Provedba inkluzivnog odgoja i obrazovanja mora biti opća politika i praksa, a kako bi se unaprijedila u određenoj mikro regiji bilo je potrebno istražiti stavove učitelja i nastavnika Ličko-senjske županije o dosadašnjem iskustvu, oblicima i načinima rada sa učenicima s posebnim potrebama. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da učitelji osnovnih škola ove županije imaju umjerene do krajnje pozitivne stavove o provedbi inkluzije, dok srednjoškolski nastavnici pokazuju veće nezadovoljstvo procjenom inkluzivne prakse u svojim školama. Inkluzivna praksa u školama u ovoj županiji je općenito vrlo dobra. Međutim, rezultati pokazuju nedostatno formalno obrazovanje učitelja i nastavnika u sadržajima vezanim za poučavanje učenika različitih sposobnosti, što nastoje nadoknaditi različitim stručnim usavršavanjima. Većina ispitanih učitelja i nastavnika ima potporu u radu s ovim učenicima te dobru suradnju sa stručno-razvojnom službom škole. Darovite i talentirane učenike usmjeravaju na dodatne izvanškolske i izvannastavne aktivnosti, kao i na posebne oblike školovanja. Učitelji i nastavnici s manje formalnog obrazovanja za rad sa učenicima s posebnim potrebama usmjereniji su na metodičko-didaktičke aspekte rada s njima. ; All-inclusive education should be deeply rooted into the policy and practice of the educational system. In order to develop it further in certain micro regions it was necessary to research teachers from Lika and Senj County attitudes towards previous experiences, forms and manners of teaching practice with pupils with special needs. Main results of this research show that primary school teachers in this County have moderate to very positive attitudes on the implementation of inclusion; while secondary school teachers show higher degree of dissatisfaction when evaluating implementation of inclusion practice in their schools. The results indicate overall very good inclusive practice in this County. On the other hand, the results indicate insufficient formal teacher training in ways of teaching pupils with different abilities, which teachers try to compensate with various additional professional training. Most teachers in this County have support regarding special needs pupils, as well as good cooperation with the professional development team in the school. Gifted pupils are streamlined to take up additional activities and special forms of education by teachers. Teachers who have less professional training in working with these pupils tend to be more inclined toward methodically didactic teaching approach.
Inkluzija je proces u kojem redovne osnovne škole i socijalno okruženje smanjuju prepreke za djecu s posebnim potrebama, što omogućava ravnopravno sudjelovanje sve djece u obrazovnom procesu. Područje obrazovanja djece i adolescenata s posebnim potrebama u Sloveniji pretrpjelo je velike promjene u posljednjih 20 godina. Zakonodavstvo usvojeno 2000. godine (Zakon o usmerjanju otrok s posebnimi potrebami, 2000) utvrdilo je uključivanje kao osnovno načelo u ovom području. Sukladno tome, povećava se broj djece i adolescenata s posebnim potrebama koji su uključeni u uobičajene oblike obrazovanja, također slijepih i slabovidnih. Osim toga, još uvijek postoje posebne obrazovne ustanove koje provode programe prilagođene djeci i adolescentima s posebnim potrebama. Inkluzija nije samo činjenica da je u učionicu ušao novi učenik koji je drugačiji i treba mu više pažnje. Umjesto toga, mora postojati pažljivo isplaniran projekt koji omogućava učenicima s posebnim potrebama da se integriraju u redovno obrazovanje. Uključivanje mora biti planirano i pripremljeno. Prije nekoliko godina učenica oštećenog vida bila je uključena u prvi razred naše škole. To je bio prvi primjer uključivanja djeteta s ovom vrstom deficita, prepreke ili poremećaja u našu školu. Za sve je stručne djelatnike u školi to bio značajan izazov, također prožet neizvjesnošću i strahom od nepoznatog. Inkluzija u Sloveniji osigurana je obrazovnim programom s prilagođenom provedbom i dodatnom stručnom pomoći, koji