Suchergebnisse

This article situates the emergence of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) concept, later accepted by many as a principle, in the wider flow of events following on the end of the Cold War. Among the hallmarks of change in the United Nations (UN) Security Council as of the early 1990s, in stark contrast to the Council's preoccupations during its first four decades of activity, was its growing attention to humanitarian considerations relating to conflict, its new willingness to tackle conflicts (mainly internal ones) it might have avoided earlier, and its willingness to experiment with new approaches to resolving them. Just as worries over terrorism and the threat of weapons of mass destruction were to become dominant themes in its work, the humanitarian imperative also incrementally wove itself into the fabric of the Council's decision-making. It is against this wider backdrop and that of several spectacular UN failures to prevent genocide and other mass humanitarian distress that UN Secretary-General (UNSG) Kofi Annan was impelled as of 1999 to look beyond existing international law and practice for a new normative framework, that while formally respecting the sovereignty of states nevertheless elevated humanitarian concerns and action to the level of an international responsibility to prevent the worst outcomes. Today R2P finds itself competing with other legal and diplomatic principles, but it remains a potent platform for advocacy and, at times, for action by the UN.

Every political ideology has a distinct conception of various aspects of human life such as reason, purpose of life, free-will, liberty, freedom, autonomy, democracy, sovereignty and moral rights and obligations of the citizen. But the fundamental purpose of a political ideology is to define the purpose of the state and its role in providing a political system to its citizen in which individuals can live their social and political life according to the moral values and ethical principles of that political ideology. This paper only elucidates the purpose of the state according to ancient, Liberal, Marxist and Feminist standpoints. To understand the viewpoint of each political ideology, it is necessary to understand the political thought of its founders. It is pertinent to mention that all political thinkers have one ultimate aim in describing the purpose of the state which is the "ultimate good" of the citizen though they may differ with each other. The viewpoint of one ideology about the purpose of the state may be at odds with another ideology. For example, liberals demand freedom and equality while accepting the capitalist state but Marxist reject the capitalist state in totality, however they also demand freedom and equality of man. Hence, all these political ideologies of these great political thinkers have developed into political movements and later into the formation of political parties which resulted in the modern day civic political system.

Whether a 'Brexit' would threaten the United Kingdom's national security has become a central theme in the run-up to the in/out referendum on EU membership. Although national security has been a central facet of both the 'Remain' and 'Leave' campaigns thus far, there has been little mention of the implications of a Brexit for UK defence industries or defence procurement, let alone formal debate or analysis. The article addresses this gap by analysing the potential implications of a Brexit for defence procurement and industries in the UK and the EU member states. The first section analyses the policy context for a Brexit by exploring existing levels of EU defence procurement integration in the UK's and Europe's defence industries. The second section draws on Jozef Bátora's 'institutional logics' framework to identify two pro-Brexit and two pro-Remain narratives, each employing differing assumptions on the relative benefits of national sovereignty and closer EU integration The final section analyses the way in which these 'logics' or narratives will be deployed by their advocates in the run-up to the UK's EU referendum. The article concludes that the national security battleground in the 2016 referendum will be fought over competing narratives and arguments, partly because there is a dearth of data and evidence concerning UK and EU defence procurement and industries, which renders this crucial area of national security vulnerable to the politics of spin. (International Affairs (Oxford) / SWP)

AbstractWas the destruction of Sufi and 'Alid saint shrines as a rite of conquest in Iran and Central Asia a phenomenon comparable to the desecration of temples in war in India? With this question in mind, this essay examines the changing nature of Islamic kingship in premodern Iran and Central Asia and compares it to developments in Indic kingship. It begins with the thesis that the decline of the caliphate and the rise of Muslim saints and shrines in thirteenth-century Iran and Central Asia led to a new form of "shrine-centered" sovereignty practiced by the rulers of these regions. This development, in turn, gave rise to a notable pattern in which Muslim kings threatened or attacked the shrines of their enemies' patron saints in times of war. A focus on this ritual violence, which remains neglected in the studies of Islamic iconoclasm and jihad, reveals how the protocols of violence and accommodation that governed these Muslim milieus became analogous to those enacted by Indic kings who also sacked temples of rival sovereigns in times of war. With the spread of Muslim shrines and the related belief that the "real" sovereign was not the caliph but the enshrined saint, Islam and Hinduism developed comparable grammars of "gifting" and "looting." This argument allows for a new, transcultural perspective to examine the premodern history of India, Iran, and Central Asia, connected by the rise of Muslim saints and their shrines.

