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Considering the relationship between new social media and youth political actions, the purpose of this article is to describe the use of Facebook during the 2011 Chilean student movement, through a content and textual analysis of Facebook's page of the Student Federation of the University of Chile (FECH). In 2011, Chile experienced massive mobilizations for seven months. These were perhaps the most important social protests in Chile's recent history, where young people played a leading role in the discussion over education. During these events, Facebook was one of the digital social networks most widely used by the mobilized organizations. In FECH's case, it utilized Facebook mainly to call for protest actions, to highlight the achievements of the movement, and to indicate their opponents. However, most of the content published on this Facebook page was produced by traditional media, demonstrating that conventional communication strategies of social movements are interrelated with new innovative practices. Therefore, this article rejects technological determinism, because it does not recognize the complex characteristics of student and youth movements.

In this article, we review the main limits of modern democracy under the influence of economic relationships within a capitalist society, and we focus on the Chilean democracy. We also consider the influence that this democracy has over schools and their task of forming students for citizenship. In contrast, we mention those social and school experiences that by proposing collective goals and forms of participation question the elitism and individualism present in current forms of democracy. In such context, we discuss the contributions of the Chilean student protests to students' citizenship and democratic education and we conclude that they have opened them an opportunity to rethink democracy, have allowed them new spaces for youth political participation, and have enabled experiences for the democratization of their schools. ; En este artículo repasamos las limitaciones fundamentales de la democracia moderna bajo el influjo de relaciones económicas de carácter capitalista, y nos detenemos en el análisis de la democracia en Chile. Igualmente, comentamos la influencia que esta democracia tiene en las escuelas y en su tarea de formar a sus estudiantes para la ciudadanía. En contraste, mencionamos también algunas experiencias sociales y educativas que al proponer objetivos y formas colectivas de participación cuestionan el carácter elitista e individualista de la actual democracia. En ese contexto, revisamos las contribuciones de las movilizaciones estudiantiles en Chile para la formación ciudadana y democrática de los estudiantes y concluimos que les han ofrecido una oportunidad para repensar la democracia, han permitido nuevos espacios de participación política juvenil, y han posibilitado experiencias de democratización de sus centros escolares.

