting fishermen popular even abroad, Komiža has attracted a number of artists for a long period now. One of them was Đuro Tiljak who came to live on the island time and again where he painted considerable number of his canvases. A memorial collection of his works, comprising all his creations involving the island, was opened at Komiža in 1967. The Island of Vis, having played a most important part in the People's Revolution, has a special niche in its history. Owing to its geographical position, lying far from the mainland in the open sea, the island, turned into a wartime garrison by the People's Liberation Army as soon as Italy surrendered to the Allies in 1943, became an impregnable fortress in the Adriatic, successfully resisting the attacks of German forces in the area. That is why a number of localities and structures on the island, reminding us of those eventful years, are significant not only for the history of Dalmatia but of the whole of Yugoslavia. The glorious days of the recent past are re-awakened by memorial tablets or slogans found on old stone-built houses in the island villages and hamlets; by graves of fallen partisans scattered in a number of grave-yards and on the former aerodrome – once a lonely window flung open to the outer world and now a peaceful green vineyard; and also by miscellaneous articles or documents surviving in the silanders' homes. Numerous traces of red – or blue – painted slogans still found on the walls of houses at Vis, Komiža, Podšpilje, Marinje Zemlje, Dračevo Polje, Podstražje, and other villages and hamlets on the island, bear eloquent testimony to the wartime events, particularly to the significant ones in 1944. The cave located to the nort-west of Borovik is no doubt the most important monument belonging to that period as it served as sheltered headquarters for the People's Liberation Army from where its Commander-in-Chief, Marshal Josip Broz Tito, controlled its activities in the field aiming at the liberation of the country. The cave has therefore been named Titova Špilja. Several memorial tablets have been erected in the post-war period, either to mark some historic spots or to honour the victims of the Fascist persecution, fallen partisans, etc., Among the memorial tablets set up at Komiža, the one on the Tower is in memory of the 1940 municipal election victory of the workpeople of Komiža when 18 councilmen were returned, who directed the municipal affairs under the leadership of the Communist Party of Croatia; others, set up on various houses at Vis, mark the one-time seats of the District Committee of the Communist Party of Croatia for the central Dalmatian archipelago, and of the Regional Committee of the People's Liberation Movement, etc. A memorial tablet, set up on the Kučić Family house at Komiža, reminds us of the decision made by the local Communist Party Committee in 1941 to start attacking the invader's forces, while the inscription on another tablet erected on the house owned by Luka Borčić (at Žena Glava), records the spot where – from January through October 1944 – the Dalmatian Regional Committee of the Communist Party of Croatia conducted the armed revolt of the people against the Fascist invader. Fallen partisans have been hounoured by memorial tablets set up at Vis, Komiža, Podstražje, Marinje Zemlje, Podšpilje, and on the Island of Biševo. Both native and British airmen, killed in action in the course of the struggle for liberation, have also been honoured, the native flyers at Velo Polje and the British at the Čunkovica crossroads. Monuments remind us of the executed hostages at Vis and Komiža in 1943 while a memorial tablet records the spot where Nikola Marinković – Top was killed. As a part of the celebration of the twentieth anniversary of the stay on the island (in 1944) of the members of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, of the headquarters of the People's Liberation Army, and of Marshal Tito himself, several buildings were dedicated in 1964 to the fighters killed in action and to the victims of Fascist cruelty. Among such buildings are the memorial school, designed by the Architect N. Šegvić, and the memorial premises for popular meetings, etc., designed by S. Planić. A memorial well built at Podšpilje bears the inscription of some verses by J. Franičević and of names of the fallen fighters. A large monolith erected at Vis marks the spot where the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces of the People's Liberation Army, Marshal Josip Broz Tito, reviewed the First Dalmatian Brigade decorating it for bravery with the Order of People's Liberation. A sentence from his speech reading: »Tuđe nećemo – svoje ne damo« (We do not what is not ours but we will not surrender what is ours) has been cut in the monolith. A number of buildings at Vis bear inscriptions recording various wartime events, e. g. the stay there (in 1944) of the presidium of the Anti-Fascist Council of Yugoslavia, of the People's Committe, of the Vis Island District Committee, etc. Some buildings at Komiža are marked in a similar way, and we learn from the inscriptions which of the houses were occupied by the Military Command, Military Hospital, Refugee Collecting Station, etc. Memorial tablets have also been set up at Borovik Village, in order to mark the houses once occupied by the Centrl Comittee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, the 26th Division Headquarters, and the Soviet, British, and American military missions. The Dalmatian Regional Committee of the Communist Party of Croatia, the Agitprop, the Slobodna Dalmacija Editorial Office, etc., were housed at Žena Glava Village, while various aerodrome services etc. had their quarters at Marinje Zemlje. The headquarters of the 1st Dalmatian Brigade and 3rd Overseas Brigade were at Podselje. A number of miscellaneous movable articles connected with the People's War of Liberation have been preserved and are now on show at the Museum at Vis as also in some private homes. A significant architectural contribution has been recorded on the island in the field of building construction. The Yugoslav Army Club premises at Komiža and a number of handsome dwelling-houses (all designed by the Architect Vitić) and the large Wine Cellars (designed by the Architect Fabris) are particularly noteworthy.