The concern with stabilising the political and avoiding the excessive deployments of coercive force by totalitarian political imaginations is usually associated with political liberalism and liberal political theory. It is rarely associated with political theology and conceptions of sovereignty that are based on political theology. The unique contribution of the Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben to contemporary political theory is the opportunity it offers to contemplate the stabilisation of the political in terms of political theology and not in terms of typical rule of law arguments that one would associate with political liberalism. The aim of this article is to trace and question some of the essential thoughts on the basis of which Agamben puts forward the idea of the called existence of the Christian community. It does so in order to put forward, in response, an argument for a literary community that has much in common with Agamben's conception of the Christian ekklesia, but ultimately also differs from it in certain important respects. The argument for a literary community that is developed ultimately has more in common with Nancy's conception of an "inoperative community". The article also offers a close scrutiny of Agamben's engagement with the work of Carl Schmitt. This scrutiny of Agamben's engagement with Schmitt is crucial for the argument that the article forwards, considering the way in which Schmitt's work is with good reason historically linked to exactly the kind of political theology that destabilises rather than stabilises the political.

Este ensayo analiza el proceso de conformaci6n y evoluci6n de las milicias cívi­ cas en Puebla entre 1810 y 1834. Pretende demostrar que esta fuerza fue una instituci6n tempranamente concebida como baluarte del republicanismo con­ federa! y garante de la soberanía del estado, a pesar de que los distintos reglamentos estatales algunas veces limitaron y otras veces anularon los con­ tenidos liberales de la milicia nacional, de la que fue heredera. Explica que la férrea voluntad por fortalecer este instrumento, sostenida por la corriente política liderada por los hermanos Furlong, origin6 crecientes tensiones con el gobierno nacional y con la facci6n tradicionalista del espectro poblano, las cuales fueron las razones profundas de la derrota de los confederalistas poblanos en 1834.The Militia in Puebla, 1823-1834This essay focuses on the conformation and evolution of the Militia in Puebla between 181O and 1834. I wish to show that this force was an institution early conceived as a bastion of confederated republicanism and guarantor of the state's sovereignty. Sometimes state regulations limited its actions and, at others, cancelled the liberal content of the National Militia, from whence it had derived. I explain that the iron will to fortify this instrument, maintained by the political current led by the Furlong brothers, created increasing tensions with the national government and the traditionalistic faction of the poblano political spectrum, which were the deep reasons of the confedera! poblanos' defeat in 1834.

