Suchergebnisse

In France, research in history and political philosophy has produced a body of knowledge describing the values and principles that are at the heart of the « republican model of integration ». However, this work has been theoretical and conceptual in nature such that we have in fact very little knowledge about the psychological aspects of the republican model. This thesis is organized in three chapters that present in total seven distinct empirical studies It addressed two major questions: 1) What factors explain the strong support that is observed in France for the principle of republican equality and laïcité? and 2) what are the consequences of this support for prejudice and intergroup relations? In chapter one, the research confirms this strong endorsement of the republican principles among teachers in high schools (Study 1, N = 82) or among university students in widely different fields of study such as psychology (N = 72) or law (N = 234, Study 2). Using a measure of attachment to laïcité that is distinct from a measure of support for principles that are theoretically linked with laïcité, Study 2 showed, for the first time to our knowledge, the distinction between two types of laïcité: an historic laïcité based on freedom of conscience and equality of respects for all beliefs and a new laïcité that emphasizes the need for keep religion private and to ban conspicuous religious signs from public places. In chapter two, three studies examined the psychological motives underlying attachment to the republican principles. As expected, it was shown first, among a representative sample of the French population (N = 1001), that support for republican equality and new laïcité are two variables that explain variance in antiimmigrant prejudice over and above factors that are usually considered in sociology or social psychology. Moreover, whereas egalitarian individuals are usually more supportive of these principles compared to inegalitarians, the results also showed that people who wish to maintain group-based ...

Travail de recherche (2003-2009) fait en parallèle d'une fonction à plein temps de professeur de philosophie en lycée. Mention très honorable. ; In the French Republic theoretically and rhetorically based on liberty and equality, gender equality is still doubtful. Equality between sexes and above all sexualities seem to be institutionally inconceivable. The legislative responses to the claims by civil society are often ambiguous (statutory registration of sex change, Civil Pact of Solidarity, gender affirmative action etc.) and met with traditionalist resistances, basically more religious than symbolic. Analysing the social contract through the marriage contract makes it clear that after 1789 civil law was not revolutionized and, despite its voluntarism, kept clinging to "natural law". The state did not give up sex differentiation as inscribed in Genesis and canon law, then secularised by Rousseau. Women were stricken by both civil and civic incapacity there to last. However, by separating the family from the city, Rousseau separates the private from the public, thus contributing to the conception of French secularism. Differences between individuals pertain to the private, the public being the area of the citizens' undifferentiated equality. Now, statutory registration makes a "religion of the two sexes" compulsory as from birth, in total contradiction with today's way of life and biological breakthroughs. This form of state religion has discriminatory consequences through its prohibitions (homosexual parenthood.) and prescriptions (re-assigning intersexuals.). It would be logical for the secular state to give up sexing citizens. But many individuals, going through a crisis of marriage and nation, may still need to believe, the fiction of an Edenic community serving, then, as a partition of re-enchantment. ; Dans l'État républicain théoriquement et rhétoriquement fondé en liberté et en égalité, l'égalité sexuelle reste problématique. L'égalité des sexes et surtout l'égalité des sexualités sont comme ...

