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自90年代初起,中國的拉拉(女同性戀)運動共經歷了近20年的發展。本研究探討在這20年的時間裏,拉拉運動家如何將拉拉運動從只限於北京地區的少數女同性戀活動,擴展成為全國遍地開花的拉拉活動和組織。 ; 然而,在這一過程中,拉拉運動家遭遇了各種各樣的困境。這其中既包括了威權政府統治對草根行動的重重限制,也包括媒體在性少數議題上的保守態度和審查機制,還包括國內缺少關於中國同志運動本土化的思想資源。本研究以"實用主義反抗"為論文的中心論點來展示拉拉運動家如何應對這些困境和促進運動的發展。"實用主義反抗"揭示了拉拉運動家的實用主義精神和遊牧主體性。具體來說,該概念是用於指稱她們的多元運動策略,也即是在不同的語境和運動發展階段相應地實踐不同策略。同時,她們也不死守某一種身份和意識形態,而是靈活地挪用各種身份和思想資源來促進變革。 ; 本論文集中討論拉拉運動家實用主義反抗的三種具體策略。首先,拉拉運動家採用"納入"策略,把拉拉議題納入國家主流議題中,從而令關於性少數平權的敏感議題能在主流甚至官方的討論中得到呈現。其次,拉拉運動家運用了增加能見度的策略,這包括:靈活運用商業活動來進行大規模公眾宣導和通過策劃同性婚姻平權的各種行為藝術來吸引媒體報導。再次,她們使用了"吵架"這一策略。拉拉運動家在和男同性戀運動家和女權主義者的爭論中強化了拉拉運動的差異性和獨立性,從而生產出關於拉拉運動的本土論述。 ; 本文展示了拉拉運動家在威權統治下仍然能進行變革的難能可貴的能動性、創造力、韌性以及靈活應變的能力。與此同時,本文也為社會運動研究和同志研究帶來一些新的啟示,例如打開了關於權力、統治和反抗的新想像,並論證了開放式結盟對於在威權社會治下的同志運動以及其他草根運動的重要性。 ; A lala (lesbian) movement has survived and thrived in China in the past 2 decades. This dissertation explores how lala (lesbian) activists successfully constructed a movement from sparse lala activities only identifiable in Beijing in the 1990s to the flowering lala organizing all over China in the present. This study situates the lala movement within such Chinese contexts: the authoritarian conditions that civil-political rights and democratic processes are limited, the media's censorship towards homosexual issues, and a lack of localized knowledge on LGBT movement in China, and aims to investigate how lala activists interact with such contexts and work towards social changes. ; The concept of pragmatic resistance is the central theme for analyzing such a process and shows how lala activists have innovated strategy and tactics to achieve social changes under such contexts. Pragmatic resistance characterizes lala activists' philosophy and methodology for sustaining and advancing the movement in China. It shows how lala activists adopted pragmatism and nomadism to respond to the problems and changes for facilitating their movement. Lala activists respond to the specific conditions in which their movement emerges and develops, rather than to the demands of ideology, and they are ...

