Suchergebnisse

The Nigerian era sees the development of a set of original, corporatist professional organisations, framing professional groups defined by specialised competence and university level diploma, mobilised in support of the national development project. These 'professional unions' are sometimes seen as the heirs of Ottoman corporations. The purpose of this article is to question some theoretical interpretations that have been proposed, based on universal models, and to show the value of an approach inspired by socio-history and the work of Sewell, mindful of the persistence of idiomes through breaks in history. ; International audience The Nasser era saw the development of a number of professional organizations for occupational groups defined by specialized skills and university degrees, and mobilized for the national development project. A favorite object of study for political scientists, these "professional unions" are sometimes regarded as distant heirs of Ottoman guilds. The study focuses on the examination of theoretical interpretations, based on models with universalizing ambitions, and aims at demonstrating the value of an approach inspired by social history and Sewell's work, which takes into account the persistence of idioms through historical discontinuities. ; The Nigerian era sees the development of a set of original, corporatist professional organisations, framing professional groups defined by specialised competence and university level diploma, mobilised in support of the national development project. These 'professional unions' are sometimes seen as the heirs of Ottoman corporations. The purpose of this article is to question some theoretical interpretations that have been proposed, based on universal models, and to show the value of an approach inspired by socio-history and the work of Sewell, mindful of the persistence of idiomes through breaks in history. ; L'époque nassérienne voit le développement d'un ensemble d'organisations professionnelles originales, de type corporatiste, encadrant des ...

International audience ; The study bears on Hindi in its history, both political and cultural : its geographical extension, the controversy regarding Hindi/Urdu and the names successively give to the language, its emergence as a literary language, its institutionalization and place within language policies, as well as its grammatical traditions since the seventeenth century till now. ; L'étude porte sur le hindi dans son histoire, politique et culturelle : son extension géographique, le débat hindi/ourdou et les noms donnés successivement à la langue, son émergence en tant que langue littéraire, son institutionnalisation et sa place dans les politiques linguistiques, ainsi que ses traditions grammaticales depuis le dix-septième siècle à nos jours.

International audience ; The study bears on Hindi in its history, both political and cultural : its geographical extension, the controversy regarding Hindi/Urdu and the names successively give to the language, its emergence as a literary language, its institutionalization and place within language policies, as well as its grammatical traditions since the seventeenth century till now. ; L'étude porte sur le hindi dans son histoire, politique et culturelle : son extension géographique, le débat hindi/ourdou et les noms donnés successivement à la langue, son émergence en tant que langue littéraire, son institutionnalisation et sa place dans les politiques linguistiques, ainsi que ses traditions grammaticales depuis le dix-septième siècle à nos jours.

http://remmm.revues.org/index6773.html ; International audience ; The Nasser era saw the development of a number of professional organizations for occupational groups defined by specialized skills and university degrees, and mobilized for the national development project. A favorite object of study for political scientists, these "professional unions" are sometimes regarded as distant heirs of Ottoman guilds. The study focuses on the examination of theoretical interpretations, based on models with universalizing ambitions, and aims at demonstrating the value of an approach inspired by social history and Sewell's work, which takes into account the persistence of idioms through historical discontinuities. ; L'époque nassérienne voit le développement d'un ensemble d'organisations professionnelles originales, de type corporatiste, encadrant des groupes professionnels définis par une compétence spécialisée et un diplôme de niveau universitaire, mobilisées au service du projet de développement national. Objet d'étude privilégié pour les politistes, ces " syndicats professionnels " sont parfois vus comme de lointains héritiers des corporations ottomanes. L'objet de cet article est d'interroger quelques interprétations théoriques qui en ont été proposées, fondées sur des modèles à visée universalisante, et de montrer l'intérêt d'une démarche inspirée de la socio-histoire et des travaux de Sewell, attentive à la persistance des idiomes à travers les ruptures de l'histoire.