Travail de recherche (2003-2009) fait en parallèle d'une fonction à plein temps de professeur de philosophie en lycée. Mention très honorable. ; In the French Republic theoretically and rhetorically based on liberty and equality, gender equality is still doubtful. Equality between sexes and above all sexualities seem to be institutionally inconceivable. The legislative responses to the claims by civil society are often ambiguous (statutory registration of sex change, Civil Pact of Solidarity, gender affirmative action etc.) and met with traditionalist resistances, basically more religious than symbolic. Analysing the social contract through the marriage contract makes it clear that after 1789 civil law was not revolutionized and, despite its voluntarism, kept clinging to "natural law". The state did not give up sex differentiation as inscribed in Genesis and canon law, then secularised by Rousseau. Women were stricken by both civil and civic incapacity there to last. However, by separating the family from the city, Rousseau separates the private from the public, thus contributing to the conception of French secularism. Differences between individuals pertain to the private, the public being the area of the citizens' undifferentiated equality. Now, statutory registration makes a "religion of the two sexes" compulsory as from birth, in total contradiction with today's way of life and biological breakthroughs. This form of state religion has discriminatory consequences through its prohibitions (homosexual parenthood.) and prescriptions (re-assigning intersexuals.). It would be logical for the secular state to give up sexing citizens. But many individuals, going through a crisis of marriage and nation, may still need to believe, the fiction of an Edenic community serving, then, as a partition of re-enchantment. ; Dans l'État républicain théoriquement et rhétoriquement fondé en liberté et en égalité, l'égalité sexuelle reste problématique. L'égalité des sexes et surtout l'égalité des sexualités sont comme institutionnellement inconcevables. Les réponses législatives apportées aux revendications de la société civile sont souvent ambiguës (changement de sexe civil, PaCS, parité etc.) et marquées par des résistances traditionalistes, au fond plus religieuses que symboliques. En analysant le contrat social par le prisme du contrat de mariage, on peut montrer qu'après 1789 le droit civil n'a pas fait sa révolution et qu'il tient, malgré son volontarisme, au " droit de la nature ". L'État ne renonce pas à la différenciation sexuelle inscrite dans la Genèse et le droit canonique, puis sécularisée par Rousseau. Les femmes sont durablement frappées d'une double incapacité, civile et civique. Cependant, en séparant la famille et la Cité, Rousseau sépare le privé et le public et contribue à la conception de la laïcité. Les différences interindividuelles doivent rester au privé ; le public est l'espace de l'égalité indifférenciée des citoyens. Or l'état civil impose dès la naissance une " religion des deux sexes ", aujourd'hui contredite par les modes de vie et même la biologie. Cette forme de religion d'État a des conséquences discriminatoires par ses interdits (parenté homosexuelle.) et ses prescriptions (réassignation des intersexué-e-s.). Il serait logique que l'État laïque renonce à sexuer les citoyens. Mais peut-être que beaucoup d'individus, en crise conjugale et nationale, ont besoin d'y croire encore, la fiction de communauté édénique tenant alors lieu de partition de réenchantement.

International audience ; The separation of Church and State that led to the 1905 law, whose centenary we are celebrating this year, has been the subject of much research in religious history. This paper proposes to take a point of view that has not been widely adopted in France until now: that of Catholic women united in a mass organisation, the Patriotic League of French Women. Gender history offers new perspectives for analysing secularism whose contemporaries of the 1905 law did not fail to underline the different implications for women and men. This work aims to study secularism as a particular moment of mobilisation for conservative women. It focuses on a women's association founded in Paris in 1902 by a group of Catholic aristocrats against to the policies of the "radical" (center) government. ; Le processus de séparation de l'Eglise et de l'Etat qui a abouti à la loi de 1905 dont nous fêtons le centenaire cette année a fait l'objet de recherches nombreuses en histoire religieuse. Cette communication propose de prendre un point de vue peu adopté jusqu'ici en France : celui de femmes catholiques réunies dans une organisation de masse, la Ligue patriotique des Françaises. L'histoire du genre offre des perspectives nouvelles pour analyser un sujet – la laïcité – dont les contemporains de la loi de 1905 n'ont pas manqué de souligner les implications différentes pour les femmes et pour les hommes. Ce travail propose d'étudier la laïcité comme moment de mobilisation particulier pour les femmes conservatrices. Nous traiterons d'une association féminine fondée à Paris en 1902, par un groupe d'aristocrates catholiques hostiles à la politique du gouvernement radical.

Despite the review of these pages, they cannot be used to compare the case law of the US Constitutional Council and Supreme Court on the issue of state-religion relations. As recently pointed out by a member of the Council ahead of a judge of the Supreme Court, it is scarcely possible to put on the same footing the argued judgments produced across the Atlantic and the decisions of the Council, whose statement of reasons is "more than discussing and demonstrating" 1. The "revolution" of the motivation that would be in motion in 2 remains too recent and limited to contradict this finding. Moreover, the abstract review carried out by the Council does not in any way enable it to be confronted with the variety of cases which lead the Supreme Court to forge and refine case-law. Nor is it possible to carry out an overall study of the multiple questions posed by 'secularism' in France and the United States 3. The subject will therefore be addressed differently, focusing on a particular problem faced by courts in France and the United States. French news has two themes, each of which has to look at a crèche. The first appears to be a false runway. It is in terms of 'secularism' that the issue of prohibiting the wearing of veil is often dealt with in France. However, when it is addressed recently to private individuals, such a measure does not concern secularism but freedom of religion. The rules that give concrete expression to secularism impose an obligation only on public authorities and persons acting on their behalf 4. The numerous judgments of the Supreme Court dealing with these issues, in particular from the point of view of religious exemptions to be granted to rules of general application 5, are therefore beside the point. If secularism is understood as a requirement of government neutrality towards religions, it is another recent controversy that is relevant. In recent years, several French administrative courts have reached opposing conclusions about the scenes of the Christmas nexus in public buildings 6. ...