Autor u kratkim crtama daje pregled razvitka umjetnosti medalje na području priobalne Hrvatske od 15. st. do druge austrijske dominacije. Materijal je grupi ran u sljedeće skupine: Istra, Mletačka Dalmacija, Dubrovnik, Napoleonovo doba, Prva austrijska vlast, svetačke medaljice. Sam katalog sadrži 52 komada medalja, poznatih bilo iz zbirki, bilo iz stručne literature. ; Among the older Istrian medals there is one of Francesco Biondi, a Florentine monk, bishop of Capodistria (Justinopolis, Kopar), made in 1448. Other Istrian medals of interest are a rough cast-bronze one from 1693, made for a corporate body for the distribution of hay in Pula and a small cast bronze medal, made in Rome on the occasion of the renewal of St. Euphemia's church in Rovinj in 1756. Of course, there is also a modest medal presented by the Poreč community to the last Venetian podesta in 1797. Speaking of Dalmatian medals, one ought to mention two of the great names of the Renaissance, who excelled in the art of the medal: Paolo de Ragusa and Francesco Laurana. Several famous Dalmatians who lived abroad in the 16th c. were depicted on medals: Jacobus Banisius, Francesco Niconizio and Antonio Veranzio. One of the earliest Dalmatian medals is the one made in 1600 for the Procuratori dell' Area di S. Simeone in Zadar. There is also a medal struck on the occasion of the liberation of Castelnuovo (Hercegnovi) in 1687. The Scuola Dalmata in Venice also hat its own small silver medals depicting S. George and S. Tripone. The numerous Dalmatian magistrates' medals from the 17th and 18th c. are usually of little artistic value, having been made by local gold or silversmiths, according to the wishes of the local nobility, who wanted to honour a departing provveditore generale or conte (various provveditori generali of Dalmatia and Albania, podesta of Poreč, counts of Korčula, Split, Šibenik and Zadar, provveditori of Imotski, Makarska and Sinj). Speaking about medals of the ancient Republic of Dubrovnik one ought to mention that only trace left there by Paolo de Ragusio are the delicate copper follari. Matteo de' Pasti made a medal of Timoteo Maffei, the archbishop of Ragusa. Three 16th c. Ragusan patricians: Giovanni Nale-Nalješković, Domenico Ragnina and Luca Cerva-Crijević were depicted on medals. A medal by St. Urbain was dedicated to Giorgio Baglivi, a Ragusan surgeon. The first medal was struck in Dubrovnik on the occasion of the reconstruction of St. Blaise's church in 1707. In 1771 the relics of St. Stephen King of Hungary were presented by the Ragusan Senate to Emperor Joseph Il. and Empress Maria Theresia; the event was marked by a medal. The other two remarkable medals of Dubrovnik were the one to commemorate the death of the rector Orsat Gozze Gučetić, 1798; Gioacchino Hamerani's 1803 Luigi Alvise Mozzi medal. Napoleon Bonaparte's Marshal Marmont dissolved the government of the reverend and feeble Republic of Ragusa on January 31. 1808. Napoleon's massive numismatic propaganda was very well organized. An entire team of artists worked for Napoleon in Paris, but there were also many medallists elsewhere producing medals, in order to celebrate his victories, thus for instance the 1806 medal commemorating the conquests of Dalmatia, of Istria, and of Illyricum. Several of the Dalmatian Napoleonic medals have not been attributed to any of the known medallists, thus for instance the rare Zaratine Lycaeum medal from 1809. A more rudely made medal was presented by the inhabitants of Sinj to Pierre Bouillerot, a French surgeon, in 1811 . During the first Austrian rule, in 1801 a decoration by I. N. Wirt was distributed, with the bust of Emperor Franc is II. on the obverse and the inscription DALMATAE BEN EMERENTI/ 1801 on the reverse . One of the earliest Austrian medals struck for Dalmatia was the Zara tine medal of 1804 by Luigi Ferrari, which commemorated the Dalmatian nobility paying respect to Emperor Franc is II. (1792- 1806-1 835), represented by Count Peter von Goess, Governor of Dalmatia between 1802 and 1805. One should not forget the most popular of all medals: the saints' medals and tokens, which were struck, cast or engraved in very large quantities and were cheap and therefore accessible to the masses of pilgrims. The most popular were those of Madonna of Trsat, made chiefly after 1715, when the Madonna was solemnly crowned .