http://remmm.revues.org/index6773.html ; International audience ; The Nasser era saw the development of a number of professional organizations for occupational groups defined by specialized skills and university degrees, and mobilized for the national development project. A favorite object of study for political scientists, these "professional unions" are sometimes regarded as distant heirs of Ottoman guilds. The study focuses on the examination of theoretical interpretations, based on models with universalizing ambitions, and aims at demonstrating the value of an approach inspired by social history and Sewell's work, which takes into account the persistence of idioms through historical discontinuities. ; L'époque nassérienne voit le développement d'un ensemble d'organisations professionnelles originales, de type corporatiste, encadrant des groupes professionnels définis par une compétence spécialisée et un diplôme de niveau universitaire, mobilisées au service du projet de développement national. Objet d'étude privilégié pour les politistes, ces " syndicats professionnels " sont parfois vus comme de lointains héritiers des corporations ottomanes. L'objet de cet article est d'interroger quelques interprétations théoriques qui en ont été proposées, fondées sur des modèles à visée universalisante, et de montrer l'intérêt d'une démarche inspirée de la socio-histoire et des travaux de Sewell, attentive à la persistance des idiomes à travers les ruptures de l'histoire.

http://remmm.revues.org/index6773.html ; International audience ; The Nasser era saw the development of a number of professional organizations for occupational groups defined by specialized skills and university degrees, and mobilized for the national development project. A favorite object of study for political scientists, these "professional unions" are sometimes regarded as distant heirs of Ottoman guilds. The study focuses on the examination of theoretical interpretations, based on models with universalizing ambitions, and aims at demonstrating the value of an approach inspired by social history and Sewell's work, which takes into account the persistence of idioms through historical discontinuities. ; L'époque nassérienne voit le développement d'un ensemble d'organisations professionnelles originales, de type corporatiste, encadrant des groupes professionnels définis par une compétence spécialisée et un diplôme de niveau universitaire, mobilisées au service du projet de développement national. Objet d'étude privilégié pour les politistes, ces " syndicats professionnels " sont parfois vus comme de lointains héritiers des corporations ottomanes. L'objet de cet article est d'interroger quelques interprétations théoriques qui en ont été proposées, fondées sur des modèles à visée universalisante, et de montrer l'intérêt d'une démarche inspirée de la socio-histoire et des travaux de Sewell, attentive à la persistance des idiomes à travers les ruptures de l'histoire.

After the country independence proclaimed in 1821 and the first decades of political anarchy and instability, Peruvian governing leaders set themselves to building a modern state. Through this process, they aimed at building public facilities, diversifying means of communication and especially in adopting and implementing the new technologies created by the Industrial Revolution (railroads and steam engines) now affordable to exploit the guano deposits. Besides its rich subsoil raw material that underpinned the colonial economy, Peru has a less lenient topography because of its geographical contrasts combining deserts, mountains, and forests. This study suggests doing a historical review of the Republican Peru transportation means by examining the various mechanisms set up by political authorities to connect the country to the world, and by examining the existing situation of the communication networks back in the colonial era. The thesis defines not only the types of trades and transportation developed in different regions of Peru, but also examines the transition from traditional means of transportation (walking, mules, horses, and carriages) and modernity represented by steam engines traction. The interaction issue of these new technologies along with artisanal and traditional peasant economy is raised by comparing several administrative sets or those derived from travelogues. ; Après l'indépendance proclamée en 1821 et les premières décennies d'anarchie politique, les gouvernants péruviens se fixèrent comme objectif la construction d'un État moderne. Cette démarche passait par la construction d'infrastructures, la diversification des moyens de communication et surtout l'adoption des nouvelles technologies de la Révolution industrielle (chemin de fer et navigation à vapeur) devenues financièrement accessibles par l'exploitation des gisements de guano. Outre son sous-sol riche en matières premières sur lesquelles reposait l'économie coloniale, le Pérou possède une topographie moins clémente de par ses ...

