Suchergebnisse

1. O orçamento é o ato jurídico em que se faz a previsão da receita, autorizando a sua arrecadação, e a fixação da despesa, autorizando, outrossim, a sua execução, relativas a determinado exercício financeiro. Embora o conteúdo do orçamento diga respeito à matéria de Direito Financeiro, pertinente à disciplina da receita e da despesa, a natureza jurídica da fiscalização da execução do orçamento se mantém no campo do Direito Administrativo, não obstante se utilize das normas de contabilidade pública e de técnica econômico-financeira para levá-la a cabo. Destarte, permanece no Direito Administrativo o estudo dos órgãos de controle do Estado quanto a atividade dos ordenadores da despesa e pagadores de contas, e os atos jurídicos de efetivação desse controle.Esse controle da execução do orçamento se faz através do Poder Executivo, por órgão do Ministério da Fazenda ou das Finanças, que acompanham a gestão financeira dos diferentes órgãos do Estado, e se denomina fiscalização interna; e, através do Poder Legislativo, valendo-se de pareceres de suas Comissões de Finanças ou Tomadas de Contas, e, especialmente, de órgão administrativo, autônomo, de cúpula colegiada ou individual, seu delegado, e auxiliar, ou melhor, colaborador, na verificação das contas dos órgãos do Estado, independente do Poder Executivo, e esse controle se denomina fiscalização externa.Ao Legislativo compete não só a aprovação do orçamento como a fiscalização última da sua fiel execução. Objetiva garantir o efetivo cumprimento do orçamento, quanto a receita e despesa. Sem a devida tomada de contas, os orçamentos se constituiriam em formalidades inúteis e seria impossível a apuração de responsabilidade dos agentes ordenadores e pagadores da despesa. 2. Como órgão auxiliar do Legislativo nessa tarefa de controle de contas do Executivo se cogitou, nos países latinos da Europa, do Tribunal de Contas, também denominado Conselho de Contas ou Corte de Contas, cujos membros, chamados Ministros ou Conselheiros, gozam de imunidades que asseguram a sua ...

Este trabalho discute como as cortes sul-africanas têm interpretado e aplicado o artigo 27 da Constituição da África do Sul, que garante a todos o direito de acesso aos serviços de saúde, incluindo cuidados reprodutivos. A extensão da judicialização do artigo 27 é analisada, considerando a possibilidade de interpretação judicial e aplicação prática. Destaca-se a abrangência e os limites das competências constitucional e institucional dos tribunais para julgar uma ação relacionada ao direito à saúde. A judicialização deste direito na Constituição da África do Sul é investigada por meio de uma análise crítica de três casos decididos na Corte Constitucional do país: (1) Soobramoney versus Secretaria de Saúde de KwaZulu-Natal; (2) Ministro da Saúde e Outros versus Campanha de Tratamento e Outros; e (3) Governo da República da África do Sul e Outros versus Grootboom e Outros, tendo como pano de fundo a transformação do quadro constitucional sul-africano na era pós-apartheid. ; Section 27 of the South African Constitution guarantees everyone a right of access to healthcare services, including reproductive healthcare. This paper discusses how domestic courts have interpreted and applied section 27. It explores the extent to which section 27 is justiciable in the sense of being amenable to judicial interpretation and application in practice. The paper highlights the scope as well as the limits of the constitutional and institutional competences of the courts to adjudicate a claim relating to the right to health that is guaranteed by section 27. The justiciability of the right to health under the South African Constitution is interrogated through a critical appraisal of three cases decided by the South African Constitutional Court, namely, Soobramoney versus Minister of Health KwaZulu-Natal, Minister of Health and Others versus Treatment Action Campaign and Others, and Government of the Republic of South Africa and Others versus Grootboom and Others against the backdrop of the transformation of the South African constitutional landscape in the post-apartheid era.