Il progetto Erasmus è stato creato per educare le future generazioni di cittadini all'idea di appartenenza europea e dalla sua creazione, si è giunti a mobilitare all'interno della comunità europea oltre un milione di studenti. Fin dall'inizio, infatti, l'obiettivo principale dell'Erasmus è stato di natura quantitativa, ovvero di giungere ad un aumento sostanziale della mobilità studentesca, per formare risorse umane adatte ai bisogni futuri della Comunità, muovendosi verso la democratizzazione degli studi universitari e per l'appunto verso l'Europa dei cittadini. Tale obiettivo è sempre stato orientato verso il mercato del lavoro e corredato da imperativi qualitativi, ovvero verso una piena utilizzazione del potenziale ed equilibrio delle cooperazioni. Per molti studenti universitari europei, tale programma ha offerto l'occasione di vivere, per la prima volta, all'estero in maniera indipendente. Per questa ragione esso è diventato una sorta di fenomeno culturale ed è molto popolare fra gli studenti universitari europei. Il programma non incoraggia solamente l'apprendimento e la comprensione della cultura ospitante, ma anche un senso di comunità tra gli studenti appartenenti a paesi diversi. L'esperienza dell'Erasmus è considerata non solo un momento universitario, ma anche un'occasione per imparare a convivere con culture diverse. Tuttavia, spontanea quanto istituzionalizzata, la mobilità geografica degli studenti ha motivi, contorni periodi e opportunità in continuo cambiamento. Per tali ragioni si è scelto di effettuare un studio del fenomeno da prima teorico, per poi passare alla sua vera ricerca empirica, con l'obbiettivo di restringere il campo ed analizzare la soddisfazione degli studenti Erasmus (incoming ed outgoing), relativamente della Facoltà di Economia di Pisa. Tale studio è dunque partito dall'inquadrare le diverse tappe percorse dal progetto Erasmus dal 1987 ad oggi sia a livello europeo, ma in particolar modo facendo riferimento all'Italia, cercando di evidenziare le difficoltà riscontrate, le modalità con cui si sono superate o meno, i successi ottenuti ed i risultati delle diverse azioni intraprese per migliorare sempre di più il programma ed incrementare conseguentemente la mobilità, in modo da rendere l'Erasmus "un programma per tutti". In ultimo si sono studiate alcune tra le più recenti ricerche di mercato condotte dalla attuale agenzia LLP ed ESN (Erasmus Students Network), volte ad evidenziare i risultati ottenuti dalle diverse azioni intraprese, le valutazioni degli studenti in relazioni ai diversi ambiti del programma, difficoltà o problematiche riscontrate e ancora da superare. Partendo da tali risultati e valutazioni si è potuta impostare la ricerca volta ad analizzare la reale soddisfazione sia degli studenti Erasmus della Facoltà di Economia in uscita ("outgoing",) che di quelli provenienti da altre facoltà estere presso tale sede ("incoming"), con lo scopo di rilevare la loro reale soddisfazione relativamente al progetto Erasmus, alla sua gestione e ai servizi offerti dalla Facoltà di Economia, mettendo anche a confronto i risultati ottenuti dai due campioni ed infine evidenziando, nel caso, ambiti di miglioramento suggeriti dagli stessi studenti, che la Facoltà potrebbe attuare per migliorare il servizio offerto e dunque lo stesso progetto Erasmus. Lo strumento che si è utilizzato per raccogliere tali valutazioni è stato il questionario online, somministrato tramite il social network Facebook, composto da 10 blocchi, ciascuno dei quali volto a valutare diverse ambiti del programma e servizi collegati al programma offerti dalla Facoltà di Economia, selezionati sia sulla base della ricerca teorica effettuata che in relazione agli obiettivi della ricerca. Sono stati redatti due questionari per i due soggetti analizzati, uno in lingua inglese e l'altro in italiano, sottoposti a previa verifica su 10 studenti outgoing. Il relativo campionamento è stato di tipo non probabilistico, non potendo disporre di un database. I dati relativi alla mobilità degli studenti incoming e outgoing relativi all'intero Ateneo delle facoltà di Pisa e alla Facoltà di Economia sono stati forniti dall'ufficio delle relazioni internazionali di Pisa e dall'ufficio IRO della Facoltà di Economia.

El presente trabajo indaga sobre las construcciones discursivas en torno a la figura de los estudiantes en el marco de las movilizaciones estudiantiles de 1969 en Corrientes en contra de la privatización de los comedores universitarios (Corrientes y Resistencia-Chaco), que más tarde desembocaron en lo que se conoció como el 'Correntinazo'. Este hecho desencadenó la visibilización de los jóvenes estudiantes como actores sociales organizados en el escenario social y político represivo del régimen de facto de Onganía. A través del análisis del discurso damos cuenta de las variaciones del sentido que se le asigna a este actor estudiante en tanto objeto discursivo, articulado desde las voces de distintos sectores que estuvieron involucrados en el conflicto. A partir de las solicitadas y comunicados de los estudiantes y de la universidad que el diario local El Litoral puso en circulación y las editoriales del propio medio, observamos como para cada sector hay un estudiante con características definidas que exponen las disputas de la época y dan sentido al conflicto. ; This paper explores the discursive constructions around the figure of students under the student demonstrations of 1969 in Corrientes against the privatization of university canteens (Corrientes and Resistencia-Chaco), which later leaded to the which he became known as the 'Correntinazo'. This triggered the visibility of young students as social actors organized in the repressive social and political scene Onganía facto regime. Through discourse analysis we will cross the variations on the meaning ascribed to this student discursive object as actor, articulated from the voices of different sectors were involved in the conflict. From requested and press students and college newspaper El Litoral put into circulation and publishers of the medium itself, we see that for each sector there is a student with defined characteristics that expose the disputes of the time and give sense the conflict.