se provodi u svim osnovnim školama. Članak predstavlja praktični primjer uključivanja slabovidne učenice u redovnu osnovnu školu. ; Inclusion is a process in which the regular primary schools and the social environment reduce barriers for children with special needs, which enables equal participation of all children in the educational process. Over the past 20 years the field of education of children and adolescents with special needs in Slovenia has undergone major changes. Legislation adopted in 2000 (Zakon o usmerjanju otrok s posebnimi potrebami (Placement of Children with Special Needs Act), 2000) identified inclusion as a basic principle in this area. Accordingly, the number of children and adolescents with special needs who are included in the usual forms of education is increasing, including the blind and visually impaired. Besides, there are still special educational institutions that implement tailored programs for children and adolescents with special needs. Inclusion is not just the fact that a new student has come into the classroom, a student who is different and needs more attention. Instead, there must be a carefully planned project that allows the student with special needs to be integrated into regular education. Involvement must be planned and prepared. A few years ago, a student with impaired vision was included in the first grade of our school. It was the first example of the inclusion of a child with this type of deficit, obstacle or disorder in our school and for all professionals it was a considerable challenge, also imbued with uncertainty and fear of the unknown. Inclusion in Slovenia is provided by an educational program with customized implementation andadditional professional assistance, which is implemented at the majority of primary schools. This article presents a practical example of the inclusion of a visually impaired student in a regular primary school.
Biti suvremenik stvaranja novoga novčanog sustava privilegij je malo generacija. Taj naš privilegij još je i veći zato što su se te aktivnosti u Hrvatskoj odvijale u iznimnim i osobito složenim uvjetima (raspad jedne državne zajednice u kojoj se Hrvatska nalazila, okupacija dijela hrvatskoga državnoga teritorija, agresija na nju i rat te sve posljedice koje te okolnosti donose). Složenost takvih prilika znatno je utjecala na novčarstvo i načine uređenja novčarskih pitanja. U relativno kratkom razdoblju (od prosinca 1991. do rujna 1997.) na teritoriju Hrvatske egzistirala su četiri novčana sustava koja su se dijelom vremenski poklapala (dva novčana sustava suverene države te dva novčana sustava okupatorske vlasti). Kao rezultat aktivnosti monetarnih vlasti (legalnih i okupacijskih) u optjecaju na području Hrvatske kao zakonsko sredstvo plaćanja u promatranome razdoblju bile su četiri novčane jedinice (hrvatski dinar /HRD/ i hrvatska kuna /HRK/ – na teritoriju pod hrvatskom vlašću, i to u slijedu, te tzv. krajinski dinar i jugoslavenski dinar /YUD/ na okupiranim dijelovima Hrvatske također u slijedu uz djelomično vremensko preklapanje tih novčanih sustava s novčanim sustavom suverene Hrvatske). Dvije novčane jedinice imale su podjelu na stote dijelove (hrvatska kuna te jugoslavenski dinar). Dvije novčane jedinice u istraživanome razdoblju nisu realizirane: hrvatska kruna s podjelom na stote dijelove – banice, opredmećena samo u obliku idejnih rješenja i dijelom u obliku probnih otisaka, te jedna novčana jedinica bez odabranog imena samo u pokušaju nametanja zakonskog rješenja kojim bi ona postala zakonsko sredstvo plaćanja na dijelu okupiranoga područja Republike Hrvatske pod srpskom vlašću – na području tzv. Srpske Krajine. Oslobađanjem okupiranih dijelova hrvatskoga teritorija tijekom 1991., 1992. i 1993. godine na tim prostorno i brojem stanovnika nevelikim područjima hrvatski dinar postaje zakonsko sredstvo plaćanja. Područja koja su oslobođena vojnim akcijama 1995. godine – zapadna Slavonija (vojna akcija Bljesak) te sjeverna Dalmacija, Lika, Kordun i Banija (vojna akcija Oluja) i uspostavom