After the country independence proclaimed in 1821 and the first decades of political anarchy and instability, Peruvian governing leaders set themselves to building a modern state. Through this process, they aimed at building public facilities, diversifying means of communication and especially in adopting and implementing the new technologies created by the Industrial Revolution (railroads and steam engines) now affordable to exploit the guano deposits. Besides its rich subsoil raw material that underpinned the colonial economy, Peru has a less lenient topography because of its geographical contrasts combining deserts, mountains, and forests. This study suggests doing a historical review of the Republican Peru transportation means by examining the various mechanisms set up by political authorities to connect the country to the world, and by examining the existing situation of the communication networks back in the colonial era. The thesis defines not only the types of trades and transportation developed in different regions of Peru, but also examines the transition from traditional means of transportation (walking, mules, horses, and carriages) and modernity represented by steam engines traction. The interaction issue of these new technologies along with artisanal and traditional peasant economy is raised by comparing several administrative sets or those derived from travelogues. ; Après l'indépendance proclamée en 1821 et les premières décennies d'anarchie politique, les gouvernants péruviens se fixèrent comme objectif la construction d'un État moderne. Cette démarche passait par la construction d'infrastructures, la diversification des moyens de communication et surtout l'adoption des nouvelles technologies de la Révolution industrielle (chemin de fer et navigation à vapeur) devenues financièrement accessibles par l'exploitation des gisements de guano. Outre son sous-sol riche en matières premières sur lesquelles reposait l'économie coloniale, le Pérou possède une topographie moins clémente de par ses ...

Since its founding in 1927, the Permanent Assembly of Chambers of Agriculture (Assemblée permanente des chambres d'agriculture, APCA) changed several times its role and social profile. Its history begins while the farmers unions are almost celebrating their fiftieth anniversary. The APCA then starts a long quest to set itself as an intermediary between the agricultural professional organizations and State structures. Although this institution is exclusively a consultative one in the 1930's, it progressively tends to become a protagonist of the agricultural development policy in the 1960's-1970's, offering technical and administrative support to the local chambers of agriculture, and developing a public advisory capacity as well as its own publishing policy. Prosopographical and micro-historical methods allow us to demonstrate that this process of institutionalization has been the long-term task of some farmers leaders and their managers, men born at the beginning of the twentieth century, and that its success is the result of slow adapations of all the players involved. A relational database system allows us to follow the social trajectories and to localize in the nebula of professional and political networks some 8.000 members of the chambers of agriculture of this period, as well as their 500 presidents. From the Third Republic to the Peasant corporation of the Vichy régime, and then from the Liberation in 1944-1945 to the agricultural modernization of the "Trente glorieuses", this history is also a way to enlight how agrarism as a pattern of control could endure while productivism as a new paradigm was asserting itself. ; Depuis sa création en 1927, l'Assemblée permanente des chambres d'agriculture a changé plusieurs fois de rôle et de composition sociale. Son histoire commence alors que les unions de syndicats agricoles sont sur le point de fêter leur cinquantième anniversaire et l'APCA débute donc une longue quête pour devenir un rouage entre les organisations professionnelles agricoles et l'État. ...