Na dan Uskrsa 1991. godine Hrvatska je napadnuta, čime je započeo brutalan rat. Povijest ne bilježi takav tip stradanja i razaranja Europe od invazije Skita i Turaka. Težina zločina osupnjuje promatrača, zbog čega je teško razmišljati o duhovnoj fiziologiji napadača. Autor pokušava u mitskom mišljenju nači mentalnu podlogu agresorskog ponašanja. Mitsko se miš­ljenje može definirati kao fenomen funkcije čovjekova mozga, koji proizvodi jaku samousmjerenu energiju, s apriorističkim otklanjanjem drugih miš­ljenja. Razumsko promišljanje, kao odvaga različitih koncepata i probir najpogodnijeg , uznapredovala je razina intelektualnih funkcija. Potreban je napor u bavljenju mnoštvom mogućnosti zbog čega se javlja unutarnja nesigurnosrt. Zbog toga se javlja sklonost retrakciji prema mitskom mišljenju i prividnoj sigurnosti. Takvo je suženje začeta točka ideologija, koje mogu dovesti do aberantnog individualnog i kolektivnog ponašanja. Mitsko mišljenje pokazuje jaku udružnu energiju među ljudima. Tako sinkronizirana snaga može proizvesti vrlo destruktivno ponašanje čovjeka. Jednom kada je ustanovljena mitska rezonancija duha množnine, potrebna je enormna intelektualna energija za proboj rigidnog okvira demonizirane opsesije. U urušavanju komunizma neki navodi nisu uspjeli probiti mitski duhovni koncept, zbog čega su se javili odskoči u teško destruktivno ponašanje. Rat u Hrvatskoj je proizvod takve mitske tautologije u duhovnom svijetu agresora. Taj rat je najtragičniji primjer dubine stradanja kojeg je u padu proizveo raspad komunizma. Autor analizira odnos pravnih i moralnih odrednica ponašanja čovjeka. Sučeljene su kulturalne i tradicijske odlike agresora i branitelja, kao i njihovo ponašanje u raspadu komunizma i ratu. Zdravstvena služba Hrvatske otkrila je novu dimenziju profesionalne medicinske etike. U direktnoj životnoj ugroženosti liječništvo je održalo etičke norme ponašanja u kantovskom smislu značenja moralnog. Arbitri rata, Europska zajednica i Ujedinjeni narodi pokazali su dvoličnost u svojem shvaćanju demokratskog i pravde, što je perpetuiralo divljačko ponašanje agresora. Autor pokušava naći pozitivnu dimenziju ratnog razaranja Hrvatske. On ističe daje narod napadnute zemlje započeo i proživljava latentnu nacionalnu renesansu, u mnogim pogledima, svim stradanjima usprkos. ; Starting with the Easter Sunday of 1991 the Republic of Croatia has been thrown into a brutal war, the sort of which has not been experienced since the time of Scytnian and Turkish invasions into Europe. Brutality and bestiality overwhelms the capacity of mankind to understand the underlying mental concepts. This text is an attempt to give a comprehensive approach to the problem. The author tries to interpret the behaviour of the aggressors through the mythical spiritual phenomena. Mythical thought is described as a primordial phenomenon of human brain function, which gives a very strong self-centered energy, with the aprioristic rejection of others people"s thoughts. Reasnonig, as weighing of various concepts against each other and selection of the most suitable one, is an advanced faculty of the human brain. It takes an intellectual effort to deal with the plethora of possibili Due to that, there is a tendency of mental retraction to mythical self contained spiritual comfort. Such narrowed horizons are the starting points of ideological adherence to the collective behaviour level, which might be quite abessant. Mythical thought exerts a strong aggregative power among the people. Such synchronized power might produce very destructive human behaviour. Once mythical resonance has been established it is difficult to defrom it. Very demanding intellectual effort is required for braking the rigid conceptual framework of collective demonized obsession. The last four years of the communist world desintegration have witnessed several examples of mental inability to step out of the mythical spiritual tautology. Due to such mythical obsession, aggressors have performed the harshest military attacks against Croatia, with the most tragic consequences of such destructive behaviour. The author analyzes the judicial and moral determinants of human behaviour. The cultural and traditional features of the aggressors as well as of the defendors of invanded