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The article considers the political evolution of territorial communities in democratic countries as a problem that reflects the local regional political authenticity and becomes the basis for applied research. The interrelation of the criteria of professionalization of managerial staff at the territorial level with local educational and scientific traditions is substantiated.The purpose of this article is to establish the level of reflection in the modern discourse of political science of socio-political representation of territorial communities.Research methods. The structural-functional method is used to analyze the criteria for staff promotion and their inclusion in certain management teams; the method of comparison used to relate to democratic procedures and practices of representation determines the quality of community development at the territorial level; a method of retrospective reconstruction to establish a high level of compliance with certain conditions of functioning in a controlled power environment, clear implementation of procedures, ensuring stability and implementation of a certain authoritarian course.Results. The assessment of the phenomenon of institutional inequality of communities determines the incomplete correspondence of elites of different levels in the former post-communist states. It is proved that the electoral variability of socio-political representation at the territorial level is manifested in the moderate position of the elites, their party and ideological mimicry in the conditions of insufficiently predictable and clear electoral result. Emphasis is placed on the factors of elite professionalism, which are not focused on managerial qualities, but are determined by archaic principles of situational loyalty and political expediency. The properties of population participation in the electoral process as a decisive factor in the qualitative political transformation of territorial communities are revealed. The specifics of the mechanisms of political representation and the processes of reforming territorial communities in the old European democracies and post-communist countries are noted. The substantiation of the tendency to preserve the internal elite patron clientelism and to ensure one's own position regardless of the political situation is proposed.

The article considers the political evolution of territorial communities in democratic countries as a problem that reflects the local regional political authenticity and becomes the basis for applied research. The interrelation of the criteria of professionalization of managerial staff at the territorial level with local educational and scientific traditions is substantiated.The purpose of this article is to establish the level of reflection in the modern discourse of political science of socio-political representation of territorial communities.Research methods. The structural-functional method is used to analyze the criteria for staff promotion and their inclusion in certain management teams; the method of comparison used to relate to democratic procedures and practices of representation determines the quality of community development at the territorial level; a method of retrospective reconstruction to establish a high level of compliance with certain conditions of functioning in a controlled power environment, clear implementation of procedures, ensuring stability and implementation of a certain authoritarian course.Results. The assessment of the phenomenon of institutional inequality of communities determines the incomplete correspondence of elites of different levels in the former post-communist states. It is proved that the electoral variability of socio-political representation at the territorial level is manifested in the moderate position of the elites, their party and ideological mimicry in the conditions of insufficiently predictable and clear electoral result. Emphasis is placed on the factors of elite professionalism, which are not focused on managerial qualities, but are determined by archaic principles of situational loyalty and political expediency. The properties of population participation in the electoral process as a decisive factor in the qualitative political transformation of territorial communities are revealed. The specifics of the mechanisms of political representation and the processes of reforming territorial communities in the old European democracies and post-communist countries are noted. The substantiation of the tendency to preserve the internal elite patron clientelism and to ensure one's own position regardless of the political situation is proposed. ; В статье рассмотрена политическая эволюция территориальных общин в демократических странах как проблема, которая отражает местную региональную политическую аутентичность, и становится основой для прикладных научных разработок. Обосновано взаимосвязь критериев профессионализации управленческих кадров на территориальном уровне с местными образовательными и научными традициями.Целью данной статьи является установление уровня отражения в современном дискурсе политической науки социально-политического представительства территориальных общин.Методы исследования. Использован структурно-функциональный метод для анализа критериев продвижения кадров и их включения в определенные управленческие команды, метод сравнения применен для связи с демократическими процедурами и практиками представительства определяет качество развития общин на территориальном уровне; метод ретроспективной реконструкции для установления высокого уровня соответствия определенным условиям функционирования в контролируемом властной среде, четкого выполнения процедур, обеспечение стабильности и реализации определенного авторитарного курса.Результаты. Данная оценка феномена институциональной неровности общин определяет неполное соответствие элит разных уровней в бывших посткоммунистических государствах. Доказано, что электоральная изменчивость социально-политического представительства на территориальном уровне проявляется в умеренной позиции элит, их партийной и идеологической мимикрии в условиях недостаточно прогнозируемого и четкого электорального результата. Акцентировано внимание на факторах профессионализма элит, которые не ориентируются на менеджерские качества, а определяются архаичными принципами ситуативной лояльности и политической целесообразности. Раскрыто свойства участия населения в электоральном процессе в качестве решающего фактору качественного политического преобразования территориальных общин. Отмечено специфику механизмов политического представительства и процессов реформирования территориальных общин в старых европейских демократиях и посткоммунистических странах. Предложено обоснование тенденции к консервации внутренне элитного патрон-клиентелизма и обеспечения собственного положения независимо от политической конъюнктуры. ; У статті розглянуто політичну еволюцію територіальних громад у демократичних країнах як проблему, яка відображає місцеву регіональну політичну автентичність, та стає основою для прикладних наукових розробок. Обґрунтовано взаємозв'язок критеріїв професіоналізації управлінських кадрів на територіальному рівні з місцевими освітніми і науковими традиціями.Метою даної статті є встановлення рівня відображення у сучасному дискурсі політичної науки соціально-політичного представництва територіальних громад.Методи дослідження. Використано структурно-функціональний метод для аналізу критеріїв просування кадрів та їх включення до певних управлінських команд; метод порівняння застосований для зв'язок з демократичними процедурами та практиками представництва визначає якість розвитку громад на територіальному рівні; метод ретроспективної реконструкції для встановлення високого рівня відповідності певним умовам функціонування у контрольованому владному середовищі, чіткого виконання процедур, забезпечення стабільності та реалізації певного авторитарного курсу.Результати. Дано оцінку феномену інституційної нерівності громад визначає неповну відповідність еліт різних рівнів у колишніх посткомуністичних державах. Доведено, що на електоральна мінливість соціально-політичного представництва на територіальному рівні проявляється у поміркованій позиції еліт, їх партійній і ідеологічній мімікрії в умовах недостатньо прогнозованого та чіткого електорального результату. Акцентовано увагу на чинниках професіоналізму еліт, які не орієнтуються на менеджерські якості, а визначаються архаїчними принципами ситуативної лояльності та політичної доцільності. Розкрито властивості участі населення у електоральному процесі як вирішального чиннику якісного політичного перетворення територіальних громад. Відзначено специфіку механізмів політичного представництва і процесів реформування територіальних громад в старих європейських демократіях і посткомуністичних країнах. Запропоновано обґрунтування тенденції до консервації внутрішньо-елітного патрон-клієнтелізму та забезпечення власного становища не залежно від політичної кон'юнктури.