hrvatskog suvereniteta na tim područjima uspostavlja se i hrvatska monetarna vlast i hrvatska kuna postaje jedino zakonsko sredstvo plaćanja i na tim dijelovima hrvatskoga teritorija. Konačno, mirnom reintegracijom i preostalih područja Republike Hrvatske - istočne Slavonije, Baranje i zapadnog Srijema - kuna postaje jedino zakonsko sredstvo plaćanja na njezinom cjelokupnom teritoriju 1997. godine. Emisija vlastitoga optjecajnoga kovinskog novca osobito je zahtjevna djelatnost i ima dugoročne posljedice. Kreacija tih novčanih artefakata treba udovoljiti, osim potrebama novčanoga prometa, i ekonomskim zahtjevima, prvenstveno glede troškova njihove izrade, te estetskim zahtjevima njihovih korisnika. U radu se uspoređuju emisije hrvatskog optjecajnoga kovinskog novca s emisijama toga novčanog oblika u tri države u navedenom razdoblju u kontekstu njegovih obilježja, aterijala izrade i pojedinih elemenata vezanih za gospodarenje tim novčanim oblikom. ; Few generations are privileged to witness the creation of a new monetary system. In Croatia the privilege is even greater because this took place under exceptional and extremely complex conditions (the dissolution of a state of which Croatia had been a part, the occupation of part of Croatian state territory, aggression against it and war, with all the consequences that these circumstances bring). The complexity of this situation had a great influence on the monetary sphere and on the way in which this issue was arranged. Four partly overlapping monetary systems existed on the territory of Croatia in a relatively short time (from December 1991 to September 1997), two monetary systems of the sovereign state and two systems of the occupying entities. As a result of the activities undertaken by the monetary authorities (legal and occupational) four monetary units were used as legal tender in circulation in Croatia in the period observed (Croatian dinar /HRD/ and Croatian kuna /HRK/ - in succession on the territory under Croatian rule, and the so-called Krajina dinar and Yugoslav dinar /YUD/ in the occupied parts of Croatia, also used in succession, with the partial overlapping in time of those monetary systems with the monetary system of sovereign Croatia). Two of the monetary units were divided in hundredths (the Croatian kuna and Yugoslav dinar). In that period there were also two monetary units that were never used: the Croatian kruna divided into one hundred banicas, which only got as far as the conceptual stage and partly took the form of trial prints, and a monetary unit that was never even named and was only planned as a way to find a solution for legal tender in the parts of occupied Croatia under Serb rule – on the territory of so-called Serb Krajina. When some of the occupied parts of Croatia were liberated during 1991, 1992 and 1993, the Croatian dinar became legal tender in these areas, as well, but they were not large either in territory or in number of inhabitants. In 1995 some areas were liberated by military action – western Slavonia (military operation Flash) and northern Dalmatia, Lika, Kordun and Banija (military operation Storm), and with the establishment of Croatian sovereignty there, Croatian monetary authority was also introduced and the Croatian kuna became the only legal tender there, as well. Finally, the remaining areas of the Republic of Croatia – eastern Slavonia, Baranja and western Srijem – were peacefully reintegrated and the kuna became the only legal tender in all of Croatia in 1997. The circulation of coins is an especially demanding task and has long-lasting repercussions. The creation of new money must satisfy the needs of monetary traffic and economic demands, in the first place regarding the costs of its coinage, but also meet the aesthetic demands of their users. In the article the author compares the issue of Croatian coins with issues of coins in three states in the given period, from the aspect of their characteristics, material of production and certain elements connected with managing this monetary form.