Since its founding in 1927, the Permanent Assembly of Chambers of Agriculture (Assemblée permanente des chambres d'agriculture, APCA) changed several times its role and social profile. Its history begins while the farmers unions are almost celebrating their fiftieth anniversary. The APCA then starts a long quest to set itself as an intermediary between the agricultural professional organizations and State structures. Although this institution is exclusively a consultative one in the 1930's, it progressively tends to become a protagonist of the agricultural development policy in the 1960's-1970's, offering technical and administrative support to the local chambers of agriculture, and developing a public advisory capacity as well as its own publishing policy. Prosopographical and micro-historical methods allow us to demonstrate that this process of institutionalization has been the long-term task of some farmers leaders and their managers, men born at the beginning of the twentieth century, and that its success is the result of slow adapations of all the players involved. A relational database system allows us to follow the social trajectories and to localize in the nebula of professional and political networks some 8.000 members of the chambers of agriculture of this period, as well as their 500 presidents. From the Third Republic to the Peasant corporation of the Vichy régime, and then from the Liberation in 1944-1945 to the agricultural modernization of the "Trente glorieuses", this history is also a way to enlight how agrarism as a pattern of control could endure while productivism as a new paradigm was asserting itself. ; Depuis sa création en 1927, l'Assemblée permanente des chambres d'agriculture a changé plusieurs fois de rôle et de composition sociale. Son histoire commence alors que les unions de syndicats agricoles sont sur le point de fêter leur cinquantième anniversaire et l'APCA débute donc une longue quête pour devenir un rouage entre les organisations professionnelles agricoles et l'État. Institution exclusivement consultative dans les années 1930, l'assemblée devient progressivement une pièce de la politique de développement agricole, autour des années 1960 et 1970, en mettant à disposition des chambres départementales d'agriculture un support technique et administratif, et en développant des compétences en matière d'expertise, ainsi qu'une politique éditoriale. Les méthodes prosopographique et micro-historique permettent de démontrer que ce processus est l'œuvre de longue haleine de certains dirigeants syndicaux agricoles et de leurs directeurs, nés au début du 20e siècle, comme il est le produit d'adaptations lentes de tous les acteurs impliqués : un système de bases de données relationnelles rend possible le suivi des 8000 membres et des 500 présidents de chambre d'agriculture tout au long de leurs trajectoires ainsi que leur localisation dans la nébuleuse des réseaux professionnels et politiques. De la Troisième République à la Corporation paysanne de Vichy, de la Libération aux « Trente glorieuses », cette histoire peut également être lue comme le biais par lequel l'agrarisme a continué d'exister tandis que le paradigme productiviste s'impose.

Since its founding in 1927, the Permanent Assembly of Chambers of Agriculture (Assemblée permanente des chambres d'agriculture, APCA) changed several times its role and social profile. Its history begins while the farmers unions are almost celebrating their fiftieth anniversary. The APCA then starts a long quest to set itself as an intermediary between the agricultural professional organizations and State structures. Although this institution is exclusively a consultative one in the 1930's, it progressively tends to become a protagonist of the agricultural development policy in the 1960's-1970's, offering technical and administrative support to the local chambers of agriculture, and developing a public advisory capacity as well as its own publishing policy. Prosopographical and micro-historical methods allow us to demonstrate that this process of institutionalization has been the long-term task of some farmers leaders and their managers, men born at the beginning of the twentieth century, and that its success is the result of slow adapations of all the players involved. A relational database system allows us to follow the social trajectories and to localize in the nebula of professional and political networks some 8.000 members of the chambers of agriculture of this period, as well as their 500 presidents. From the Third Republic to the Peasant corporation of the Vichy régime, and then from the Liberation in 1944-1945 to the agricultural modernization of the "Trente glorieuses", this history is also a way to enlight how agrarism as a pattern of control could endure while productivism as a new paradigm was asserting itself. ; Depuis sa création en 1927, l'Assemblée permanente des chambres d'agriculture a changé plusieurs fois de rôle et de composition sociale. Son histoire commence alors que les unions de syndicats agricoles sont sur le point de fêter leur cinquantième anniversaire et l'APCA débute donc une longue quête pour devenir un rouage entre les organisations professionnelles agricoles et l'État. Institution exclusivement consultative dans les années 1930, l'assemblée devient progressivement une pièce de la politique de développement agricole, autour des années 1960 et 1970, en mettant à disposition des chambres départementales d'agriculture un support technique et administratif, et en développant des compétences en matière d'expertise, ainsi qu'une politique éditoriale. Les méthodes prosopographique et micro-historique permettent de démontrer que ce processus est l'œuvre de longue haleine de certains dirigeants syndicaux agricoles et de leurs directeurs, nés au début du 20e siècle, comme il est le produit d'adaptations lentes de tous les acteurs impliqués : un système de bases de données relationnelles rend possible le suivi des 8000 membres et des 500 présidents de chambre d'agriculture tout au long de leurs trajectoires ainsi que leur localisation dans la nébuleuse des réseaux professionnels et politiques. De la Troisième République à la Corporation paysanne de Vichy, de la Libération aux « Trente glorieuses », cette histoire peut également être lue comme le biais par lequel l'agrarisme a continué d'exister tandis que le paradigme productiviste s'impose.