In relation to the housing deficit, public management of several countries searches to attend the housing demand through partnerships with the private initiative. In this context, the article aims to comprehend and relate the applicability of the Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs) in Brazil and The United States, by case studies of the Public-Private Partnership Housing Program in São Paulo and the Section 8 Housing Choice Voucher Program in New York. It is used the Dialogic Architecture Method that relates the study object with its context. For the comparative analysis of both programs were used the following parameters: a) legislation and normative; b) involved agents; c) beneficiaries; d) home financing or rental subsidies for housing units; e) location of buildings or availability of housing units; f) housing typologies. The results present that both programs have potentialities and restrictions in relation to the applicability of the PPPs to offer housing for low-income people. The research contributes for social housing studies through the PPPs. ; En vista del déficit de vivienda, la gestión pública en varios países busca satisfacer la demanda de vivienda a través de alianzas con el sector privado. En este contexto, el artículo tiene como objetivo comprender y comparar la aplicabilidad de las Asociaciones Público-Privadas (APPs) en Brasil y los Estados Unidos, a través de estudios de caso del Programa Parceria Público-Privada Habitacional en São Paulo y el Programa Section 8 Housing Choice Voucher en Nueva York. Se utiliza el método de la Arquitectura Dialógica, que relaciona el objeto de estudio con su contexto. Para el análisis comparativo de ambos programas, se utilizaron los siguientes parámetros: a) legislación y regulaciones; b) agentes involucrados; c) beneficiarios; d) financiación o asistencia para arrendar la unidad de vivienda; e) ubicación de los proyectos o la oferta de las unidades; f) tipos de vivienda. Los resultados muestran que ambos programas tienen potencial y restricciones con respecto al uso de las APPs para provisión de viviendas a la población de bajos ingresos. La investigación contribuye con estudios sobre vivienda social a través de las APPs. ; Resumo Diante do déficit habitacional, a gestão pública de diversos países procura atender a demanda por moradia a partir de parcerias com a iniciativa privada. Neste contexto, o artigo tem como objetivo compreender e comparar a aplicabilidade das Parcerias Público-Privadas (PPPs) no Brasil e Estados Unidos, através de estudos de caso do Programa Parceria Público-Privada Habitacional em São Paulo e do Section 8 Housing Choice Voucher Program em Nova York. Utiliza-se o Método Arquitetura Dialógica, que relaciona o objeto de estudo com seu contexto. Para a análise comparativa de ambos os programas foram utilizados os seguintes parâmetros: a) legislação e normativa; b) agentes envolvidos; c) beneficiários; d) financiamento ou auxílio para locação da unidade de habitação; e) localização dos empreendimentos ou da oferta das unidades; f) tipologias de habitação. Os resultados mostram que ambos os programas apresentam potencialidades e restrições quanto ao emprego das PPPs para a oferta de habitação à população de baixa renda. A pesquisa contribui com os estudos sobre habitação social através das PPPs.

The extraterritorial scope of European Union's (EU) data protection law has been a controversial issue since the adoption of Directive 95/46/EC. The General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) partially restructures the terms of the extraterritorial reach of EU data protection law and introduces new elements to an old debate. This contribution seeks to address one of those elements, concerning a linguistic ambivalence found in Article 3 (2) of the GDPR, and stress the practical consequences that emerge from this conundrum. ; O âmbito de aplicação extraterritorial do regime de proteção de dados pessoais da União Europeia (UE) é um tema controverso desde a adoção da Diretiva 95/46/EC. O Regulamento Geral de Proteção de Dados (RGPD) altera parcialmente aquele âmbito e introduzlhe novos elementos. Este texto procura abordar um desses elementos, relacionado com a divergência em torno do artigo 3.º, n.º 2 do RGPD e enfatizar as consequências práticas do enigma criado pela mesma.

This paper aims to expose the Dionysian contradoutrine to optimism from the discussion of the philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche's interpretation of Socrates in the book The Birth of Tragedy. Our discussion brings into perspective the Nietzschean critique of the so-called aesthetic Socratism, which places Socratic philosophy far from its proposal for the Dionysian in art. To this end, we reconstruct Nietzsche's arguments and investigate their scope, as well as present Paul de Man's considerations on the emerging tension. As a conclusion, we point to the scope of the concepts of pessimism and optimism within the constructed scope.

The legal regulation of health professions is part of a public health policy and contributes to the establishment of a quality health system accessible to all. However, it has long been monopolized by professional bodies, mainly the medical profession, defending a liberal system and a legal autonomy of professions. The legal regulation of health still suffers today but tends more and more to become the business of all citizens. ; A regulação jurídica das profissões de saúde faz parte de uma política de saúde pública e contribui para o estabelecimento de um sistema de saúde de qualidade e acessível a todos. No entanto, há muito tempo, as questões regulatórias são monopolizadas por entidades profissionais, principalmente pelos conselhos médicos, que defendem um sistema liberal e a autonomia jurídica das profissões. A regulação das profissões de saúde na França ainda é precária, porém, tende a se tornar cada vez mais um assunto de interesse de todos os cidadãos. ; La régulation juridique des professions de santé s'inscrit dans une politique de santé publique et participe de la mise en place d'un système de santé de qualité accessible à tous. Elle a cependant été longtemps accaparée par des corps professionnels, essentiellement le corps médical, défendant un système libéral et une autonomie juridique des professions. L'organisation professionnelle de la santé s'en ressent encore aujourd'hui mais tend de plus en plus à devenir l'affaire de tous les citoyens.