U prvom dijelu članka ispituju se Humeovi i Smithovi razlozi zbog kojih je uzajamna briga ograničena na osobe koje su bliske jedna drugoj, pri čemu ovi autori naglašavaju utjecaj kako emocionalne, tako i fizičke bliskosti. Nasuprot tome, Singerova koncepcija univerzalnih dužnosti podrazumijeva da je posebnost odnosa između moralnih subjekata irelevantna sa stanovišta morala i da se etičko djelovanje treba rukovoditi sadržajem, odnosno značenjem, hitnošću i relevantnošću potreba. U ovom se tekstu tvrdi da je zasnivanje dužnosti isključivo na potrebama osobe kojoj je pomoć neophodna nedovoljno i da su dužnosti kao konkretizirani etički imperativi neodvojivi od ovlasti koje subjekti kao nositelji dužnosti imaju. U članku se analizira na koji način susret ili fizička bliskost može konstituirati posebne odnose, kao i zajednička povijest, biološke veze, zajedničko građanstvo itd. Također, u tekstu se analizira može li i na koji način prebivanje na istom teritoriju, odnosno unutar granica jedne države, biti prihvaćeno kao argument u prilog posebnih dužnosti. Argumentacija koja brani posebnost dužnosti nastalu iz bliskosti podrazumijevala bi da ne-državljanima, koji se nađu u našoj zemlji uslijed ekstremno lošeg stanja u njihovoj matičnoj državi, treba pružiti pomoć kao i sugrađanima. ; The first part of the article explores David Hume's and Adam Smith's reasons due to which mutual care is limited to people close to one another, at which point the authors emphasize the influence of both emotional and physical closeness. Contrary to this, Singer's conception of universal duties implies that from the perspective of morality the particularity of relationships between moral subjects is irrelevant, and that ethical actions should be led by the content, i.e. the significance, urgency, and relevance of needs. This text argues that it is insufficient for duties to be established exclusively on the basis of the needs of person who requires assistance, and that duties as concrete ethical imperatives are inseparable from assignments that belong to subjects as duty-holders. The article analyses in what way the encounter or physical closeness may constitute special relationships. In addition, the text analyses whether, and in what way, residing on the same territory, that is, within the borders of the state, may be accepted as an argument in favour of special duties. The argumentation defending the specificity of duties formed on the basis of closeness would imply that non-citizens in our country, who came here due to extremely bad conditions in their own state, should receive assistance just as our co-citizens.
The Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road initiatives ("One Belt, One Road") are of significance in enhancing China's open economy. This article explores the dual security challenges faced by the "One Belt, One Road" initiative. These challenges include both traditional security challenges, such as great power competition, territorial and island disputes, and political turmoil in the region, as well as non-traditional threats such as terrorism, piracy, and transnational organized crime. This article analyzes the present situation of security cooperation in the region covered by "One Belt, One Road" and also suggests that China needs to pay special attention to three issues, namely the supply of public security goods, the interests of the United States and Russia, and the pivot of Pakistan, besides developing its own strength. ; The Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road initiatives ("One Belt, One Road") are of significance in enhancing China's open economy. This article explores the dual security challenges faced by the "One Belt, One Road" initiative. These challenges include both traditional security challenges, such as great power competition, territorial and island disputes, and political turmoil in the region, as well as non-traditional threats such as terrorism, piracy, and transnational organized crime. This article analyzes the present situation of security cooperation in the region covered by "One Belt, One Road" and also suggests that China needs to pay special attention to three issues, namely the supply of public security goods, the interests of the United States and Russia, and the pivot of Pakistan, besides developing its own strength.
In his examination of the basic coordinates of Croatian foreign policy, the author points to the need for good neighborly relations -- through the mechanism of the Conference on Security & Cooperation in Europe -- with the countries that were, until recently, parts of the former Yugoslavia as well as with those that became independent long ago. He stresses the need to develop relationships with the great powers, especially with the US, & to develop bilateral relationships with nonaligned countries. One of the aims is to develop good relations with Europe through economic & political links as well as cooperation in matters concerning security. The subregional frameworks of international cooperation in which Croatia participates appear to be insufficient for solving political & security questions. Special consideration ought to be devoted to NATO as a mechanism that could protect the security of Croatia. As a new state, Croatia must demonstrate that, in both its internal development & its international activities, it is ready to fulfill the obligations imposed by its membership in the UN. Adapted from the source document.