What do we learn when studying economic ideas through their impagination? In this dissertation, we take the stance that economic ideas are partially elaborated according to the specific logic of cultural industries: the economy is indeed represented through several means such as books, scientific papers, press articles, but also comic books, documentaries or paintings. Each of these formats has an impact on the production and consumption of economic ideas. This stance unfolds in three distinct research paths. First, the production and consumption of economic ideas are analysed as cultural practices bearing high profits of distinction. In post-WW2 France, economic knowledge has been central in claiming political legitimacy, as well as in individual and collective strategies to reinforce positions in the political space, public administration, private companies and academic institutions. Second, by focusing on cultural mediators – here, publishing companies – we show that there is no automatic relation between supply and demand of economic ideas: by working on that relation, publishers directly participate in the making of the cultural goods being traded (here, economic books), as well as they take part in the production of legitimate authors and readers of economic ideas. Most specifically, we show that publishers largely contributed in making economics the knowledge of "white collars" (the cadres), therefore participating in the affirmation of that social group. Finally, analysing the market of economic ideas enables us to shift our focus from an academic-centered approach of the history of economic ideas. Authors of economic books indeed form a multi-professional space, in which scholars neighbour high civil servants, business and political leaders. This dissertation hence initiates the cultural study of an "economic culture" which, by being opposed to "ideologies", constitutes a powerful means in legitimizing or contesting the social order. ; Qu'apprend-on en étudiant les idées économiques au prisme de leur « ...

For about one hundred and fifty years, state primary schools in moselle have remained denominational. The present organisation of state primary schools in the "departement" of moselle is still deeply influenced by a legislative decision, the falloux law, voted in 1850. The german annexation in 1871, the change of political sovereignty that took place in 1918, the restoring of the republican legality in 1944 after four years of german occupation, didn't alter that situation at all. The main purpose of this study limited to the two decades between world war 1 and world war 2 and dealing with the land which was recovered in 1918 to become the "departement" of moselle, is to find out the reasons for that legislative status quo applied to state primary schools. The work is based on two themes : first the structures, that is the schools, and second the people involved, that is the pupils and the teachers. The very purpose of this study may justify its two-point structure which has the advandage to make a complex question casier to grasp, that question being the relationship between the state and the catholic church in a land annexed in 1871 and which became part of the french nation again in 1918 ; Depuis près de cent-cinquante ans, l'enseignement primaire public mosellan est resté confessionnel. L'organisation actuelle de l'enseignement primaire public, dans le département de la Moselle, garde la marque profonde d'un texte législatif, la loi Falloux, voté en 1850. Ni l'annexion allemande de 1871, ni le changement de souveraineté politique intervenu en 1918, ni le rétablissement de la légalité républicaine en 1944, après quatre années d'occupation nazie, ne modifièrent cet état de chose. La recherche des causes de l'immobilisme du droit s'appliquant aux écoles primaires publiques constitue la principale motivation de cette étude, limitée aux deux décennies de l'entre-deux-guerres, circonscrite au territoire recouvre en 1918, devenu département de la Moselle. La présentation s'articule autour de deux thèmes : les ...

For about one hundred and fifty years, state primary schools in moselle have remained denominational. The present organisation of state primary schools in the "departement" of moselle is still deeply influenced by a legislative decision, the falloux law, voted in 1850. The german annexation in 1871, the change of political sovereignty that took place in 1918, the restoring of the republican legality in 1944 after four years of german occupation, didn't alter that situation at all. The main purpose of this study limited to the two decades between world war 1 and world war 2 and dealing with the land which was recovered in 1918 to become the "departement" of moselle, is to find out the reasons for that legislative status quo applied to state primary schools. The work is based on two themes : first the structures, that is the schools, and second the people involved, that is the pupils and the teachers. The very purpose of this study may justify its two-point structure which has the advandage to make a complex question casier to grasp, that question being the relationship between the state and the catholic church in a land annexed in 1871 and which became part of the french nation again in 1918 ; Depuis près de cent-cinquante ans, l'enseignement primaire public mosellan est resté confessionnel. L'organisation actuelle de l'enseignement primaire public, dans le département de la Moselle, garde la marque profonde d'un texte législatif, la loi Falloux, voté en 1850. Ni l'annexion allemande de 1871, ni le changement de souveraineté politique intervenu en 1918, ni le rétablissement de la légalité républicaine en 1944, après quatre années d'occupation nazie, ne modifièrent cet état de chose. La recherche des causes de l'immobilisme du droit s'appliquant aux écoles primaires publiques constitue la principale motivation de cette étude, limitée aux deux décennies de l'entre-deux-guerres, circonscrite au territoire recouvre en 1918, devenu département de la Moselle. La présentation s'articule autour de deux thèmes : les ...