Zhou, Yi. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 153-168). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.2 ; Table of Contents --- p.6 ; Introduction --- p.8 ; Chapter Chapter One: --- Return to the Parole --- p.22 ; Chapter 1.1 --- The Language Dilemma and Appeal of Asian American Literature --- p.23 ; "Language: Community, Nation and Power" --- p.24 ; Claiming a Right to Standard English --- p.29 ; Claiming a Right to Multiple Tongues --- p.32 ; Problems with Previously Mentioned Ways of Resistance --- p.36 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Kingston´ةs Language Choice and Writing Strategies --- p.40 ; Poetic Language: From Kristeva to Kingston --- p.41 ; Heterogeneity: Kingston as a Bilingual Writer --- p.44 ; Diversity: A New Fusion Language --- p.51 ; Dialogism: From Words to Culture --- p.58 ; Chapter Chapter Two: --- Return to the Body --- p.73 ; Chapter 2.1 --- From Parole to the Body --- p.76 ; "Langue, Parole, Subject" --- p.77 ; Deconstruction of the Subject: The Maternal Body --- p.79 ; "Chora´ح-- A Bodily Metaphor for Resistance to Langue --- p.81 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Body-Based Writing --- p.83 ; Let the Body Speak --- p.84 ; "Female Writers, Body Consciousness" --- p.87 ; Kingston´ةs Bodily and Life Experience --- p.90 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Gaze on the Body´ؤKingston's Body Writing on Male --- p.93 ; Objectification: Seeing and Being Seen --- p.94 ; Objectified Body-From Body to Flesh --- p.96 ; Objectification as Alienation --- p.99 ; Body´ةs Spontaneous Resistance: Pain --- p.103 ; Chapter Chapter Three: --- Return to the Minor --- p.111 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Speech Act: Another View on Resistance to Langue --- p.113 ; Austin: Speech Is Itself a Form of Action --- p.113 ; "Derrida: "Iterability""" --- p.116 ; Judith Butler: A Politics of the Performative --- p.119 ; Chapter 3.2 --- The Revolt of Minor Tongue: On Language Appropriation --- p.122 ; "Performing a "Twin Skin""" --- p.123 ; The Stereotypical Linguistic Reality --- p.127 ; "Insurrectionary ...

二零一零年一月,全球最大的互联网搜索引擎谷歌在其官网上宣布了他们由于不满中国政府长期以来的网络审查制度而有意退出中国市场的决定。西方主流媒体及评论家对于中国的网络审查制度惯常以负面评价为主。中国民众对此又持怎样的态度呢?这个研究将焦点放在了中国的海归派身上。由于长年游走在中国大陆及海外之间,他们常常可以体验及比较不同地区的网络世界,故此对网络审查比一般的中国大陆民众有更深的体会及更详尽的洞悉。本研究旨在探索这群曾在或仍在中国境外居住的中国人是如何理解中国的互联网审查制度的。 ; 在此研究的受访对象中,有些人将网络审查视为一个来自政府的负面干涉,并认为它代表了一个不诚实的政府。而另一些人则认为由于中国社会及中国文化的特殊性,网络审查制度有其存在的道理。虽然受访对象的看法多样,但他们在谈论这个话题的时候都表现出了一种充满矛盾感的民族主义情节 ---他们会竭力为一个另自己蒙羞的政府辩护。通过深入分析了这种充满矛盾感的民族主义情节:它是如何产生的,又意味着什么,它与网络审查制度又有何相关,笔者力图强调,本研究受访对象的国家认同感在这个辩护过程中得到了加强。此分析有助于更好的了解中国的网络审查制度,以及它的合理性是如何被塑造出来的。 ; In January, 2010, the biggest internet search engine, Google, announced its potential exodus from the Chinese market due to China's practice of censorship. Many foreign commentators have criticized China's practice of censorship. But what are the views of Chinese citizens? This research focuses on a special group of Chinese netizens called "returnees" [overseas Chinese who are living in between China and elsewhere], who have experienced both the domestic and overseas cyber-worlds. Through studying their perspectives on censorship, this research seeks to understand how those who have lived outside China understand internet censorship within China. ; Some informants view internet censorship as a negative intrusion and a representation of an untruthful government while others consider it as a necessity in managing China's cyberspace due to the special cultural context of Chinese society. Though their perceptions vary, my informants expressed a paradoxical nationalism, defending a government they felt ashamed of; this was expressed repeatedly during interviews. In this thesis, by bringing censorship and nationalism together, I analyze in depth my informants' paradoxical and conflicting attitude toward these two concepts, in order to better understand Chinese censorship and how it may be justified. I argue that by defending censorship, my informants' Chinese identities have been reinforced. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Chang, Xinyue. ; Thesis ...