The author gives a short account of his broadly based studies on the theory of public choice & the financing of the public sector in the industrialized countries of the world. In this context, he first defines the theory of choice & its relation to the financing of the public sector & then reviews the evolution of the theory of public choice in the history of human development, with special focus on the most recent trends. He then explores the fundamental principles of public choice in the functioning of the contemporary state & its consequences for the economic & social development of the developed countries. In conclusion, the author lists the essential requirements regarding the possibility of the implementation of the theory of public choice in Croatian theory & practice relating to collective decisions regarding the financing of public needs. 11 References. Adapted from the source document.
The article begins with a review of difficulties concerning the scientific usage of the term ideology. It also provides an analysis of the results of the existing interpretations of this concept & lists the elements that might represent the foundations for the concept of political ideology appropriate for political science research & analyses. The first section of the article reconstructs the history of this notion, from its original meaning by Destutt de Tracy up to the contemporary Marxist & functionalist concepts. The second section is devoted to the relationship between ideology & power; ideology is a special form of power, whose nature & functions are derived from the fundamental structure & the needs of people & societies. The third part looks into the concept from the point of view of the social/interest roots of ideology & its conceptual structuredness. 28 References. Adapted from the source document.
The protracted conflict in Kosovo has led to the European Union's special concern on the issue, specifically its special activities in the entire area of the Western Balkans with the aim of fully Europeanizing the area and bringing it closer to European integration. The period from the 1980s was a kind of turning point for Kosovo, given that the changed constitutional possibilities in the then state gave the opportunity for independence and the establishment of the state of Kosovo. The understanding of the entire Kosovo issue needs to be observed from the historical aspect and the role of the international community. In general, the state of Kosovo was created mainly based on international action, which laid the foundations for the establishment of a modern European state. In this process, the Ahtisaari Plan and Resolution 1244 from 1999, from which the European Union derives its activities, played a particularly important role. Until now, Kosovo has gone through three periods – that of political unrest until the 1990s, the intensive actions of the international community until the 2000s, and the period of the European Union, which is still ongoing, more precisely, only beginning since Kosovo has signed the Stabilization and Association Agreement. The European Union has a significant impact on the further development of the state of Kosovo in terms of the rule of law, the establishment of democratic standards, and the strengthening of transparent government. Profiling itself as an important global factor in peace and stability, the European Union in Kosovo has achieved the results that are visible through the EULEX mission and the actions of the High Representative of the European Union in Kosovo, as well as all other European Union institutions. At the end of the second decade of this century, the influence of the United States of America in Kosovo, which has never lost interest in establishing peace and stability in this area, is growing again. That is the reason why joint action by the United States of ...
This article is an enquiry into television news selection, which scrutinizes the question of journalists' professionalism in selecting, producing & presenting the news, by putting it in critical relation to the issues of reception, the influences of politics & of commercial interests. Taking the route of identifying t~ key production, technological, & representational vectors, the study offers the elemental scope of professional criteria applied in news selection & production. On the basis of the main theories of news selection, including the key theory of Galtung & Ruge, & on the basis of her own research of news selection in the main television newscasts in Croatia (with special attention given to the central public service television news program "Dnevnik"), the article suggests that the structures of programs, journalistic forms & individual news texts correspond to the values ingrained in the classical postulates of television journal-ism theory, in the form of applied news factors. The article discusses the influence of political & commercial interest on TV news content & the ways in which technology changes the news flow. This study recognizes the need for a continuing redefinition in the realm of news theory, if it is to meet the serious institutional & production changes that news selection undergoes in the present age. Finally, further research is recommended in the direction of elevating the professional standards of Croatian television journalism to a higher level. Tables, Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.