Secularism was originally adopted by the Turkish nation in order to join the club of civilized European nations. In our present times, however, secularism, as interpreted and applied in Turkey, has become one of the major obstacles to its accession to the European Union. While respect for human rights is a precondition for accession, secularism is often perceived and used as a basis to restrict many fundamental freedoms in Turkey. Indeed, by confining religion within well established bounds and thus reducing its influence on state affairs and social life, an authoritarian conception of secularism enabled the state and the Turkish nation to modernize and consequently become closer to European civilization. At the same time, such an application of secularism has slowed the development of democracy and human rights in Turkey. Having become a dogma, safeguarding secularism has been invoked by the Turkish armed forces as one of the main reasons justifying their intervention in poli tics. It has also served as the basis for the dissolution of several political parties and the repression of peaceful expression of opinions by the Turkish courts. This judicial and military activism impairs the development of democracy and the situation of human rights in Turkey. Yet there are other ways to protect the secular nature of the state against the danger of islamization and to guarantee the fundamental rights and freedoms, thus facilitating the country's accession to the EU: the protection and promotion of the religious pluralism existing within Turkish society. It is through the development of tolerance with regard to different religious identities in Turkish society that the state will find the best defence against the danger of fundamentalism. ; Initialement adoptée en tant que moyen permettant à la nation turque d' accéder au club des nations européennes civilisées, la laïcité, telle qu'elle est interprétée et appliquée en Turquie, est aujourd'hui devenue l'un des obstacles majeurs à l'adhésion de ce pays à l'Union ...

The times in which we live constantly remind us that the fight against discrimination is a major challenge for our societies. In social psychology, the study of the causes of discrimination has been at the heart of research for many years. Nevertheless, the work done to date often offers explanations presented as identical in all countries and in all cultures. In the context of research on prejudice and discrimination, recent studies have highlighted the existence of culture-specific norms, derived from laws in each country and focused on the behaviors to be adopted to integrate within each society: the cultural norms of integration. The existence of such norms in a given society influences the level of prejudice of its members. On the basis of this work, the aim of this thesis is to study the effect of cultural integration norms on the emergence of discriminatory behaviors. Specifically, this thesis focuses on a political principle little studied in psychology: laïcité. Previous work has shown that this principle can be interpreted in two very different ways: a historical, inclusive form, and a new, exclusive form. Can cultural norms relating to this principle of laïcité be considered as important factors in the emergence of discrimination against ethnic or religious minorities? In order to study this fundamental question, this thesis is structured in six chapters: two theoretical chapters (chapters 1 and 6) and four empirical chapters, composed of eight studies (chapters 2, 3, 4 and 5).Chapter 1 introduces theoretically the different notions addressed in the thesis. Chapter 2 is composed of two pilot studies that form the basis of this thesis. Study 1 aims to compare five countries, including France, in terms of cultural norms of integration. This study highlights the importance of the norm of new laïcité in France. Study 2 aims to validate a computerized task to measure discriminatory behavior. In Chapter 3, two studies (Studies 3 and 4) were conducted to test the effect of new and historical laïcité norms on ...

The times in which we live constantly remind us that the fight against discrimination is a major challenge for our societies. In social psychology, the study of the causes of discrimination has been at the heart of research for many years. Nevertheless, the work done to date often offers explanations presented as identical in all countries and in all cultures. In the context of research on prejudice and discrimination, recent studies have highlighted the existence of culture-specific norms, derived from laws in each country and focused on the behaviors to be adopted to integrate within each society: the cultural norms of integration. The existence of such norms in a given society influences the level of prejudice of its members. On the basis of this work, the aim of this thesis is to study the effect of cultural integration norms on the emergence of discriminatory behaviors. Specifically, this thesis focuses on a political principle little studied in psychology: laïcité. Previous work has shown that this principle can be interpreted in two very different ways: a historical, inclusive form, and a new, exclusive form. Can cultural norms relating to this principle of laïcité be considered as important factors in the emergence of discrimination against ethnic or religious minorities? In order to study this fundamental question, this thesis is structured in six chapters: two theoretical chapters (chapters 1 and 6) and four empirical chapters, composed of eight studies (chapters 2, 3, 4 and 5).Chapter 1 introduces theoretically the different notions addressed in the thesis. Chapter 2 is composed of two pilot studies that form the basis of this thesis. Study 1 aims to compare five countries, including France, in terms of cultural norms of integration. This study highlights the importance of the norm of new laïcité in France. Study 2 aims to validate a computerized task to measure discriminatory behavior. In Chapter 3, two studies (Studies 3 and 4) were conducted to test the effect of new and historical laïcité norms on ...