本研究針對三個重要層面(論述、鬥爭和情感的過程)進行探索,討論社會運動中反對勢力框架的建構和發展。本文將先探討社會運動如何在論述層面上建構框架,令運動框架取得認受性並挑戰主流霸權論述;是次研究亦會討論互聯網時代如何影響框架爭奪戰的進行;最後,本文將分析框架美學化的現象如何影響社會運動的動員。本研究以香港的菜園村抗爭運動作為案例,並採用文本分析、訪問及參與式觀察等研究方法。 ; 本文旨在擴充框架分析的討論層面:除探討其認知層面外,本文更試圖討論框架建構中被忽略的面向:情感性層面。此外,本文亦會分析框架爭奪戰的場境如何在互聯網時代被擴大。 ; 在認知層面上,本文發現在論述性的框架建構過程中,若框架的理念能充分回應社會、政治及文化上的斷裂,框架動員力便會提高。此外,在運動過程中,策略性的框架轉化亦有助號召不同界別的群體參與。 ; 在鬥爭層面上,本文指出在互聯網時代,社會運動與政府、主流傳媒進行框架爭奪戰的場境已被伸延及擴大。而互聯網所造就的分散式競爭能量及沉積性網絡結構則對運動於框架爭奪戰過程中有利。 ; 最後,在情感層面上,本文認為近年社會運動中採用的美學化運動手段,有助運動在情感和道德價值上動員群聚,因美學化的框架不單有助社會運動鞏固其內部聯繫,對民眾整體都有吸引力。 ; This study investigates the construction and development of opposition frames in a social movement by exploring three important dimensions: the discursive, contested, and affective processes. This study first elucidates how counter-frames can be discursively constructed to gain legitimacy in challenging the dominant hegemonic belief. Second, the study reviews how the framing processes have been influenced by the Internet in the digital era. Finally, it investigates how the aestheticization of frames relates to the affective mobilization of a movement. These questions were addressed through the case of the Tsoi Yuen resistance movement, a two-year struggle in Hong Kong. To this end, textual analysis, interviews, and participant observations are employed. ; This study seeks to elaborate upon the framing perspective by discussing not only the cognitive meaning alignment processes, but also expanding the theoretical discussion in the affective dimension of framing, which is an under-explored area. In addition, it contributes to the investigation of the expanded frame contestations in the Internet era. ; On the cognitive level, this thesis argues that the discursive framing strategies have worked best when meanings are activated by exploiting the social, political, and cultural cleavages in post-colonial Hong Kong. In addition, the transformation of framing strategies can facilitate mobilizations across a variety of groups of targets when different cleavages are echoed. ; For the ...

研究以湖南省松糖事件为例,分析中国农民的抗征地对中央政府信任的影响。研究认为,征地形式、上访过程获取的信息及其上访结果都会影响对中央的信任水平。具体来说,研究有三个主要观点:第一,相比公共项目征地、参与式征地和不威胁生存安全的征地,商业项目征地、命令式征地以及威胁生存安全的征地形式会更容易导致上访。在这些征地中,抗争者提出的诉求由于超越了相关的政策法律因此很难得到地方政府的满足。第二,上访过程中农民对中央信任的变化分为三个阶段:首先,抗争者将中央与其以下政府区别开来,并对中央保持着高水平的信任;接着,多次的进京上访使抗争者获取了有关中央的信息,包括中央已经了解了他们的问题并且这些问题值得重视;最后,失败的抗争结果导致对中央能力和意图的信任同时下降。第三,对中央信任的下降并不一定会导致公民选举要求的提出,这是因为传统的政治文化和无效的村庄选举使农民的政治效能感维持在低水平。 ; Drawing on the data from the Song-tang incident in Hunan province, the research examines the influences of resistance to land expropriation in rural China on political trust in the central government. The study argues that forms of land expropriation, information gained through petitioning and outcomes of petitioning have influences on trust in the center. Specifically, there are three main arguments. Firstly, compared with land expropriation for public use, in participatory manners, and without negative influences on living security, land expropriation for commercial use, in imperative manners, and with negative influences on living security is more likely to cause petitioning. In the three forms of land expropriation, claims are hardly satisfied by local governments since they have surpassed the state rules. Secondly, during petitioning trust in the center changes in three phases: at the beginning, resisters distinguish the center from lower-level governments and retain high-level trust in the center. Secondly, activists gain increasing information about the center during times of petitioning to Beijing. They realize that the center has known their grievances, which are also worth its attention. Finally, failure of resistances results in decline of trust in the center's capacity as well as trust in its commitment. Thirdly, the declined trust in the center does not necessarily imply the demand for popular elections. Due to traditional political culture and ineffective village elections, political efficacy of the farmers remains at a low level. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; 劉靜平. ; Parallel title from English ...

by Kwan Shui-man. ; "March 1999." ; Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1999. ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 265-283). ; Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. ; Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. ; Mode of access: World Wide Web. ; Abstracts in English and Chinese.