In Peru, young college students have leading roles in social protest mobilizations even when they seldom belong to political organizations. This study aims to analyze the perception of current politics and its institu-tions among young college students, and to inquire into their interest on relevant events at their surround-ings and into the importance gained by the media and the social networks concerning their information. The purpose of this project is also to examine the role assigned by college students to the university as a space of personal development and reflection. This project was carried out in Lima, Peru, directed to youngsters aged 17 to 25 from public and private universities. Opinions have been collected through six focus-groups and a survey applied to more than 400 students. The analysis concludes that college students distrust pro-foundly political parties and formal political organizations, likewise it shows they have a broad access to information sources, so as their willingness to solve Peru's problematic issues. It also uncovers clear differ-ences between students of private and public universities regarding attitudes for participating in political action, inside and outside the campus. From the study stems a proposal to provide young students at their campuses with opportunities to debate public issues of national and global interest as a part of their overall academic training.

Negli ultimi dieci anni, un nuovo movimento di opinione in campo educativo si è diffuso in Italia per stimolare i responsabili delle politiche educative e gli insegnanti di ogni ordine e grado dell'istruzione ad ascoltare attentamente le voci, nonché i bisogni e gli interessi di tutti gli studenti. Si tratta del movimento «Student Voice», nato negli anni Novanta nel Regno Unito e diffusosi in alcuni Paesi di area anglofona (USA, Canada, Australia). Questo movimento sostiene la partecipazione attiva e responsabile di tutti gli studenti ai processi formativi che si attivano nelle scuole e nelle università: nello specifico, questa partecipazione si esplica nella didattica in aula, nelle ricerche dei loro professori e nei processi decisionali con cui si attuano le politiche educative che riguardano i diritti e gli interessi degli studenti. In questo articolo, dopo aver presentato i capisaldi teorici che i pionieri anglofoni della prospettiva «Student Voice» hanno identificato e il modo in cui i pedagogisti italiani hanno recepito le loro suggestioni, si descrivono le modalità più significative che quei ricercatori italiani, che si sentono partecipi di tale prospettiva emergente, hanno sperimentato per valorizzare la voce degli studenti e migliorarne la partecipazione alla vita scolastica e universitaria. Si cerca di cogliere le potenzialità e i limiti del movimento «Student Voice». ; A new pedagogical movement has spread to Italy over the last ten years to inspire education policy makers and teachers at all levels of education to listen carefully to the voices as well as the needs and interests of all the students. This is the «Student Voice» movement, born in the nineties in the UK and spread to some english-speaking countries (USA, Canada, Australia). This movement supports the active and responsible participation of all students in the training processes that take place in schools and universities: specifically, this participation occurs in the classroom teaching, their professors' researches and decision-making processes with which the educational policies related to the rights and interests of students are implemented. In this article, after presenting the theoretical backgrounds that the english-speaking pioneers of the «Student Voice» perspective have identified and the way in which Italian researchers have transposed their suggestions, we describe the most significant ways that those Italian researchers who are participating in this emerging perspective have experimented to enhance the voice of students and improve their participation in school and university life. We will try to capture the potentials and limits of the «Student Voice» movement.

This paper examines three recurrent hypothesis in the literature on the student movement in Colombia. It aims to identify limitations and suggest alternatives based on social movements theories. The first hypothesis explains the origin of the mobilizations as reactions to the gravity of the situations faced by university or as a byproduct of structural change sectors, but omits the role of the subjects in this process. The second poses a dichotomy between the social and the political to explain the dynamics of movement, but reduces the understanding of a complex phenomenon. The third hypothesis explains the failure of the student mobilizations by internal divisions result of the politicization of students and isolation from society, losing sight of other variables to explain the success and failure of social movements. ; Este trabajo examina tres hipótesis recurrentes en la literatura sobre el movimiento estudiantil en Colombia, identificando sus limitaciones y sugiriendo alternativas basadas en las teorías de los movimientos sociales. La primera hipótesis explica el origen de las movilizaciones como reacciones ante la gravedad de las situaciones que enfrentan los sectores universitarios o como subproducto del cambio estructural, omitiendo el papel de los sujetos en ese proceso. La segunda, plantea una dicotomía entre lo social y lo político para explicar las dinámicas del movimiento, con lo que reduce la comprensión de un fenómeno más complejo. La tercera hipótesis explica el fracaso de las movilizaciones estudiantiles por las divisiones internas producto de la politización del estudiantado y el aislamiento de la sociedad, perdiendo de vista otras variables para explicar el triunfo y el fracaso de los movimientos sociales. ; Universidad de San Buenaventura - Cali