ntroduction: Strategic Governance for Inclusive Development / Nicky R M Pouw and Ad de Bruijne. - S. 481-487. - Urban Water Governance for More Inclusive Development: A Reflection on the 'Waterscapes' of Durban, South Africa / Catherine Sutherland, Dianne Scott and Michaela Hordijk. - S. 488-504. - Big Data for Better Urban Life? - An Exploratory Study of Critical Urban Issues in Two Caribbean Cities: Paramaribo (Suriname) and Port of Spain (Trinidad and Tobago) / Karin Pfeffer, Hebe Verrest and Ate Poorthuis. - S. . - 505-522. - Landscapes of Social Inclusion: Inclusive Value-Chain Collaboration Through the Lenses of Food Sovereignty and Landscape Governance / Mirjam A F Ros-Tonen, Yves-Pierre Benoît Van Leynseele, Anna Laven and Terry Sunderland. - S. 523-540. - Towards an Elaborated Theory of Inclusive Development / Joyeeta Gupta, Nicky R M Pouw and Mirjam A F Ros-Tonen. S. 541-559. - Discourse of Urban Resilience and 'Inclusive Development' in the Johannesburg Growth and Development Strategy 2040 / Elisabeth Peyroux. - S. 560-573. - Machismo and Mamitas at School: Exploring the Agency of Teachers for Social and Gender Justice in Bolivian Education / Mieke T A Lopes Cardozo, Jennifer Sawyer and Maria Luisa Talavera Simoni. S. 574-588. - Contesting Inclusiveness: The Anxieties of Mechanised Fishers Over Social Boundaries in Chennai, South India / Maarten Bavinck, Subramanian Karuppiah and Svein Jentoft. S. 589-605. - Inclusive Growth: Beyond Safety Nets? / Arjan de Haan. - S. 606-622

The theme of the dissertation is the research on the territories of the borderland (called Kresy) in the South-East of the Polish State in the interwar period (1918– 1939), that have been lost to the Soviet Union after 1945. Initially for political reasons prevented censorship publication on this topic, so it was especially to 1956 (untill October and liquidation of Stalinism) and completely aftergaining full sovereignty in 1989. The leading researchers and talented writers in this field is a historian from Opole Stanisław Sławomir Nicieja (born 1948), author of fundamental works on historical Polish cemeteries in lost Polish Lviv (cemetery on Łyczaków). Explorer is associated with the University of Opole, where was for four tenures a Rector. On Upper Silesia settled many of the inhabitants of the borderlands prior to 1945, whose memories and materials much enriched the material basis for the books of Nicieja. Article discusses in six sections their fortunes in a new homeland, the profile of a scientific investigator, and his most important works on the borderland villages and destruction of celturies-old culture. In this output leading position occupies today the anticipated for 30 volumes (not yet released 6) series, devoted the times of splendor and destruction their inhabitants. He geve it the title Kresowa Atlantyda, referring to the destruction of the legendary city in ancient times. It evokes Polish Lviv, Stanisławów and dozens of other towns durable stored in national history.

From Mexico to the Bahamas, Mauritania to Lebanon, Turkey to Saudi Arabia, South Africa to Indonesia, Malaysia to Thailand, immigration-related detention has become an established policy apparatus that counts on dedicated facilities and burgeoning institutional bureaucracies. Until relatively recently, however, detention appears to have been largely an ad hoc tool, employed mainly by wealthy states in exigent circumstances. This paper uses concepts from diffusion theory to detail the history of key policy events in several important immigration destination countries that led to the spreading of detention practices during the last 30 years and assesses some of the motives that appear to have encouraged this phenomenon. The paper also endeavors to place the United States at the center of this story because its policy decisions appear to have played an important role in encouraging the process of policy innovation, imitation, and imposition that has helped give rise to today's global immigration detention phenomenon. Nevertheless, many US offshore practices have not received nearly the same attention as those of other important destination countries. More broadly, in telling this story, this paper seeks to flesh out some of the larger policy implications of the externalization of immigration control regimes. Just as offshore interdiction and detention schemes raise important questions about custody, accountability, and sovereignty, they should also spur questions over where responsibility for the wellbeing of migrants begins and ends.

Amid growing alarm over the rising atmospheric concentration of greenhouse gases, increasing attention is being given to 'geo-engineering' technologies that could counteract some of the impacts of global warming by either reducing absorption of solar energy (solar radiation management (SRM)) or removing carbon dioxide from the atmosphere. Geo-engineering has the potential to dramatically alter the dynamics of global climate change negotiations because it might cool the climate without constraining fossil fuel use. Some scholars have expressed concern that certain states may be tempted to act unilaterally. This paper assesses the approach that China is likely to adopt towards governance of SRM and the implications this holds for broader international climate negotiations. We survey Chinese public discourse, examine the policy factors that will influence China's position, and assess the likelihood of certain future scenarios. While Chinese climate scientists are keenly aware of the potential benefits of geo-engineering as well as its risks, we find that no significant constituency is currently promoting unilateral implementation of SRM. China will probably play a broadly cooperative role in negotiations toward a multilaterally governed geo-engineering programme but will seek to promote a distinctive developing world perspective that reflects concerns over sovereignty, Western imperialism and maintenance of a strict interpretation of the norm of common but differentiated responsibility. Adapted from the source document.