香港基進政治組織人民力量放棄以激進方式表達訴求,改以「快樂抗爭」作為政治策略以吸引大量群眾參與,並形成可觀的政治力量施予政府政治壓力。人民力量雖然以基進組織自居,何以取「快樂抗爭」作為它的政治策略呢?在此論文會仔細討論「快樂抗爭」如何以喜慶節日之感,讓與者用以直接抗爭為手法,承擔昂貴的政治成本來表達訴求,代之以輕鬆快之手段鼓動更多公眾參與。同一時間,縱使情緒搧動可以直接鼓動民眾與政治運動,然而情緒也有不智的一面。為了讓參與者宣洩他們的不滿,減低運動失控的情況,人民力量採納具有浄化作用的「快樂抗爭」作為它的抗爭手段。以下文章同時採用質性及質量硏究,以明情緒在社會運動中扮演的角色。 ; People Power, a radical group in Hong Kong, abandoned their disruptive approach, and adopted a new tactic of social movementjoyous resistancewhich attracted large numbers of participants. In this way, People Power became an influential political lever, exerting great pressure on the government. Why did this radical political party, People Power, abandon its stance of resistance through physical confrontation, and opt for a moderate approach, joyous resistance, to express their anger and voice their grievances at the government and at the group's antagonists? The shift in tactics has certainly been a successful one, attracting the attention of the public and helped a marginalized radical political party, People Power, to win three seats in 2012 Legislative Council Election. Although traditional theories of social movements have largely neglected the importance of emotion, the case of People Power shows that festive emotion can be an intangible resource to reduce the cost of participation when compared with confrontational tactics. The cathartic function of joyous resistance also reduces the potential for violence when People Power uses emotional appeals to mobilize the masses. In this thesis the concept of joyous resistance is introduced and the salient role of emotion in social movements is discussed, using case studies on People Power, the League of Social Democrats, the Democratic Party and the Civic Human Rights Front. Both quantitative and qualitative analysis will be conducted for the following thesis. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Ng, Vitrierat. ; Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 207-215). ; Abstracts also in Chinese; appendixes ...

Iceland was the last Nordic country to apply for membership in the European Union (EU). The position of the country, which refused to join the European integration process for a long period of time, is supposed to change in the near future. In July 2009, the country filed an application to join the EU and it is expected that by the end of 2012 Iceland will join the EU. Iceland's long-term resistance to EU membership attracted considerable scientific attention in previous decades. The first aim of this paper is to confront these general observations with the processes and situations that occurred in Iceland prior to its EU membership application and thus verify the accuracy of the observations. The second aim of the article is to find out whether Iceland's application for EU membership can be explained in the framework of these observations or whether it follows from the consequences of the economic recession. In this context, the findings of our research support strong relevance and importance of economic recession for explanation of change in Icelandic position towards the EU membership. Adapted from the source document.