SLIDESHARE The Wire (HBO 2002-08) is one of the most ever critically acclaimed TV-shows. It transcends the film noir genre by offering a multilayered portrait of the whole city of Baltimore: from police work to drug dealing, getting through stevedores' union corruption, tricks of local politics, problems of the school system and some unethical journalism practices. One key element in the TV-series is the realist style that David Simon and Ed Burns, executive producers, have stamped on The Wire as authorial mark; a realist style that lay the foundations of the social, cultural, and political critique The Wire exhibits. This paper proposes to locate the representational strategies employed by The Wire in three different scopes. On the one hand, we will study the production context of the TV-series, in order to find out how the non-fiction book upon the show is based and the autobiographical background of the creators heighten the realism of The Wire. Secondly, we will analyze the filmic elements that spread the "illusion of truth": use of non-professional actors, stylistic sobriety, and a fragmented and expanded narrative that shows the ambiguity of the real. Finally, the last part of this paper tries to enlighten certain issues intertwined with the notion of realism in The Wire: the constant presence of the city as a moral landscape and the rupture of two American myths: working hard will lead anyone to wealth and America as a place of inclusion.

Using videorecorded data from canvassing interviews between activists and voters in Los Angeles, this thesis examines the ideologies of sexuality that emerge in conversation through the interactive construction of argumentative reasoning and socio-semiotic processes of ideological representation. Analysis focuses on the discursive connections canvassers and voters draw between attitudes toward LGBT politics and beliefs about what causes a person to be gay or bisexual. In contrast to ideologies circulated by the mass media, the data demonstrate broad variation in how voters' stances on politics and morality are tied to their own presentations of self and whether they believe homosexuality is something people choose, are influenced toward, or are born with. Nonetheless, canvassers misrecognize this variation and generate restrictive ideological representations through processes of iconization, erasure, and dichotomic replication. In order to better promote LGBT political causes, I call on activists to rethink their persuasive strategies in light of these findings.

The article presents an analysis of the competition between the imaginations of value alternatives relative to the socio-political reality of Ukraine in the context of the archetypal approach. The study of this problem is based on the works of French sociologists — Gilbert Durand and Michel Maffesoli, as well as developments of scientists of the Ukrainian school of archetypics. According to the changes in the psychosocial nature of modern society and man, the expediency of applying the archetypal approach to understanding social and political phenomena, processes, and also the characters and types of managers is proved. Archetypes, manifested through imagination, symbols and images, provide an opportunity to see the diversity of socio-political life holistically, without dominating one or other of its sides.It is noted that a social system of any scale presupposes the existence of a system of certain values shared by the majority of society, since it is in them that the answers that this or that society gives to fundamental worldview problems are contained. Thus, in the epoch of postmodern, the valuable semantic structure of plurality with a priority of self-realization of the personality and expansion of the sphere of its individual choice is characteristic for this time. At the same time, a significant role in this process is played by symbolic capital — prestige, reputation, image, which, in the main, is modeled and supported by virtual reality and igroizization. In such conditions, people not only define varieties of ideal values, converting them into each other, but retain them in the social imagination as an imperative, norm, ideal. It has also been confirmed that any accumulation must be used, since the multiple values of social imagination, realized in the psychosocial concepts of people and society, lead to the development of public opinion and in solidarization. It is established that the competition of multiple value representations is a personinternalized idea that has a transpersonal character that influences the creation of a socio-political reality in Ukraine.

