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"Imperial Ambition in the Early Modern Mediterranean Genoese Merchants and the Spanish Crown. This book examines the alliance between the Spanish Crown and Genoese merchant bankers in southern Italy throughout the early modern era, when Spain and Genoa developed a symbiotic economic relationship, undergirded by a cultural and spiritual alliance. Analyzing early modern imperialism, migration, and trade, this book shows that the spiritual entente between the two nations was mainly informed by the religious division of the Mediterranean Sea. The Turkish threat in the Mediterranean reinforced the commitment of both the Spanish Crown and the Genoese merchants to Christianity. Spain's imperial strategy was reinforced by its willingness to acculturate to southern Italy through organized beneficence, representation at civic ceremonies, and spiritual guidance during religious holidays. Celine Dauverd is Assistant Professor of History and a board member of the Mediterranean Studies Group at the University of Colorado Boulder. Her research focuses on sociocultural relations between Spain and Italy during the early modern era (1450-1650). She has published articles in the Sixteenth Century Journal, the Journal of World History, Mediterranean Studies, and the Journal of Levantine Studies"--

The Diplomatic Institution can be divided into traditional and non-traditional diplomacy. While traditional diplomacy dates back several centuries, non-traditional diplomacy is a relative newcomer, with the USA beginning to project their own values in order to convince enemy societies after the end of World War II. Today all states make use of public diplomacy to achieve their aims in foreign policy; however, many authors (Berridge, 2010) have described public diplomacy as mere propaganda. Due to this lack of credibility, monarchies have assumed increasingly more importance in the area of publicdiplomacy. Spain is no exception. The Spanish Royal Family has played, and continues to play, a fundamental role in both traditional and public diplomacy. There are three key values which the Spanish Monarchy enjoys in respect of the Spanish political system and these are: its political neutrality (Rupérez,2014), its continuity (Turner) and its full identification with Spain. Given these crucial values, the Spanish Monarchy is a more than suitable actor for the implementation of public diplomacy. ; La institución diplomática puede dividirse entre la tradicional y la no tradicional. Mientras que la primera se remonta varios siglos atrás la no tradicional es un fenómeno reciente. Fue después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial cuando los Estados Unidos comenzaron a proyectar sus valores con el fin de convencer a las sociedades enemigas. Hoy todos los Estados hacen uso de la diplomacia pública para alcanzar sus fines. Sin embargo, muchos autores como (Berridge 2010) han calificado a la diplomacia pública como mera propaganda. Para ganar credibilidad se ha buscado implicar en la diplomacia pública a instituciones el estado tales como la monarquía. El caso de España no es una excepción. La Casa Real juega un papel muy destacado en la diplomacia, tanto tradicional como pública. El principal motivo es que tiene tres valores que no tienen ninguna otra institución: neutralidad política (Rupérez, 2014)1, continuidad (Turner)2 e identificación plena con España. Por ello la monarquía española es un actor muy apropiado para la puesta en práctica de la diplomacia pública.

Historians have made in depth studies on the consequences of the Dutch incursions and invasion into the north and northwest of Brazil, for both the Spanish Empire and the United Provinces of the Dutch Republic. The purpose of this paper is to show that the war between Spain and the Dutch Republic also affected the south of Brazil and that it forced Spain to adopt measures that altered the policy of the Spanish Crown regarding Sao Paulo.

Das Ziel dieser Dissertation ist die Beantwortung der Frage warum die spanische Krone Ende des 16. und Anfang des 17. Jahrhunderts versuchte, einen Edelmetallbergbausektor in Spanien zu etablieren. Nicht nur erwiesen sich Minen in Spanien als unprofitabel, auch hatte die spanische Krone in diesem Zeitraum Zugang zu reichen Silbervorkommen in Amerika. Dennoch wurde ein Edelmetallsektor in Spanien bis in die Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts propagiert. Die Arbeit zeigt die Hintergründe dieser Strategie auf und legt besonderen Fokus auf die Wechselwirkung zwischen den hispanoamerikanischen Territorien und dem spanischen Mutterland. So wird argumentiert, dass die Schaffung von Institutionen zur Förderung spanischer Minen eine Reaktion auf die starke Abhängigkeit der Krone von Silber aus den Überseeregionen war und als Strategie der Diversifizierung verstanden werden muss. Hierbei wird der Edelmetallbergbausektor im atlantischen Raum auch im Kontext großflächiger politischer und ökonomischer Entwicklungen im ausgehenden 16. sowie in der ersten Hälfte des 17. Jahrhunderts betrachtet. Insbesondere für den Zeitraum der 1590er bis in die 1640er Jahre wird in der Arbeit auf die verschiedenen Risiken der Abhängigkeit Spaniens von amerikanischem Silber eingegangen.Es wird dargelegt, dass dank der Verflechtung zwischen dem amerikanischen und dem spanischen Bergbausektor, Amerika eine entscheidende Rolle in der technologischen Entwicklung Spaniens gespielt hat. Diese technologische Entwicklung war nicht nur auf den Bergbausektor begrenzt, sondern wirkte sich auch auf andere Bereiche aus. Zusätzlich wird aufgezeigt, dass der Einfluss des amerikanischen Bergbausektors nicht nur auf Spanien begrenzt war, sondern auch in Zentraleuropa oder Asien spürbar war. ; This Dissertation aims to answer the question of why the Spanish Crown promoted a precious metal sector in Spain during the second half of the 16th and the first half of the 17th century. Precious metal mines in Spain were not only unprofitable, the Spanish Crown also had access to rich silver deposits in the American territories at the time. Nevertheless, a precious metal sector in Spain was promoted for several decades.This investigation examines the reasons for this strategy with particular attention focusing on the interplay between America and the Spanish motherland. It is argued that the creation of mining institutions in Spain was a reaction to the stark dependence of Spain on American silver and has to be understood as a strategy of diversification in light of the perceived risks of this dependence. This study thus tries to investigate the Crown's policies on the Spanish mining sector in light of the broader political and economic developments taking place at the time. Attention will in particular be paid to the many risks the reliance on American silver brought about during the period between 1590 and 1640.This investigation shows that the entanglement of mining sectors on both sides of the Atlantic contributed to Spain's technological advancement. This technological progress was not only limited to the mining sector but also included other branches of industry. In addition, this study also shows that the repercussions of the American mining sector could not only be felt in Spain, but eventually also reached as far as Central Europe and Asia. ; eingereicht von Domenic Hofmann, BA, MA ; Zusammenfassungen in Deutsch und Englisch ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Dissertation, 2018 ; OeBB ; (VLID)2581416