本文通过研究自改革开放以来计划生育政策在广东省潮汕地区的执行情况,尝试回答一个理论问题,即在一个威权政体中,是什么因素削弱了国家对社会的控制能力,从而民间形成了对刚性国家政策的有效对抗,导致国家的一些政策指令无法在基层得到落实。上世纪八十年代,计划生育政策作为一项"基本国策"在中国大多数地区都得到了严格的执行,并基本完成预定的政策目标。然而,该政策在潮汕地区却遭遇到极大的阻力,无论是城镇还是农村都出现了普遍的严重的超生现象。 ; 作者在对该地区进行了实地调研后,有三个主要发现:第一,随着改革开放政策的实行而迅速复兴的宗族文化对于潮汕地区的生育观念和生育行为的影响非常强烈。"多子多福","重男轻女"仍被绝大多数人视为理所应当,"儿孙满堂"更是许多农村人的追求。因此,虽然大部分的干部和群众经过计划生育的宣传都能理解该政策的必要性,但是由于生儿育女事关个人家庭和宗族的"兴衰",所以明知抵触法规但仍会寻求各种可能的办法偷生。第二,在强大的传统文化作用下,基层政府、干部和群众形成了依赖利益和人情而建立起来的"乡规民约",县镇村的干部群众都在这种民间自订的非正式制度下默契地规范约束自己的行为并且互动合作,因此上级的政策到了基层就遇到了无形的有弹性的成体系的抵抗,换言之,人们找到了实现"上有政策,下有对策"的软性抗争方式。第三,在这种强大的利益人情网络的软性对抗之下,上级的政府已经失去了对于基层计划生育的控制。一则他们没有足够的资源和能力去落实对下级的监管,二则上级官员自身也处在一定的利益关系网络中。因此,整体而言,市级乃至更上级政府在计生工作中也只能采取折中的策略,最后"容忍"了基层欺上瞒下的行为。因此,作者认为在潮汕地区县级以下的农村基层,依靠影响力极强的宗族文化而形成的"乡规民约",作为一种软性非正式制度弱化了国家正式的行政体制,形成了一种对计划生育政策不成文的,富有弹性的,自成体系的非暴力抵抗,以及"上有政策,下有对策"的折中局面,使得计划生育政策在这一地区发挥了十分有限的作用。 ; This study focuses on "Family Planning Program" ever since the "Opening-up Policy" in Teochew area, Guangdong. By doing so, it aims at answering one theoretical question: within an authoritarian regime, what sorts of factors can impair the state's control over society, leading to effective resistance against the state's rigid policies and ineffective implement of those policies at grass-roots level. In the 1980s, the "Family Planning Program", as a fundamental national policy, was strictly implemented in most parts of China, accomplishing its policy goals. However, this policy encountered enormous resistance in Teochew area, Guangdong. "Extra kids" have been widely observed in rural areas. ; By carrying out on-site field research, the author has three main findings: ; First, clan culture, reviving rapidly after the "Opening-up Policy", has been exerting significant impact over birth concepts and birth behaviors in Teochew area. Such thoughts as "the more sons, the more blessings" and "sons are better than daughters" are taken for granted. Having lots of children and grandchildren is considered the best luck possible. Therefore, even though most cadres and citizens understand ...

Chan Ka Yan. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2002. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves p. 93-100). ; Discography: p. 101. ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction: Resistance & Incorporation in Subcultural Studies --- p.1 ; Research Objective --- p.1 ; The Case --- p.2 ; Conceptualizing Subcultures --- p.3 ; Resistance: An Antagonistic Relation between Subculture and Dominant Culture --- p.9 ; Incorporation: An Exploitative Relation between Subculture and Dominant Culture --- p.12 ; A Critique on Post-war Youth Subculture Studies --- p.15 ; Local Studies on Subcultures and Alternative Music --- p.17 ; Conceptual Framework --- p.21 ; Research Methods --- p.22 ; Major Argument and Outline of Paper --- p.28 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Subcultural Discourse: Textual Analysis on LMF Music --- p.30 ; Lazy Clan: Dominant Values vs. Subterranean Values --- p.31 ; Hong Kong for Sure: Distrust of SAR Government --- p.34 ; Challenging Music Industry --- p.35 ; Attacking the Media: 'Uknuwudafuckimsayin' --- p.36 ; Dramatized Masculinity --- p.38 ; Subcultural Resistance? --- p.40 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Youth's Body as a Battleground: Reception Studies --- p.45 ; Domination --- p.50 ; Negotiation --- p.57 ; Resistance --- p.66 ; "Conclusion: Discursive Struggle - Domination, Negotiation and Resistance" --- p.70 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Dialectic between Incorporation and Excorporation --- p.73 ; LMF in Mainstream Record Industry --- p.73 ; LMF in Advertisements --- p.75 ; LMF in Media --- p.77 ; Conclusion: Dialectic of Incorporation and Excorporation --- p.80 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- "Conclusion: Populist Resistance, Multiple Identities and Imagined Authenticity" --- p.84 ; Populist Resistance --- p.85 ; Multiple Identities --- p.87 ; Imagined Authenticity --- p.89 ; References --- p.93

