Suchergebnisse

La secularización es un proceso que refleja los profundos cambios que han sufrido las sociedades contemporáneas. La religión ha cedido su poder al Estado, a los medios masivos de comunicación e informáticos, a los grupos de poder económico y político. El esquema religioso de valores también ha sido vulnerado. Sin embargo, la necesidad de autonomía humana fincada en la secularización no es ajena a un anhelo de trascendencia que todo ser humano se formula en alguna etapa de su vida. Una mirada objetiva a la dinámica de la secularización permite entender que ella es posible porque forma parte del mismo designio de Dios. De este modo, la secularización es una necesidad de nuestro tiempo afín a la búsqueda de sentido y trascendencia ; Secularization is a process that reflects the deep changes that contemporary societies have suffered. Religion has ceded its power to the state, to mass and informatics media, and to groups of economic and political power. The religious schema of values has been harmed too. Nevertheless the need of human autonomy founded in the secularization is not strange to a desire of transcendence that every human being has formulated at one stage of his life. An objective look at the dynamics of the secularization allows us to understand that secularization is also part of Gods plan. In this sense, secularization is a need of our time adjacent to the searching of sense and transcendence.

After September 11th the discourse of the "clash of civilizations" has played a key role in global issues. Besides, as a consequence of this discourse, Islam has been catalogued as the negation of secular modernity and liberal democracy. In this context, several solutions have been sought in order to fight against global terrorism: either "exporting democracy through war and occupation", on the one hand, or claiming for a "global democratic governance" as the foundation for the coexistence among different cultures and civilizations, on the other. This article follows this last option and presents Turkey as a paradigmatic example of an "alternative modernity" which has experienced, even if with historical difficulties, the coexistence of Islam with democracy and modernity. ; Desde el 11-S el discurso del "choque de civilizaciones" ha jugado un papel importante en la conformación de los asuntos mundiales, y ha llevado a una codificación del islam como negación de la modernidad secular y de la democracia liberal. En este contexto, han sido varias las respuestas a la urgente necesidad de luchar contra el terrorismo: "la exportación de la democracia mediante la guerra y la ocupación", para unos, y el llamamiento a una "gobernanza democrática global" como base para la coexistencia entre diferentes culturas y civilizaciones, para otros. El presente artículo se orienta hacia esta última opción proponiendo el caso de Turquía como ejemplo paradigmático de una "modernidad alternativa" que ha experimentado, aunque no sin dificultades, la coexistencia del islam con la modernidad y la democracia.

William of Ockham was a Franciscan friar, a theologian and a very singular philosopher. He lived at a time of crisis and during the transition of philosophy and theology. His secularism is manifested in the defense of a radical separation between the religious and secular powers. Assigned to the philosophical current of nominalism, he dealt a severe blow to the metaphysical realism of Aristotle and Thomas Aquinas and he advocated the separation of reason and faith, between philosophy and theology and thus he undermined the ideological foundations of the church of his time. He was accused of heresy because of his nominalism, although he himself condemned Pope John XXII as heretical for his conception of poverty, a concept far removed from evangelical principles and especially from the notion of the Franciscan order. He defended the separation of church and state and he denied the Pope's authority in secular matters. He flatly asserted freedom of conscience and Luther took him as a teacher. ; Guillermo de Ockham fue un fraile franciscano, un teólogo y un filósofo de una enorme singularidad. Vive una época de crisis y de transición de la filosofía y la teología. Su laicismo se manif iesta en la defensa de una radical separación entre el poder religioso y el poder secular. Adscrito a la corriente filosófica del nominalismo, asestó un duro golpe al realismo metafísico de Aristóteles y Tomás de Aquino, propugnó la separación entre razón y fe, entre filosofía y teología y de esta manera minó las bases ideológicas de la iglesia de su tiempo. Fue acusado de hereje por su nominalismo, aunque él mismo condenó al papa Juan XXII como herético por su concepción de la pobreza, una concepción alejada de los principios evangélicos y sobre todo de la concepción de la orden franciscana. Defendió la separación entre iglesia y estado y negó la autoridad del Papa en asuntos seculares. Afirmaba rotundamente la libertad de conciencia y Lutero lo tuvo como maestro.