Representing in a substantive sense means acting in the interest of the represented, in a manner responsive to their wishes. This can be imagined and done in several ways, but the representative should never he an independent expert or a mere commissioner. At the political level, this definition of representation has several implications. First, the representative is neither his constituency's agent nor a national leader without local link: it is the interaction between local representatives that allows the creation of a national interest. Second, political representation is not an individual characteristic, but a feature of the system, which has to allow responsiveness. Finally, the diversity of valid views about representation does not imply that any government is representative: in order to speak about a government as representative, it must institutionalize its responsiveness to the people, primarily through free elections. However, this institutionalization is not enough: one must also keep in mind the ideal of representation in order to judge and continuously reform the institutions of representation. Adapted from the source document.

Understanding how changes in ecosystem properties feedback into land-use decisions remains relatively uncharted territory for land science in general and for ecosystem service science in particular. In Europe, debates on rural development can be framed in terms of opposing socio-political discourses. These include formulations of desirable, acceptable and unacceptable changes that contribute to changing the planning- and policy-based drivers of land-use decisions. We explored the relationships between such discourses and local descriptions of a mountain grassland area in the central French Alps documented using semi-structured interviews. We found that descriptions focused on either the (1) productive functions of the local grasslands, (2) the aesthetic qualities of the surrounding landscape or (3) its cultural heritage value (testimony to past land-use patterns and practices). We interpreted these descriptions as social representations and found that they were unequally represented in existing socio-political discourses identified at the European level, thus illustrating some strong political barriers between local perceptions of landscape changes and the policy drivers of those changes.

Intro -- Political Representation: Communities, Ideas and Institutions in Europe (c. 1200-c. 1690) -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- List of Illustrations -- Contributors and Editors -- An Introduction: Political Representation: Communities, Ideas and Institutions in Europe (c. 1200-c. 1690) -- Part 1: Top-down or Bottom-up? Princes, Communities and Representation -- 1 Assemblies of Estates and Parliamentarism in Late Medieval Europe -- 2 Political Representation and the Fiscal State in Late Medieval and Early Modern Castile -- 3 Forms of Political Representation in Late Medieval Northern Italy: Merits and Shortcomings of the City-State Paradigm (14th-early 16th Century) -- 4 Representation in Later Medieval and Early Modern Ireland -- 5 Speaking in the Name of: Collective Action, Claim-making, and the Development of Pre-modern Representative Institutions -- Part 2: Prelates, Nobles and Patricians: The Composition of the Representative Institutions -- 6 "The King wishes and commands?" Reassessing Political Assembly in Scotland, c.1286-1329 -- 7 Officers of State and Representation in the Pre-modern Scottish Parliament -- 8 The Nobility in the Estates of the Late Medieval Duchy of Brabant -- 9 Representation by Numbers: How Attendance and Experience Helped Holland to Control the Dutch States General (1626-1630) -- Part 3: Controlling the State: Ideas and Discourses -- 10 The Antwerp Clerk Jan van Boendale and the Creation of a Brabantine Ideology -- 11 Rituals of Unanimity and Balance: Deliberation in 15th- to 16thcentury Hainaut: A Fool's Game? -- 12 Speech Acts and Political Communication in the Estates General of Valois and Habsburg Burgundy c. 1370-1530: Towards a Shared Political Language -- 13 Parliament, War and the "Public Sphere" in Late Medieval England: The Experience of Lancastrian Kent

Understanding how changes in ecosystem properties feedback into land-use decisions remains relatively uncharted territory for land science in general and for ecosystem service science in particular. In Europe, debates on rural development can be framed in terms of opposing socio-political discourses. These include formulations of desirable, acceptable and unacceptable changes that contribute to changing the planning- and policy-based drivers of land-use decisions. We explored the relationships between such discourses and local descriptions of a mountain grassland area in the central French Alps documented using semi-structured interviews. We found that descriptions focused on either the (1) productive functions of the local grasslands, (2) the aesthetic qualities of the surrounding landscape or (3) its cultural heritage value (testimony to past land-use patterns and practices). We interpreted these descriptions as social representations and found that they were unequally represented in existing socio-political discourses identified at the European level, thus illustrating some strong political barriers between local perceptions of landscape changes and the policy drivers of those changes.