There are differences in the terminology and the analysis in detail, but in essence, the diagnosis of the decline of parliamentary representative democracy and largely depoliticised management of modern consumer societies is now indisputable. Just before elections, parties, committed social scientists and institutions of political education, although honestly strive to highlight the vitality of democracy and the shaping power of citizens. But their efforts ultimately only confirm the accuracy of the findings; and if after consummation of the Wahi rituals - in favor of a broad societal More heir - a large coalition of parties takes over the business of government, between which there are no significant political differences and that a serious opposition is against over either inside or outside the Parliament, the illustrated textbook like the state of post-democracy and post link. The 'peace of mind' (Kurbjuweit 2013) the post-democratic constellation (Bluhdorn 2012) is, however, disturbed not only by the awareness that the political reality further and further away from the democratic ideal of popular sovereignty, but also of statistical data, the rapid growth of social Show inequality, and of the idea that the great consensus between parties and Those citizens most fundamental social change rather hindered than required to keep the environmentalists, climate scientists, sociologists and economists for many now also a basic condition of avoiding extensive maintain ecological and social disasters. Adapted from the source document

Does women's empowerment strengthen global good citizenship? We test theories of democratic foreign policy and feminist international relations that suggest that more deeply democratic countries with greater gender equity will be stronger international human rights promoters. First, the direct empowerment of women as policymakers and civil society constituencies may shift states' incentives and ability to pursue international human rights initiatives. Second, greater sexual equality may lead to feminist socialization of the wider society to promote human rights values. We test these predictions by measuring the relationship between five different measures of sexual equality and a country's propensity to support 30 international human rights outcomes, including legal commitments, humanitarian assistance, and sanctions, controlling for previously established contributing factors such as level of development and democratic regime type. We find that more sexually equal countries are more likely to support international commitments to constrain state violence against individuals, international measures to combat gender and sexual orientation discrimination, and more and higher quality development assistance. However, sexual equality appears to yield less benefit for more costly human rights initiatives: yielding sovereignty to international legal institutions, promoting economic rights through concessionary trade policies, or adopting diplomatic sanctions against pariah states. These effects are stronger in democratic states, where citizen empowerment translates more readily into foreign policy, and are also found in a sample that excludes the Western powers. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright holder.]

After years of policies that undermined tribal sovereignty and land ownership, tribal access to traditional lands has expanded in the U.S., with growing opportunities for tribal land reacquisition. This is occurring within the context of changing rural land use, policies, and tenures, as timber and ranch land owners have divested ownership, resulting in greater land availability. This case study explores, through a political ecology lens, trends connecting rising tribal capacity and power with access to traditional lands, and the connections between politics, economics, race, power, and ecological change. This case provides lessons for indigenous land re-acquisition elsewhere, as indigenous groups globally gain access to political decisionmaking processes and seek to reacquire or rehabilitate their traditional homelands. We explore these trends through the case of the Klamath Tribes in south central Oregon, where the recent breakup of formerly industrial timberland has afforded the Tribes the opportunity to purchase the Mazama Tree Farm, a 36,000 ha part of the former Klamath Reservation. Though the Mazama has not (at the time of publication) been purchased by the Klamath Tribes, they have poised themselves to do so through a series of mechanisms that are driven by increasing tribal capacity, including the capacity to manage forests and to conduct successful negotiations over land and water use.Key words: Tribal capacity, forest restoration, American West, rural restructuring, industrial forest use