U prvom dijelu rada autori definiraju nefiskalne instrumente financiranja javnih potreba, pri čemu je poseban naglasak na pojmu i razvoju javno-privatnog partnerstva. U nastavku rada autori analiziraju pojedine sastavnice javno-privatnog partnerstva: oblike, prednosti i nedostatke korištenja javno-privatnog partnerstva, političke aspekte, procjenu vrednovanja rizika pri ugovaranju javno- privatnog partnerstva. Završni dio rada posvećen je zakonodavnoj i institucionalnoj infrastrukturi tog oblika financiranja: Smjernicama i preporukama Europske unije za uspješnu primjenu javno-privatnog partnerstva te Smjernicama Vlade Republike Hrvatske donesenim u srpnju 2006. ; The financing of the public interests through public private partnership has lately become a rather popular theme, both in Croatia and abroad. One of the basic characteristics of public private partnership is that it is a non-fiscal instrument of financing public needs. In the first part of the paper the authors define nonfiscal financing instruments as well as the concept and development of public private partnership. Since the term public private partnership today covers different forms of combination of public and private interests, the authors outline the most frequent typologies of association used in Great Britain (»the fatherland« of public private partnership), and the United States. Analysing the advantages and the disadvantages of this financing instrument, the authors pay special attention to its political aspects, which the opponents consider to be one of its major shortcomings. They also deal with the issues of risk assessment and evaluation in the process of negotiating public private partnerships, which they believe to be the core of public-private relations. In the final part of the paper, the authors analyse the EU Directives for successful implementation of public private partnerships, stressing that many Member States and candidate countries have conducted reforms of their legislations in order to be able to use the instrument of PPP. The Guidelines of the Croatian Government and the necessary institutional and legislative support for a more intensive use of this instrument are also analysed. The authors believe that it is necessary to establish a special body that would deal with the problems of public private partnership (e.g., preparation of legislative regulation; creation of a uniform methodology for the implementation of PPP; approval of the PPP projects). They also suggest that we should not forget other forms of financing the public interests by including private capital and financial markets into the process, since the limited and insufficient budget funds cannot be efficiently replaced with only one instrument of non-fiscal financing.
A major role of political parties in a multiparty democratic system is to encourage equal opportunities of men & women with the aim of realizing full democracy. Among the parliamentary parties in Croatia, we can distinguish between those who can see no reason whatsoever to pay special attention to this issue, considering it settled, & those who advocate the need for & continuity of promoting women's rights. In an analysis of party attitudes on that issue, the following model was used: a dimension whose extremes are state intervention & self-regulation. It was linked with the dimension of the continuum modernism-traditionalism. Thus we get a four-field chart. The first field includes the traditionalist political parties (HDZ, HSS, & HSP) who view the social position of women as a result of a spontaneous development of the society in general; ie, they accept the rule of self-regulation. In the second, for the time being empty, there would be parties that strive for social regulation in the realization of traditional social values. The next field is complementarily shared by modern political parties inclined to self-regulation (HNS, HSLS, HND, SNS, IDS, DA) & those who advocate state regulation of the mentioned issue (SDP & ASH). The analysis of the attitude toward women in party organization shows the following: (1) low percentage of women among party rank-&-file, regardless of a party's nature; & (2) "the rule" that the higher the level of political decision making, the lower the number of women. 3 Tables, 27 References. Adapted from the source document.