Reconstructs how Louis Balbes des Berton, or Duke of Crillón y Mahón, a Frenchman naturalized as Spaniard, attempted to persuade the Spanish Crown to grant him liberal commercial and colonizing concessions in Puerto Rico in the later 18th c. Author describes how Crillón at first wanted to settle and colonize parts of Santo Domingo near French St Domingue, but the Crown refused this, as part of increased measures against (further) foreign encroachments in Spanish territories, and granted him land in Puerto Rico in 1776 instead, for growing sugar, coffee, and other crops. He places this within the context of the Bourbon reforms, aimed at preventing foreign intrusions in more peripheral Spanish colonies like Puerto Rico then, by aligning these with Spanish imperial objectives. Author further relates how Crillón sought to elaborate the land grant through planning, proposals, and several appeals to the Spanish Crown, up to 1796, for concessions to facilitate his introduction and trading in African slaves, and exempting him from certain extant legal taxes and requirements regarding colonists and land sale, aiming to achieve a sort of feudal power. These proposals and appeals, or calls for financial support, were mainly dismissed by the Crown, seemingly for several legal reasons or transgressions. The author argues, however, that while Crillón was avaricious, the Crown's dismissal related as much to Crillón being a foreigner, whose loyalty to Spain seemed doubtful to some Hispanophiles in the Crown's inner circle.

Reconstructs how Louis Balbes des Berton, or Duke of Crillón y Mahón, a Frenchman naturalized as Spaniard, attempted to persuade the Spanish Crown to grant him liberal commercial and colonizing concessions in Puerto Rico in the later 18th c. Author describes how Crillón at first wanted to settle and colonize parts of Santo Domingo near French St Domingue, but the Crown refused this, as part of increased measures against (further) foreign encroachments in Spanish territories, and granted him land in Puerto Rico in 1776 instead, for growing sugar, coffee, and other crops. He places this within the context of the Bourbon reforms, aimed at preventing foreign intrusions in more peripheral Spanish colonies like Puerto Rico then, by aligning these with Spanish imperial objectives. Author further relates how Crillón sought to elaborate the land grant through planning, proposals, and several appeals to the Spanish Crown, up to 1796, for concessions to facilitate his introduction and trading in African slaves, and exempting him from certain extant legal taxes and requirements regarding colonists and land sale, aiming to achieve a sort of feudal power. These proposals and appeals, or calls for financial support, were mainly dismissed by the Crown, seemingly for several legal reasons or transgressions. The author argues, however, that while Crillón was avaricious, the Crown's dismissal related as much to Crillón being a foreigner, whose loyalty to Spain seemed doubtful to some Hispanophiles in the Crown's inner circle.

The distinction between constitutional monarchies and republics constitutes a striking divide in how modern democracies are institutionalized. However, the lack of data about citizens' preferences for a monarchic or republican model of democracy has hindered the analysis of public opinion about this topic. This research note introduces a comprehensive survey that gauges citizens' attitudes towards the monarchy in Spain. The survey was fielded in late 2020 and provides unique information such as respondents' preferences about different models of democracy, how they define an ideal monarch, and their evaluations of whether current and former Spanish kings live up to these ideals. We first highlight the unique features of the dataset and provide a detailed account of the variables included. We then illustrate the potential of this survey for the study of political culture through descriptive analyses of some of the key variables included in the dataset.

Abstract: The purpose of the work is to show that the policy of enslaving the natives and/or providing them in the New World is a consequence of the political and legal battles within Spain between the "House of Columbus" and the "House of Trustamara" at the beginning of the XVI century. The result of the work was the analysis of sources and texts of the bulls of Pope Alexander VI in 1493, letters of Catholic kings, laws prepared by the Junta of Burgos in 1512, and their additions - laws prepared by the Junta of Valladolid in 1513, which were translated from Spanish and Latin into Russian and English. The chronological frameworks were compared and considered for the filing of claims by Diego Columbus against the king Ferdinand II of Aragon and the further confrontation between the Crown of Spain and the "House of Columbus". The reasons for the struggle in 1511 in the West Indies between the Franciscan Order and the Dominican Order were investigated. Abstract: The purpose of the work is to show that the policy of enslaving the natives and/or providing them in the New World is a consequence of the political and legal battles within Spain between the "House of Columbus" and the "House of Trustamara" at the beginning of the XVI century. The result of the work was the analysis of sources and texts of the bulls of Pope Alexander VI in 1493, letters of Catholic kings, laws prepared by the Junta of Burgos in 1512, and their additions - laws prepared by the Junta of Valladolid in 1513, which were translated from Spanish and Latin into Russian and English. The chronological frameworks were compared and considered for the filing of claims by Diego Columbus against the king Ferdinand II of Aragon and the further confrontation between the Crown of Spain and the "House of Columbus". The reasons for the struggle in 1511 in the West Indies between the Franciscan Order and the Dominican Order were investigated. ; English version