The times in which we live constantly remind us that the fight against discrimination is a major challenge for our societies. In social psychology, the study of the causes of discrimination has been at the heart of research for many years. Nevertheless, the work done to date often offers explanations presented as identical in all countries and in all cultures. In the context of research on prejudice and discrimination, recent studies have highlighted the existence of culture-specific norms, derived from laws in each country and focused on the behaviors to be adopted to integrate within each society: the cultural norms of integration. The existence of such norms in a given society influences the level of prejudice of its members. On the basis of this work, the aim of this thesis is to study the effect of cultural integration norms on the emergence of discriminatory behaviors. Specifically, this thesis focuses on a political principle little studied in psychology: laïcité. Previous work has shown that this principle can be interpreted in two very different ways: a historical, inclusive form, and a new, exclusive form. Can cultural norms relating to this principle of laïcité be considered as important factors in the emergence of discrimination against ethnic or religious minorities? In order to study this fundamental question, this thesis is structured in six chapters: two theoretical chapters (chapters 1 and 6) and four empirical chapters, composed of eight studies (chapters 2, 3, 4 and 5).Chapter 1 introduces theoretically the different notions addressed in the thesis. Chapter 2 is composed of two pilot studies that form the basis of this thesis. Study 1 aims to compare five countries, including France, in terms of cultural norms of integration. This study highlights the importance of the norm of new laïcité in France. Study 2 aims to validate a computerized task to measure discriminatory behavior. In Chapter 3, two studies (Studies 3 and 4) were conducted to test the effect of new and historical laïcité norms on ...

Članak razmatra tri relevantna principa demokracije, inherentna suvremenom društvu: modernost, politika priznanja i sekularizam. Glavno pitanje kojim se bavi je održivost ovih principa kao temelja za zasnivanje kozmopolitske demokracije i utjecaja na daljnju demokratizaciju ljudskog svijeta. Članak (i) istražuje vezu između modernizacije i demokracije kroz perspektivu višestruke moderne kao mogućnosti za proširenje demokracije na nedemokratsko područje svijeta, (ii) analizira politiku priznanja kao temelj za kulturnu koegzistenciju i politički pluralizam, (iii) razmatra problem a) kako ideja sekularizma ugrožava (prijeti) ideju religioznosti i obratno te čine li to uopće; b) koliko je sekularizam sekularan te je li uopće (problem privatne i javne sfere); c) može li sekularizam ostati temeljni princip (kozmopolitske) demokracije. ; This paper reflects on three relevant principles of democracy which are inherent to the contemporary society. These principles are modernity, the politics of recognition, and secularism. The main question is concerned with the sustainability of these principles as the grounds for the foundation of cosmopolitan democracy, and further influence on the democratization of the human world. This paper (i) examines a relationship between modernization and democracy through the perspective of multiple modernities as a possibility for the extension of democracy over the non-democratic parts of the world; (ii) analyzes politics of recognition as a grounds for cultural coexistence and political pluralism and (iii) reflects on the issue of a) how the idea of secularism if/how the idea of secularism treats the idea of religiousness and vice versa, b) how much is secularism secular (the issue of public versus private sphere), and c) can secularism remain to be the basic principle of (cosmopolitan) democracy. ; Cet article examine trois principes pertinents de la démocratie, inhérents à la société actuelle : modernité, politique de reconnaissance et sécularisme. La principale question qu'il pose est celle du maintien de ces principes en tant que fondements pour l'établissement d'une société démocratique et de leur influence sur la démocratisation du monde humain. Cet article (i) étudie la relation entre la modernisation et la démocratie à partir de la perspective des multiples modernités comme possibilité d'étendre la démocratie dans les parties non-démocratiques du monde, (ii) analyse les politiques de reconnaissance comme fondement pour la coexistence culturelle et le pluralisme politique et (iii) réfléchit sur la question de savoir : a) si/comment l'idée du sécularisme traite de l'idée de la religiosité et inversement ; b) dans quelle mesure le sécularisme est séculaire (problème de la sphère publique vs. la sphère privée) ; c) si le sécularisme peut encore rester le principe de base de la démocratie (cosmopolite). ; Dieser Artikel reflektiert über drei relevante Demokratieprinzipien, inhärent der Gesellschaft von heutzutage: modernität, Politik der Anerkennung und Säkularismus. Die Hauptfrage, mit der es sich befasst, ist die Nachhaltigkeit dieser Prinzipien als Grundlage für die Gründung der kosmopolitischen Demokratie und für den Einfluss der weiteren Demokratisierung der menschenwelt. Aus der Perspektive der multiplen modernitäten untersucht der Artikel (i) die Beziehung zwischen der modernisierung und Demokratie als eine möglichkeit für die Ausbreitung der Demokratie auf die nicht demokratischen Gebiete der Welt, (ii) analysiert die Politik der Anerkennung als Fundament für die kulturelle Koexistenz und politischen Pluralismus, (iii) erwägt die Frage a) ob/wie die Idee des Säkularismus die Idee der Religiosität behandelt und umgekehrt; b) ob/inwieweit der Säkularismus säkular ist (das Thema der öffentlichen Sphäre vs. Privatsphäre); c) ob der Säkularismus als Grundprinzip der (kosmopolitischen) Demokratie verbleiben kann.