Ovaj rad bavi se analizom mogućnosti uporabe društvenih mreža kao alata za promidžbu vojnih studijskih programa. Analizom situacije i društvenih mreža autor otkriva nužnost i učestalost korištenja društvenih mreža u marketinškoj komunikaciji, gdje se kao cilj postavlja oglašavanje, pogotovo kada se ciljana javnost sastoji od mladih ljudi. Nadalje, na temelju provedene analize autor naglašava iznimnu potrebu pokretanja digitalnog marketinga vojnih studijskih programa na pogodnim društvenim mrežama te predlaže i opisuje strategiju (način rada i upravljanja) tom vrstom promidžbe. Na temelju uočenog pada interesa javnosti za pridruživanje Oružanim snagama RH, s posebnim naglaskom na vojne studijske programe, uočena je važnost i nedostatci promidžbe na Hrvatskom vojnom učilištu (HVU) kao potencijalnom području napredovanja i rasta institucije. Takva situacija posljedica je neučinkovitosti sustava da prepozna važnost digitalnog marketinga te mu da potrebnu pozornost i unaprjeđenje. U jeku pandemije COVID-19 pokazala se potreba za okretanjem prema novim sferama marketinga i njihovom razvijanju unutar OSRH-a, koje se do sada nisu dovoljno razvijale – primarno misleći na društvene mreže i digitalni marketing. ; This paper deals with the analysis and research of the possibilities of using social networks as a tool for promoting military study programs. By analyzing the situation and social networks, the author reveals the necessity and frequency of using social networks in marketing communication where advertising is the goal, especially when the target public consists of young people. Furthermore, based on the analysis, the author emphasizes the strong need to launch digital marketing of military study programs on suitable social networks, proposes and describes the strategy (mode of operation and management) of this type of promotion. Based on the observed decline of public interest to join the Croatian Armed Forces (CAF), with special emphasis on military study programs, the importance, and shortcomings of promotion at the Croatian Defense Academy is noticed as a potential area for advancement and growth of the institution. This situation is a result of inefficiency of the system to recognize the importance of digital marketing and give it necessary attention and improvement. Amid the COVID-19 pandemic, there has been a need to turn to and develop new spheres of marketing within the CAF that have not been developed enough so far - primarily referring to social networks and digital marketing.
With the production of their own media material, the ethnic minorities assume responsibility for opposing the predominant media discourses of the majority culture, and fight for their own distinctiveness and (self)representation within the Croatian media sphere. The ethnic-minority media serve not only the purpose of preserving the socio-cultural values and special features of the minority identity, but also of providing information both to a particular community on the intra-ethnic level and to the majority of the Croatian society regarding the situation, the needs and the rights of the minorities themselves. Thus they represent and convey their interests to the general public. This paper aims to investigate how ethnic minorities are represented in the media and to what extent the ethnic-minority media are represented in the media arena of the Republic of Croatia. The author focuses especially on the city of Zagreb and the minorities which have organized ethnic-minority Councils there. An introductory discussion on the role and influence of the media is followed by an overview of the analysis of ways of reporting on ethnic minorities in the mainstream media of the majority, based on the results of research carried out so far. Furthermore, the paper includes a discussion on the minority media, comprising a tabular outline of print media and digital media (from the Internet domain) of the ethnic-minority communities in the Republic of Croatia. Finally, the author provides an analysis of such a state of affairs regarding the media, and some concluding remarks. Adapted from the source document.
With the production of their own media material, the ethnic minorities assume responsibility for opposing the predominant media discourses of the majority culture, and fight for their own distinctiveness and (self)representation within the Croatian media sphere. The ethnic-minority media serve not only the purpose of preserving the socio-cultural values and special features of the minority identity, but also of providing information both to a particular community on the intra-ethnic level and to the majority of the Croatian society regarding the situation, the needs and the rights of the minorities themselves. Thus they represent and convey their interests to the general public. This paper aims to investigate how ethnic minorities are represented in the media and to what extent the ethnic-minority media are represented in the media arena of the Republic of Croatia. The author focuses especially on the city of Zagreb and the minorities which have organized ethnic-minority Councils there. An introductory discussion on the role and influence of the media is followed by an overview of the analysis of ways of reporting on ethnic minorities in the mainstream media of the majority, based on the results of research carried out so far. Furthermore, the paper includes a discussion on the minority media, comprising a tabular outline of print media and digital media (from the Internet domain) of the ethnic-minority communities in the Republic of Croatia. Finally, the author provides an analysis of such a state of affairs regarding the media, and some concluding remarks. Adapted from the source document.