Secularism is an historical and cultural process characteristic in modern democratic societies. Secularism main feature is the conception of Church and State as two totally independent entities, allowing the public and political spheres to be thought as strictly neutral. Because of this reason, secularism has been considered since XVII century as the answer to solve any possible conflicts that have its root in cultural or religious differences. However, recent social phenomena like 11-S clearly contradict the triumph of secularism. This paradoxical situation attracted the attention of important contemporary philosophers like J. Habermas and W. Connolly, who propose a new vision of secularism. By one side J. Habermas proposes postsecularism, in which the society is completely secular and nevertheless the religion must play a major role as source of motivation that will preserve the democracy. On the other hand, W. Connolly poses the "politics of becoming" which has as ultimate purpose to create an environment that enable flourishing of new identities. ; El secularismo es un proceso histórico cultural característico de las modernas sociedades democráticas. El secularismo ha sido considerado desde el siglo XVII la solución pretendidamente universal para solucionar cualquier brote de conflictividad que involucre diferencias culturales y religiosas. Sin embargo, fenómenos recientes contradicen palmariamente el pretendido triunfo del secularismo. Frente a esta paradójica situación, grandes filósofos de nuestra época como J. Habermas y W. Conelly proponen formas alternativas de pensar el secularismo. Por una parte, J. Habermas plantea el postsecularismo; se trata de sociedades plenamente seculares en las cuales, sin embargo, las religiones deben fungir de reservas de sentido imprescindibles como fuentes de motivación para el sostenimiento de la democracia. Por su parte, W. Connolly plantea su Politics of Becoming; se trata de una política para el florecimiento de nuevas identidades.

Este ensayo trata el tema de la laicidad, tomando como punto de partida el debate francés, que nuevamente ha trascendido las fronteras europeas, específicamente tras las contradicciones entre el presidente de esa República y el ministro de cultos de ese país, en materia de administrar públicamente la diversidad religiosa. A partir de allí, se pretende caracterizar lo que sería un Estado laico, para desembocar en la importancia de una educación pluralista e intercultural, que no privilegie confesión alguna, pero que le dé cabida a todas desde el punto de vista de la enseñanza-aprendizaje de una cultura religiosa, capaz de fomentar valores éticos y críticos, en pro de la democracia y el bien común de los ciudadanos.Cómo citar este artículo: SANABRIA-S., Fabián, "La laicidad: un requisito para la educación pluralista", Revista Educación y Pedagogía, Medellín, Universidad de Antioquia, Facultad de Educación, vol. XVIII, núm. 44, (enero-abril), 2006, pp. 51-60.Recibido: octubre 2005Aceptado: enero 2006 ; The topic of this essay is secularism, taking as a starting point the French debate which has once again transcended European frontiers more specifically behind contradictions between the president of such republic and the minister of cults of that country, in regards to publicly administer religious diversity. That's the starting point to characterize what a secular state would be, to land on the importance of a pluralist and intercultural education which doesn't privilege any kind of confession but which gives room to all, from the point of view of teaching-learning of a religious culture able to foster ethical and critical values in favor of democracy and the well-being of all citizens.How to reference this article: SANABRIA-S., Fabián, "La laicidad: un requisito para la educación pluralista", Revista Educación y Pedagogía, Medellín, Universidad de Antioquia, Facultad de Educación, vol. XVIII, núm. 44, (enero-abril), 2006, pp. 51-60.Received: october 2005Accepted: january 2006 ; Cet essai porte sur le sujet de la laïcité, en prenant comme point de départ le débat français, qui a franchi récemment les frontières européennes, notamment, lors des contradictions entre le président de cette République et du ministre de cultes de ce pays, en matière d'administration publique de la diversité religieuse. À partir de là, on prétend caractériser ce que serait un État laïque, pour insister sur l'importance d'une éducation pluraliste et interculturelle, ne privilégiant aucune confession, mais accordant une place à toutes du point de vue de l'enseignement et de l'apprentissage d'une culture religieuse, capable de favoriser des valeurs morales et critiques, pour la démocratie et le bien commun des citoyens.

