Suchergebnisse

Nepal es el último reino hindu : la política de sus reyes frente al proselitismo desde hace dos siglos constituye un testimonio interesante sobre la evolución que se ha dado en el induismo sobre el tema. Hasta 1768 los reyes nepaleses conservan la actitud tradicional que, obedeciendo a la lógica de la casta, permite a los hindúes convertirse al islam o al cristianismo a condición de ser degradados a nivel de las castas impur as. A partir de 1768, y como reacción ante el control inglés en la India, la dinastia de Gorkha prohibe el proselitismo cristiano y musulmán : a la lógica de la casta aún vigente, imponen una segunda lógica que es la defensa de las comunidades hindues, pero estas normas no ser an sino partialmente aplicada por los súbditos. Desde 1990 el proselitismo, que continua siendo ilegal, es tolerado : lo que explica la actividad intensa de los misioneros cristianos y las conversiones masivas. Conducirá ésto, como fue el caso en la India de los años 1870, al nacimiento de un proselitismo indú ?

International audience According to a grand narrative that long ago ceased to be told, there was a seventeenth century Scientific Revolution, during which a few heroes conquered nature thanks to mathematics. This grand narrative began with the exhibition of quantitative laws that these heroes, Galileo and Newton for example, had disclosed: the law of falling bodies, according to which the speed of a falling body is proportional to the square of the time that has elapsed since the beginning of its fall; the law of gravitation, according to which two bodies are attracted to one another in proportion to the sum of their masses and in inverse proportion to the square of the distance separating them -- according to his own preferences, each narrator added one or two quantitative laws of this kind. The essential feature was not so much the examples that were chosen, but, rather, the more or less explicit theses that accompanied them. First, mathematization would be taken as the criterion for distinguishing between a qualitative Aristotelian philosophy and the new quantitative physics. Secondly, mathematization was founded on the metaphysical conviction that the world was created pondere, numero et mensura, or that the ultimate components of natural things are triangles, circles, and other geometrical objects. This metaphysical conviction had two immediate consequences: that all the phenomena of nature can be in principle submitted to mathematics and that mathematical language is transparent; it is the language of nature itself and has simply to be picked up at the surface of phenomena. Finally, it goes without saying that, from a social point of view, the evolution of the sciences was apprehended through what has been aptly called the "relay runner model," according to which science progresses as a result of individual discoveries. Grand narratives such as this are perhaps simply fictions doomed to ruin as soon as they are clearly expressed. In any case, the very assumption on which this grand narrative relies can be ...

At the beginning of the 17th century, under Cervantes's feathers, a stray figure of fou, resisting a world which he refuses to regard as its contemporaries, was launched with body lost in a series of vain causes worn by as much great as ridicule.Those which, in the last two centuries, resisted or still resisted, played a special role in the figure of this Iberian fu, which became, from the twentieth century, a flag carrier on the social and political arena, An Eulalio Ferrer, a Spanish republican interned in the Argelès-sur-Mer camp in 1939, will explain later in his writing that he survived thanks to a constant reading of Cervantes's work. As of 1994, Deputy Commander Marcos in Mexico multiplied the references to the Quichood donation, the 'biggest political book ever written'. A Armand Gatti, named 'Donqui' in the maquis, organised in 2001 an exhibition entitled 'Les voyages de don don Quichood', dedicated to various figures of resistance. While in 2006 an association was set up in Paris to combat the exclusion of homeless people, she took the name of the 'Quichood Donor Children'. There is more than a denial of floughing in chess, Quichood donation; the character also embodies a unique attitude towards the world that has allowed him to become a tutelary figure of resistance, or rather resistors. ; International audience The opening of the 17th century saw the advent of Cervantes's Quixote, a wandering lunatic resisting a world he refused to see as his contemporaries did, a character unreservedly engaged in a string of lost causes grounded upon both grandeur and ridicule. In the past two centuries, the Iberian madman has remained a remarkably prominent figurehead to those who resisted or are resisting still and has become, from the 20th century onwards, a standard bearer on the political and social scenes. Eulalio Ferrer, a republican Spaniard interned in the Argelès-sur-Mer camp in 1939, explained later in his writings how reading Cervantes unceasingly did help him survive. In Mexico, Subcomandante Marcos has ...