As part of this book, which looks at relations between image and power, the real influential struggle that has taken place, around the cinema, the Church and the supporters of secularism in France, throughout the first half of the twentieth century, is particularly symptomatic of the media's recognised propaganda power, well before any totalitarian state took over it. But let's start with the actors involved in this influence struggle, and their relationship to the image at the time of the birth of the cinema at the end of the nineteenth century. First, the Catholic Church. The Catholic religion is characterised by an ambiguous relationship to the image, in opposition, for example, to Orthodox Christians. While Catholics fear divine representation, the image has always been used throughout history as a privileged educational vector. From the 19th century, the icon was thus used as a 'bible for illiteracy'. The technical advances that mark the history of the image have always been integrated into the range of teaching tools used in the work of catechsis: the magic lantern, the print shop and thus the filmmaker. Thus, as soon as it has been developed, the animated image is used for the teaching of catechism, with the full approval of the religious authorities 1: educational films are therefore produced, illustrating the bible episodes, in full continuity with the use of fixed screenings. The question is more challenging about the inclusion of projections in preaching, which some priests claim in order to attract faithful to the offices. Some Catholics approve and encourage them, such as George-Michel Coissac, who wrote in 1903, how many examples could we cite of priests who have, by this means alone, succeeded in making genuine spiritual resurrections in their parishes? 2. But many others are revolutionised by these methods and call for a decision by the ecclesiastical authorities in this area. This 1, however, does not rule out the possibility that the filmmaker, as a show, has been rejected by a number of ...

Defense republican, republican fight, republican front, republican meritocracy, equality republican, republican secularism, etc., expressions abound, especially during the electoral evenings, combining the adjective Republican to a noun. These expressions, familiar for many sound like recognition signals. They replay the rally reflexes of the divided dispersed forces against the supposed enemies of the Republic. Adapted from the source document.

Rawls distinction between "comprehensive" philosophical, moral and religious doctrines on the one hand, and "political" conceptions on the other hand, means that, in a secular State, citizens of faith are not allowed to use directly their religious arguments in the political sphere as this would threaten the equal dignity of their fellow citizens' conceptions of the Good. But what about a philosophical doctrine such as secularism or laicity? The logical consequence of Rawls's distinction is that every citizen, religious or secular, has to use public reasons in the political debate in application of his duty of civility. This raises the problematic issue of a liberal conception of secularism. In a Public Reason Revisited, Rawls paradoxically claims that the secular State cannot be defended on the basis of secularism. This essay proposes to explore this liberal alternative to secularism, concerned with the plurality and equal dignity of comprehensive reasonable doctrines. Adapted from the source document.