La comprensión de la relación existente entre laicidad y democracia, resulta indispensable para la instauración plena de la democracia en los estados que la han reconocido como la mejor forma de vida para sus pueblos. ; Understanding the relationship between secularism and democracy is essential for the full establishment of democracy in the states that have recognized it as the best way of life for their peoples.

Travail de recherche (2003-2009) fait en parallèle d'une fonction à plein temps de professeur de philosophie en lycée. Mention très honorable. ; In the French Republic theoretically and rhetorically based on liberty and equality, gender equality is still doubtful. Equality between sexes and above all sexualities seem to be institutionally inconceivable. The legislative responses to the claims by civil society are often ambiguous (statutory registration of sex change, Civil Pact of Solidarity, gender affirmative action etc.) and met with traditionalist resistances, basically more religious than symbolic. Analysing the social contract through the marriage contract makes it clear that after 1789 civil law was not revolutionized and, despite its voluntarism, kept clinging to "natural law". The state did not give up sex differentiation as inscribed in Genesis and canon law, then secularised by Rousseau. Women were stricken by both civil and civic incapacity there to last. However, by separating the family from the city, Rousseau separates the private from the public, thus contributing to the conception of French secularism. Differences between individuals pertain to the private, the public being the area of the citizens' undifferentiated equality. Now, statutory registration makes a "religion of the two sexes" compulsory as from birth, in total contradiction with today's way of life and biological breakthroughs. This form of state religion has discriminatory consequences through its prohibitions (homosexual parenthood.) and prescriptions (re-assigning intersexuals.). It would be logical for the secular state to give up sexing citizens. But many individuals, going through a crisis of marriage and nation, may still need to believe, the fiction of an Edenic community serving, then, as a partition of re-enchantment. ; Dans l'État républicain théoriquement et rhétoriquement fondé en liberté et en égalité, l'égalité sexuelle reste problématique. L'égalité des sexes et surtout l'égalité des sexualités sont comme ...