country, have been briefly outlined. Their behaviour in the war has been compared. Human Health Service of Croatia has established a new dimesion of professional ethics. The priciples of ethics have been maintained in literary Katian sense, even under the harshest direct attacks of the raging invading wariors. The politicians of the Europian Community and the United Nations have demonstrated a transparent hypocrisy in their understanding and interpretation of democracy. Their hesitation to recognize the self-determination rights has encouraged the aggressors. The author attempts to extract a positive dimension from the atrocities of the war. He thinks that the people of the invanded country have entered into the historical cycle of renaissance, both spiritual and economic.

Autor na temelju novobjavljenih izvora upotpunjuje povijest Lucićeva ljetnikovca u Hvaru. Također pretpostavlja postojanje građevina i prije podizanja ljetnikovca. Uspoređujući Morarijevu vizitaciju iz 1630. g. s tragovima vrata na sjevernom i južnom ulomku ogradnog zida, autor donosi zaključak o izvornoj hortikulturnoj koncepciji sklopa. ; The ground plan of the Lucić Villa in Hvar shows that the perimeter of the building was inherited from an earlier garden. But the lower parts of the northern wall show a structure different to that of the other walls, suggesting the existing of a perimeter wall even before Lucić built his villa. The southern wall of the garden also shows differences in structure, as well as a number of traces of the joining of walls, possibly of older apertures and a number of pigeon holes of unclear purpo- se, which suggests a confirmation of the hypothesis that there was a building there before the operations of Lucić. Not far from the Lucić complex, fifty or so metres to the NE, there were up to the 1950s visible walls, most probably of a Roman villa rustica. This is a site that is today almost entirely devastated but once provided a great many finds, urns, lamps, tegulae, pillars, amphorae and among other things the inscription CIL III, 3091. The existence of older wall structures at the complex, and the undoubted one-time existence of a villa rustica some ten metres to the NE, suggests that the villa was built on the site of a Roman period villa, which would tend to confirm that the heritage of antiquity was truly a precedent for the construction of the villa of Renaissance poet, translator of Ovid, Hanibal Lucić. In a will of 1584 together with a codicil of 1590 Julija Lucić, the daughter in law and general heir to the assets of Lucić, left the villa to the Jesuits or to two priests, should the Jesuits not arrive in Hvar. The oldest visitation of the complex that was carried out on January 20, 1603, by vicar General Andria Nembri says that the garden was at that time lea- sed to Abbot Delfin, and to two priests, the Bishop's nephew Juraj Cedulin, who was then studying in Perugia, and Peregrin Gariboldi, then in Rome to do with his canonicate. In a visitation of 1630 Morari found at the villa the priest Ivan Mekjanić, who had been installed by the beneficiary of the complex Federico Grisogono, nephew of Bishop Cedulin. In the words of Mekjanić, Grisogono was a youth of 24 who had never lived in Hvar. In 1654 Bishop Vicenzo Milani decided to organise the bishopric's seminary in the complex, and ordered an inscription to be carved on the gate of the complex to the effect. The earliest news from the 19th century derives from the session of the local authority during the period of French rule, on February 15, 1809, when the cha- irman Alvis Bučić moved the proposition that the gardens of the Lucić complex should be turned into the city cemetery. However, the impoverishment of the war years spared the gardens from being turned into a municipal facility of this kind; instead of paying a rental to the bishopric, on February 16, 1812 the government was asked to release the area of the one-time Augustinian monastery of St Nic- holas for use as a new cemetery. During the 19th century the villa was let out to many private persons, and from 1933 on it was the farm of the Hvar hotels of the time, to the horror of conservator L. Karaman, concerning which Vladimir Nazor wrote a poetic epistle. During the 1950s it was restored under the guidance of C. Fisković and D. Domančić. As well as the