本文主要分析了海原县在实现现代化的发展过程中,国家如何利用权力和空间来主导现代化。同时,也以此为主题,分析了农民在国家主导的现代化过程中,如何做出反应。 ; 本文将研究集中在现代化与发展这样的背景下,用权力和空间这样的核心概念,来分析国家与回族民众之间的关系,从而来推出在中国国家话语下,现代化的实践,农民所采取的各种应对方式,不是以挑战国家权威,或者有意与国家做对这样一套路径来看待中国国家与农民之间的关系,而是更应该交往全面、宽幅度、更为厚实地去看待国家和农民的关系。农民并非一味地反对,也不是完全地接受,农民往往是在更为理性的层面,根据具体问题而采取相应的应对。应对,有些是明显且看得见的应对,有些是隐藏的不易发觉的应对。所以,完全用农民本来就要反对国家,或者说,农民与国家是二元对立的不可调和的矛盾关系,显然有些过度解释了农民的行为和思想。 ; 本文以"农民进城、"新农村建设、"面子工程"和反对县城搬迁这样一些具体的个案,从农民对待国家政策的微弱难以明显看出到强烈地应对县城搬迁这样一些多层次的个案,来考量了国家在主导现代化的政策中,政绩与自我利益作为隐藏话语,而从对农民有好处,帮助农民发展早日摆贫困为公开话语,来促成各项政策的落实。农民在这些不同的背景下,用属于并适合自己作为农民、回族、伊斯兰教信徒等身份来维护自己的利益。总而言之,整个论文以田野调查为方法,着重分析了发展背景下的地方政治和民众的应对战略,同时也分析了国家与民族之间复杂的社会关系。 ; This thesis studies the roles of the state in the modernization of Haiyuan in Ningxia, China, and analyses state power and the state use of space. Also analyzed is how ordinary people respond to state power in this state-led modernization. ; Focusing on the background of modernization and development, I shall study the multi-layers of relations between the State and Hui Muslim civilians, so as to show that, under the discourse of the State, their responses to the state are not simply challenging state power, but are more complex in this relations between the state and the people based on concrete situations. Some of their tactics of resistance are visible while others are hidden. This it is simplistic to view the state and the civilians as in direct opposition. ; By studying concrete cases of farmers moving into the county seat, the government building a"new village, the government's "beautifying project and the people's resistance to the relocation of the county seat, this thesis examines the weak and strong resistance of the people. This study analyzes how the state manipulates the policies and the processes of modernization for political interests, which are hidden behind political discourses about helping the poor out of poverty. The state seeks to implement its policies, while the Hui civilians use their relevant peasant, Hui and Muslim identities to protect their own interests. ...

The book guides the reader through places connected with the activity of the jump group Anthropoid, whose members realized the attack on the deputy reich protector Reinhard Heydrich on 27 May 1942. We visit the place of the jump, the flats of the supporters of the parachutists and the place of the attack itself. In the conclusion of the book, we visit one of the most commemorated places of modern Czech history, the Orthodox Church of Saints Cyril and Methodius in Resslova Street, the place of the last resistance of the parachutists--From back cover

Offers four strategies of deconstructing gender symbolism, one of the methods & goals of contemporary feminist theory & practice - politics. (1) Lesbianism denaturalizes the institutions of 'compulsory heterosexuality.' (2) One can question the belief that sexual violence is the natural expression of male aggression, & women are men's victims. A better strategy seems to be to take the violence as a discursive matter that can be redescribed. If the narrative about successful resistance prevails over the narrative of woman as a natural victim, the aggressor's expectations can be changed. (3) Beauty discourses lead women to be weak, unable to resist violence, & susceptible to mental diseases like anorexia. (4) Maternity discourses associate women with maternity & see a woman's body as the subject of necessary control by the psychomedical sciences. They form an idea of woman's nature that is invariable & unchangeable. This notion is questioned by feminism as a serious limit on women's agency.