ABSTRACT Introduction: This article propose to connect two research agendas on political behavior: studies on political tolerance and research on partisanship. Search, by connecting these two agendas, to assess the extent to which parties have become targets of political intolerance and thereby to assess the intensity of negative attitudes towards this central institution of democracy. Studies on partisanship conflicts in Brazil have focused on the antagonism opposing petismo and antipetismo. However, the 2018 elections have shown that Brazilians also adopt other forms of antipartisanship. Changes in patterns of political and electoral behavior in recent years can only be properly understood if we consider variation over time in the intensity and scope of antipartisan sentiment. We propose a typology where antipartisanship may be moderate or radical and may have a narrower or broader target. This theme is significant not only for interpreting Brazil's current political context, but also for deepening understanding of theoretical and analytical questions. Our understanding is that these different types of antipartisanship are distinct phenomena with different effects. Materials and Methods: The data we use to construct the proposed typology and analyze the range and intensity of antipartisanship are derived from an unprecedented Latin America Public Opinion Project initiative to measure political tolerance in Brazil, in its 2017 edition. Our methodology combine variables of disaffection and political intolerance to construct different voter profiles, based on respondent's attitudes towards unpopular groups, including political parties. After constructing the typology, we propose regression models to estimate the effects of each type on several attitudes, like support to democracy and institutional trust. Results: Our findings show a relationship between the most extreme types of antipartisanship and attitudes towards democracy. Compared with non-antipartisan voters, intolerant antipartisan are less supportive of democracy and democratic institutions and less favorable to freedom of expression and the granting of political rights to minorities. The intensity of antipartisanship matters more than its scope, since the models show that, there is little difference in the degree of commitment to democracy and democratic principles between the two types of intolerant antipartisans, regardless of the scope of the target of their disapproval. This means that attitudes toward democracy, democratic institutions, and democratic principles depend less on the scope antipartisanship, than on political intolerance towards these groups. Discussion: The data and results presented here indicate that antipartisanship is not a one-dimensional phenomenon. The individual is not merely antipartisan or non-antipartisan. We show that antipartisanship contains at least two dimensions: its scope and intensity. Previous studies have already shown the existence of different expressions of antipartisanship, but this diversity has not yet been systematically explored using a well-defined typology. Our work points to this research agenda.KEYWORDS: antipartisanship; political tolerance; political attitudes; political parties; democracy.

This paper aims at analyzing the scope of Brazilian monetary policies in the context of endogenous money, instability, and capital mobility. It starts with the post Keynesian critique to the mainstream, and concludes with the impotence of the Central Bank to achieve stability of prices in Brazil through the use of the classical instruments of monetary policy

Brazil's security agenda during Lula's administration was not homogeneous through the two mandates: the first tenure (2002-2006) revealed a reactive approach towards security topics, while the second one (2006-2010) was more assertive. More specifically, the shift occurred in terms of both its geographical scope -- once it incorporated global issues in a more systematic way-, and instruments through which the security agenda was exercised, given the multilateral initiative of Unasur's CDS. Adapted from the source document.

In the last two years, Mercosul has achieved a great vigor. The current scope comprises not only trade but also education, democracy consolidation and poverty eradication. Monetary stability in Brazil has been a help to strengthen Mercosul, but the full conditions for a definite consolidation have not been accomplished yet. "Brazilian cost" is still a hindrance, but US and the European Community are interested in developing a close relationship, and thanks to intensive diplomatic activity, Brazil is in a privileged condition to discuss mutual concerns. (Polit Externa/DÜI)

During World War II Portuguese neutrality was put in jeopardy when the overseas territory of Timor was occupied by Allied Forces &, subsequently, invaded by Japan. Several efforts were engaged to counter such actions, but the needs of the war dragged the island into the hostilities, putting to the test the foreign policy of the Portuguese Government. This article seeks to place the case of Timor in the wider scope of the Pacific War & to examine the role of diplomacy in the 1945' restitution of Portuguese sovereignty to the territory. Adapted from the source document.

In the field of quantum physics studies, Heisenberg's thought provokes very relevant reflections for an articulation between science and metaphysics, given the importance attributed to the subject in the collapse of the superposition between wave and particle. From an idealistic perspective, the importance given to the subject in the observation of quantum phenomena can be considered a stage of the development of consciousness within the scope of the phenomenology of Hegel's spirit. Quantum physics, under an idealistic perspective, represents a fundamental moment in the recognition and dialectical overcoming of the dualisms produced by the subject himself in his relationship with the world.

Since Cardoso and during Lula's Administration, the international order has undergone significant changes. These changes have allowed the Brazilian foreign policy to mitigate internal effects of an order established by others and, at the same time, to become an active participant in the formulation of the new order. To democratize globalization became the mainspring of Brazilian foreign policy. In the scope, President Lula has maintained the tradition of formulating and programming foreign policy as a State policy, and also has fostered the logistic strategy of incorporation of Brazil into the international scene. Adapted from the source document.

This article assesses the impacts of Brazil's exchange-based stabilization plan (Plano Real) on the country's external financial fragility and discusses alternative exchange policies to overcome the external vulnerability. An index for external financial fragility is applied to a time series of foreign sector variables from 1992 to 1997. The evidences show that Brazilian external financial fragility has grown during the first three years and half after the Real Plan, particularly in 1996 and 1997. The authors conclude that the scope for changes in current exchange policy is restricted: The government is prisoner of a self-inflicted "exchange-trap". (Rev Econ Polit/DÜI)