This article is devoted to considering of the phenomenon of bilingualism from the point of view of linguistic, psycholinguistic, psychological, and pedagogical aspects, the characteristics of typical mistakes that bilingual students make in writing when studying the lexical and grammatical norms of the modern Russian literary language. The article discusses scientific approaches to describing the problem of bilingualism by Russian and foreign authors (Avrorin, 1972; Shcherba, 1974; Vereshchagin, 2014; Weinreich, 1972; Agar, 1994; Breton, 1991; Lambert, 1963). The methodological basis of the research is made up of general scientific methods: the method of complex theoretical analysis of the problem under study, logical methods of analysis of scientific concepts, methodological analysis of 16 written works of bilingual students 1st year in the discipline "Business communications and speech culture". The result of the research is a description of typical lexical and grammatical errors in the written language of bilingual students, and the presentation of practical recommendations for increasing the effectiveness of students' mastering of the norms of the Russian literary language. It is concluded that deep involvement in the language content plan, modern knowledge of the lexical and grammatical norms of the modern Russian literary language will help bilingual students competently express their thoughts in oral and written speech form and be active participants in effective intercultural communication.

Ponencia de 6th International Conference on Intercultural Education "Education and Health: From a transcultural perspective" ; The bullying has affected many educational systems. The scientific community has studied the phenomenon and has developed many studies attempting to explain their etiology and operation. Administrations have developed policy and legislative initiatives, to sort out this need and social problems. This paper tries to investigate the bullying phenomenon in Andalusia. Students who are immigrants and who are in the 4th level of Elementary Education, do not know the Spanish language The study took data from Andalusian students who participated in the 2011 edition of the PIRLS assessment (Progress in International Reading Literacy Study). This evaluation has involved more than 4300 students in 150 selected schools. The data are about the level of reading comprehension. Previously, their mother tongues have been identified. The results show a higher rate of bullying in immigrant students than in the rest of the population, a lower yield. However the results don't imply that the student had been victims of bullying. There is a need to sort out these problems and we must continue investigating them in order to understand and provide solutions

INTRODUCTION: With the word homophobia or homonegativity we mean the disease, the devaluation and the hostility for the homosexuals men or women. The researches say high levels of homophobia are correlated with the belief that homosexuality is against nature (Frost, 2010; Lingiardi, 2007). This thought may induce people to act with aggressively against LG population. METHOD: The aims of our research are: first contribute to the validation of the homophobia scales and second to compare the level of homophobia in a sample of university students. Participants: Our sample was of 300 students (M = 22.82, SD = 2.83; min = 19, max = 42, Measures: An Identifying Information Form was used to collect demographic information and the Italian scale, SIMO-G and SIMO-L (Lingiardi, 2005; Lingiardi et al. in press), to evaluate the level of homophobia. CONCLUSIONS: The results show an association between religion education, politics and level of social homophobia.

AbstractThat theory and practice do not always go hand in hand is something of a commonplace. The same holds true for what is legislated about how languages should be taught, and how they really are taught in schools. This relation between politics and classroom reality is the topic of the present paper. In it secondary school teachers' attitude towards language teaching and students' perception of the way in which languages are taught are compared with what, according to government policies should be going on in classrooms. At the end of the paper, possible reasons for the divergence between one and the other are forwarded.