gate in the central part of the north wall of the garden, often thought to be the only entrance into the complex, Lucić's villa has two more entrances, via which the inner areas of the complex could be accessed from the street. The walled up door is visible in the NW corner of the complex, at the spot where the northern and western walls meet, and also alongside the SW corner of the main house of the complex. Comparing the location of the walled-up doors with the Morari description of the complex of 1630, it can be assumed that the original Lucić conception was placing the closed garden into flat area that had a raised paved walkway around all four walls of the garden, placed on sub-walls, arched over with a pergola on small stone pillars. The central walk was there above all to enable access to the well, the centre of the garden, certainly vaulted with a pergola on stone pillars. The original communication was established diagonally, and not perpendicularly across the middle of the garden, which is the case today. Thus the door in the central part of the northern wall of the complex and the door in the southern wall of the gar- den, from which the staircase went on to the southern wall of the complex were made subsequently and do not belong to the original organisation of the complex. According to Morari the garden was planted with citrus trees. The garden then was much more closed and medieval than could be guessed from its current situation, and Lucić, in the retention of the medieval conception of the garden was not isolated; indeed, from an analysis of the literary sources it can be concluded that it stayed that way until the early 17th century. The Lucić garden with its walls that from the parterre provided a view only of the sky and the peaks of the surrounding hills, with the well in the centre, mar- ked with its two tailed mermaids known from the early Middle Ages, was shaped like the space itself: closed and symbolic.

Kameni ciborij iznad glavnog oltara korčulanske katedrale je remek-djelo najvećega korčulanskog klesara i graditelja Marka Andrijića, s proporcijama zlatnog reza i elementima pravog renesansnog stila. Potkraj 18. stoljeća četvrti, završni kat krova ciborija je uklonjen, a neki dijelovi su nestali. Donji dio ciborija je besprijekorno isklesan, dok je osmerostrani krov izrađen znatno lošije, s brojnim nedovršenostima, pogreškama, preklesavanjima i skraćivanjima. Na temelju detaljne analize tragova klesarskog alata i promjena geometrije kamenih elemenata, te studije izvornog ugovora o gradnji, donesen je zaključak da je donji dio ciborija izradio Marko Andrijić sa svojom radionicom, a gornji dio klesari koji nisu razumjeli njegov nacrt, odnosno konvenciju prikazivanja projekcije kosih površina u skraćenju. Srećom, iako je radi ispravka klesarske pogreške gornji dio ciborija malo sužen i snižen, ukupna proporcija nije se zbog toga bitno promijenila, pa je nakon restauracije izvornog stanja to najbolje djelo korčulanske renesanse ponovo zasjalo izvornim sjajem. ; The most prominent member of a large family of stonemasons, and certainly the greatest stonemason and builder from Korčula, Marko Andrijić learned his trade not only in the workshop of his father, the famous stonemason Andrija Marković, but also working on numerous commissions throughout Dalmatia and all the way to Italy. In his home town of Korčula, he gained fame by working on the modernization of the city fortifications and the cathedral, which is why the Venetian government appointed him lifelong protomaster of all public buildings. His work on the completion of the bell tower on the Cathedral of St. Mark stands out, because he did it in an unprecedented way, combining an octagonal loggia with a dome, lantern and promenade surrounded with a balustrade that served as an observatory. In addition to the bell tower, Andrijić transformed the entire cathedral: he placed vaults above the side aisles and galleries above them, raised the nave, and decorated the upper part of the façade with richly carved stonework. He added a sacristy to the cathedral, a ciborium over the main altar, and a bridge over the street towards the bishop's court, and built a tomb for Bishop Malumbra. In 1486, Andrijić agreed to design and build a magnificent ciborium above the main altar of the cathedral. The