Travail de recherche (2003-2009) fait en parallèle d'une fonction à plein temps de professeur de philosophie en lycée. Mention très honorable. ; In the French Republic theoretically and rhetorically based on liberty and equality, gender equality is still doubtful. Equality between sexes and above all sexualities seem to be institutionally inconceivable. The legislative responses to the claims by civil society are often ambiguous (statutory registration of sex change, Civil Pact of Solidarity, gender affirmative action etc.) and met with traditionalist resistances, basically more religious than symbolic. Analysing the social contract through the marriage contract makes it clear that after 1789 civil law was not revolutionized and, despite its voluntarism, kept clinging to "natural law". The state did not give up sex differentiation as inscribed in Genesis and canon law, then secularised by Rousseau. Women were stricken by both civil and civic incapacity there to last. However, by separating the family from the city, Rousseau separates the private from the public, thus contributing to the conception of French secularism. Differences between individuals pertain to the private, the public being the area of the citizens' undifferentiated equality. Now, statutory registration makes a "religion of the two sexes" compulsory as from birth, in total contradiction with today's way of life and biological breakthroughs. This form of state religion has discriminatory consequences through its prohibitions (homosexual parenthood.) and prescriptions (re-assigning intersexuals.). It would be logical for the secular state to give up sexing citizens. But many individuals, going through a crisis of marriage and nation, may still need to believe, the fiction of an Edenic community serving, then, as a partition of re-enchantment. ; Dans l'État républicain théoriquement et rhétoriquement fondé en liberté et en égalité, l'égalité sexuelle reste problématique. L'égalité des sexes et surtout l'égalité des sexualités sont comme institutionnellement inconcevables. Les réponses législatives apportées aux revendications de la société civile sont souvent ambiguës (changement de sexe civil, PaCS, parité etc.) et marquées par des résistances traditionalistes, au fond plus religieuses que symboliques. En analysant le contrat social par le prisme du contrat de mariage, on peut montrer qu'après 1789 le droit civil n'a pas fait sa révolution et qu'il tient, malgré son volontarisme, au " droit de la nature ". L'État ne renonce pas à la différenciation sexuelle inscrite dans la Genèse et le droit canonique, puis sécularisée par Rousseau. Les femmes sont durablement frappées d'une double incapacité, civile et civique. Cependant, en séparant la famille et la Cité, Rousseau sépare le privé et le public et contribue à la conception de la laïcité. Les différences interindividuelles doivent rester au privé ; le public est l'espace de l'égalité indifférenciée des citoyens. Or l'état civil impose dès la naissance une " religion des deux sexes ", aujourd'hui contredite par les modes de vie et même la biologie. Cette forme de religion d'État a des conséquences discriminatoires par ses interdits (parenté homosexuelle.) et ses prescriptions (réassignation des intersexué-e-s.). Il serait logique que l'État laïque renonce à sexuer les citoyens. Mais peut-être que beaucoup d'individus, en crise conjugale et nationale, ont besoin d'y croire encore, la fiction de communauté édénique tenant alors lieu de partition de réenchantement.

Secularism was originally adopted by the Turkish nation in order to join the club of civilized European nations. In our present times, however, secularism, as interpreted and applied in Turkey, has become one of the major obstacles to its accession to the European Union. While respect for human rights is a precondition for accession, secularism is often perceived and used as a basis to restrict many fundamental freedoms in Turkey. Indeed, by confining religion within well established bounds and thus reducing its influence on state affairs and social life, an authoritarian conception of secularism enabled the state and the Turkish nation to modernize and consequently become closer to European civilization. At the same time, such an application of secularism has slowed the development of democracy and human rights in Turkey. Having become a dogma, safeguarding secularism has been invoked by the Turkish armed forces as one of the main reasons justifying their intervention in poli tics. It has also served as the basis for the dissolution of several political parties and the repression of peaceful expression of opinions by the Turkish courts. This judicial and military activism impairs the development of democracy and the situation of human rights in Turkey. Yet there are other ways to protect the secular nature of the state against the danger of islamization and to guarantee the fundamental rights and freedoms, thus facilitating the country's accession to the EU: the protection and promotion of the religious pluralism existing within Turkish society. It is through the development of tolerance with regard to different religious identities in Turkish society that the state will find the best defence against the danger of fundamentalism. ; Initialement adoptée en tant que moyen permettant à la nation turque d' accéder au club des nations européennes civilisées, la laïcité, telle qu'elle est interprétée et appliquée en Turquie, est aujourd'hui devenue l'un des obstacles majeurs à l'adhésion de ce pays à l'Union ...

Relations between the Catholic Church and the Colombian government have had a number of approaches, which are expressed according to the historical moment in the evolution of our Republican trend. This paper presents the conflicts that have aroused from the Concordat of 1973 to the present time. This study aims not only to account for the situation in which the Concordat was left, but for the current situation of the relations between the Colombian government and the Catholic Church from the 1991 Constitution and all its legal and institutional development. Such intention takes shape through a line of cases from landmark judgments that served as the basis for the current trend governing the relations between the institutions already mentioned, which also involves the panorama of other churches and religions established in Colombia, as a third party ad excluendum seeking for a principle of equality in the new constitutional relations. ; Las relaciones entre la Iglesia católica y el Estado colombiano han tenido una serie de enfoques que se expresande acuerdo con el momento histórico en la evolución de nuestra tendencia republicana. En este ensayo sepresentan los conflictos surgidos desde el Concordato de 1973 hasta la actualidad. Este estudio pretendeno solamente dar cuenta de la situación en que quedó el Concordato mencionado, sino el panorama actualde las relaciones entre el Estado colombiano y la Iglesia católica a partir de la Constitución de 1991 y todosu desarrollo legal e institucional. Tal pretensión se concreta en una línea jurisprudencial con sentenciashito que sirvieron de fundamento a la tendencia actual que rigen las relaciones entre las instituciones yamencionadas que también involucra el panorama de las demás iglesias y religiones establecidas en Colombia,como un tercero ad excluendum que busca un principio de igualdad en las nuevas relaciones constitucionales.