What do we learn when studying economic ideas through their impagination? In this dissertation, we take the stance that economic ideas are partially elaborated according to the specific logic of cultural industries: the economy is indeed represented through several means such as books, scientific papers, press articles, but also comic books, documentaries or paintings. Each of these formats has an impact on the production and consumption of economic ideas. This stance unfolds in three distinct research paths. First, the production and consumption of economic ideas are analysed as cultural practices bearing high profits of distinction. In post-WW2 France, economic knowledge has been central in claiming political legitimacy, as well as in individual and collective strategies to reinforce positions in the political space, public administration, private companies and academic institutions. Second, by focusing on cultural mediators – here, publishing companies – we show that there is no automatic relation between supply and demand of economic ideas: by working on that relation, publishers directly participate in the making of the cultural goods being traded (here, economic books), as well as they take part in the production of legitimate authors and readers of economic ideas. Most specifically, we show that publishers largely contributed in making economics the knowledge of "white collars" (the cadres), therefore participating in the affirmation of that social group. Finally, analysing the market of economic ideas enables us to shift our focus from an academic-centered approach of the history of economic ideas. Authors of economic books indeed form a multi-professional space, in which scholars neighbour high civil servants, business and political leaders. This dissertation hence initiates the cultural study of an "economic culture" which, by being opposed to "ideologies", constitutes a powerful means in legitimizing or contesting the social order. ; Qu'apprend-on en étudiant les idées économiques au prisme de leur « mise en livre » ? On prend le pari dans cette thèse que les idées économiques sont, au moins partiellement, élaborées dans le cadre d'industries culturelles ayant leur logique propre : l'économie est représentée dans des livres, dans des articles scientifiques et de presse, mais aussi dans des films documentaires, des bandes-dessinées, ou encore des œuvres d'art… autant de formats porteurs d'effets sur la production et la consommation des idées économiques. Ce pari a été décliné en trois pistes de recherche. Premièrement, l'étude du marché du livre d'économie depuis 1945 permet d'aborder la production et la consommation des idées économiques comme des pratiques culturelles à forte valeur distinctive, centrale dans la revendication de la « compétence économique» et dans les stratégies individuelles ou collectives de renforcement des positions occupées dans différents espaces, comme l'enseignement supérieur, l'entreprise, l'administration, ou dans le champ politique. Ensuite, en nous focalisant sur les «intermédiaires», ici les éditeurs, on montre qu'il n'y a pas de relation automatique entre offre et demande d'idées économiques : en travaillant à cette mise en relation, les éditeurs participent à la désignation des producteurs et des consommateurs légitimes des idées économiques et dans le même temps, dans la fabrication des biens échangés. On montre notamment que les éditeurs contribuent à faire de l'économie un savoir de «cadres», participant en ce sens à l'affirmation de ce groupe social. Enfin, l'entrée par le marché déplace le regard par rapport aux approches académico-centrées qui assimilent histoire des idées économiques et histoire de la science économique. L'espace des auteurs de livres d'économie apparaît en ce sens comme multi-professionnels et irréductible aux seuls producteurs académiques. Dans son ensemble, cette thèse amorce l'étude historique d'une «culture économique», qui, en se constituant contre les «idéologies», c'est-à-dire les croyances infondées et profanes, constitue un puissant instrument de légitimation ou de contestation de l'ordre social.