extraordinary proportions and brilliantly executed details of the ciborium, combining the Gothic and Renaissance styles, surpass local significance. This was the first time that a classical pillar with entasis and genuine Corinthian capitals, as well as composite capitals with dolphin and siren motifs, had appeared in Croatian art. The ciborium's appearance was significantly changed during the complete redesign of the cathedral's interior in the Baroque style, undertaken by Bishop Josip Kosirić at the end of the 18th century. In order for a sculpture of the Risen Christ to be placed on top, the upper tier of the ciborium roof was replaced with awkward, curved stone elements that belonged to older church furniture and had been re-carved to fit the ciborium. Joško Belamarić found the final tier of Andrijić's ciborium roof in the lapidary of the abbey collection, turned upside down and converted into a baptismal font. This discovery made it possible to make an ideal reconstruction of the original appearance by completing the natural sequence of four openings in the surface of the first-tier of the ciborium roof to one opening the surface of the fourth-tier. In order to re-establish the integrity of Andrijić's masterpiece, and taking into account the angle of parts of the roof on the ciborium and its proportions, a draft was made with the reconstructed missing elements: eight segments of the third-tier roof and the small dome. After the upper part of the ciborium was disassembled to preserve the stone and consolidate the structure, all the stone elements, holes for fixing metal joints, traces of masonry tools, damage, re-carving and shortening were inspected and analysed in detail. A stonemason's mark was found on the upper surface of the architrave, which determined the position of the elements of the first tier of the roof, which, according to the original design, should have been about 9 cm wider on all sides. It was concluded that the perfectly carved lower part of the ciborium was made by Marko Andrijić in his workshop, and the inferior roof was made by stonemasons who did not understand his design. In order to understand what exactly happened and to be able to make the right conservation decision on how to restore the ciborium, it was necessary to return to the original construction contract, kept in the Zadar State Archives. A complete transcription and translation of the contract, with the payments written in the margins, was made. Master Marko Andrijić committed to carving a ciborium of stone from Vrnik and based on the design he had made, in the following two years for the price of one hundred and fifteen ducats. If he failed to complete the ciborium within the agreed time, the master had to pay a fine, but he was allowed to let other master stonemasons complete the work in that case. Judging by the recorded payments, the construction of the ciborium took six years instead of two, and Marko did not pay a fine, and he even received about seven ducats more than the agreed price. The excess payment probably relates to the statues of the Annunciation, which had to be contracted subsequently with an annex that has not yet been found. After about two-thirds of the ciborium was complete, the work was stopped, and after more than two years, work was continued, probably by one of Marko's brothers, but he was not up to the task. Due to an error in transferring the dimensions and angle of inclination of the roof surfaces from the draft, the replacement masters had to re-carve the already-executed elements of the first-tier roof and improvise to fill the resulting cavities. As a result of these errors, the roof of the ciborium was narrowed and lowered. However, viewed as a whole, the proportional system of the ciborium, consisting of four rectangles of the golden ratio placed one above the other, is not significantly affected by a small but proportional reduction in the dimensions of the roof. Between 2014 and 2019, the Croatian Conservation Institute repaired the damaged elements, carved the missing parts, and re-assembled and connected the upper part of the ciborium with metal clamps filled with lead, with all the necessary reinforcement of the structure. After more than two centuries, the best work of Korčula's architectural and stoneworking art was once again made whole.