Relations between the Catholic Church and the Colombian government have had a number of approaches, which are expressed according to the historical moment in the evolution of our Republican trend. This paper presents the conflicts that have aroused from the Concordat of 1973 to the present time. This study aims not only to account for the situation in which the Concordat was left, but for the current situation of the relations between the Colombian government and the Catholic Church from the 1991 Constitution and all its legal and institutional development. Such intention takes shape through a line of cases from landmark judgments that served as the basis for the current trend governing the relations between the institutions already mentioned, which also involves the panorama of other churches and religions established in Colombia, as a third party ad excluendum seeking for a principle of equality in the new constitutional relations. ; Las relaciones entre la Iglesia católica y el Estado colombiano han tenido una serie de enfoques que se expresan de acuerdo con el momento histórico en la evolución de nuestra tendencia republicana. En este ensayo se presentan los conflictos surgidos desde el Concordato de 1973 hasta la actualidad. Este estudio pretende no solamente dar cuenta de la situación en que quedó el Concordato mencionado, sino el panorama actual de las relaciones entre el Estado colombiano y la Iglesia católica a partir de la Constitución de 1991 y todo su desarrollo legal e institucional. Tal pretensión se concreta en una línea jurisprudencial con sentencias hito que sirvieron de fundamento a la tendencia actual que rigen las relaciones entre las instituciones ya mencionadas que también involucra el panorama de las demás iglesias y religiones establecidas en Colombia, como un tercero ad excluendum que busca un principio de igualdad en las nuevas relaciones constitucionales.

Rawls distinction between "comprehensive" philosophical, moral and religious doctrines on the one hand, and "political" conceptions on the other hand, means that, in a secular State, citizens of faith are not allowed to use directly their religious arguments in the political sphere as this would threaten the equal dignity of their fellow citizens' conceptions of the Good. But what about a philosophical doctrine such as secularism or laicity? The logical consequence of Rawls's distinction is that every citizen, religious or secular, has to use public reasons in the political debate in application of his duty of civility. This raises the problematic issue of a liberal conception of secularism. In a Public Reason Revisited, Rawls paradoxically claims that the secular State cannot be defended on the basis of secularism. This essay proposes to explore this liberal alternative to secularism, concerned with the plurality and equal dignity of comprehensive reasonable doctrines. Adapted from the source document.

The Russian state is formally secular. Several elements, however, suggest that the principle of secularism has run out of steam in Russia. These include the absence of real debate concerning this particular question, growing state control over social forces, the increasing visibility of the Russian church in public spaces & the persecution to which many religious minorities are subjected. In addition to supporting this observation, which is based on a normative approach to secularism, a consideration of the social construction of relations between church & state allows one to assess the degree of secularization attained by Russia. This is the result of conflicts & compromises between social actors who identify with secular principles or who, conversely, condemn them in order to advance their own positions. In Russia, relations between politics & religion are defined according to the principle of "hierarchized pluralism" & are explained by the predominance of the collective over the individual in representations. As a central element of tradition, religion is a legitimizing factor of the social order. Representations of secularism, for their part, draw upon the Soviet heritage as well as liberal perceptions. Adapted from the source document.