International audience [Demographic rhythms of Germany and France have been very different for two centuries. In the nineteenth century, the size of the population of Germany joined and surpassed that of France, which had long been the highest in Europe. After the two world wars, the more intense the French demographic renewal was accompanied by a genuine economic revolution, allowing France to compete with the "German miracle." Today, the demographic situation of Germany and France remain strong differences although each country has a similar process: the aging of the population.] ; Repris in extenso dans Problèmes économiques, 19 juillet 1989. Les rythmes démographiques de l'Allemagne et de la France ont été fort différents depuis deux siècles. Au XIXe siècle, l'effectif de la population de l'Allemagne a rejoint et dépassé celui de la France qui avait été longtemps le plus élevé d'Europe. Après les deux guerres mondiales, l'intensité plus grande du renouveau démographique français s'est accompagnée d'une véritable révolution économique, permettant à la France de rivaliser avec le « miracle allemand ». Aujourd'hui, les situations démographiques de l'Allemagne et de la France conservent de fortes divergences même si chaque pays connaît un processus semblable : le vieillissement de la population.

Cet article oppose deux modèles de conversion, à partir de deux expériences missionnaires en Inde du sud aux XVI et XVIIe siècles. L'évangélisation collective des Parava par St François Xavier illustre le modèle communautaire, dans lequel l'ensemble de la communauté se convertit et redéfinit autour des rites chrétiens sa propre identité en tant que caste d'Inde du sud. Le soutien direct ou indirect des Portugais représenta pour les pêcheurs Parava un en couragement supplémentaire. La nouvelle mission du Madurai, établie par Roberto Nobili, était fondée au contraire sur des principes universalistes chrétiens et mettait l'accent sur les conversions individuelles et intellectuelles. Nobili visait avant tout à se gagner des membres des élites politiques ou religieuses. Dans le contexte politique segmentaire de l'époque et du fait de la tradition du pluralisme religieux, le "marché religieux" restait ouvert, permettant toutes sortes d'adaptation locale du christianisme, mais peu propice au projet universaliste de conversion.

EspacesTemps presents and comments the programs of History taught during two centuries in France.

International audience ; The wall of a people or the people of a wall ?In June 2019 we will be close to the first anniversary of the UNESCO World Heritage listing of the archaeological ensemble of Dannevirke and Hedeby. An opportunity to present the archaeological ensemble in its first foundations and continue to question it on the "civilization" it prefigures.Ethnic foundation since "Dannevirke"? What is the use of a wall, a way to protect what "we" are on one side and to project all that "we not" are on the other side?Military foundation on political or economic grounds? Hedeby is a trading place, an emporium of the North Seas, and going with its foundation and development it needs a protection against looting. But the archaeological ensemble denotes a larger organization and goes hand in hand with the appearance of a king in Denmark.So I would first like to expose the archaeological complex as it is presented in the documentation retained by UNESCO and then question these two monumental witnesses of Denmark of the 8th-11th centuries on the subject of the people that the Dannevirke seems to define and that Hedeby houses , Or vice versa. Who are they in the north?I would like to show two ideas, the first expresses that the original land-lift first protects the comings and goings of merchants from various lands, the second will position the "border" Dannevirke more deeply in the minds of the Danes only in their causal and punctual policy: this border has forced men from the North to the sea. ; Le mur d'un peuple ou le peuple d'un mur ?En Juin 2019 nous serons proche du premier anniversaire de l'inscription au patrimoine mondial de l'UNESCO de l'ensemble archéologique du Dannevirke et de Hedeby. Une occasion de présenter ledit ensemble archéologique dans ses premières fondations et de continuer à le questionner sur la « civilisation » qu'il préfigure.Fondation ethnique puisque « Dannevirke » ? Ce à quoi sert un mur, une façon de protéger d'un côté ce que « nous » sommes et de projeter de l'autre côté tout ce que ...

Two surveys on medieval political thinking have been recently published by two Italian pub- lishers (2018-2019). The authors have intersected philosophical, historical and legal approaches to reveal the richness and diversity of political thought from the 5th to the 12th centuries. The selected topics concern: 1) the origin of power and its legitimacy; 2) the question of the limits of political power; 3) reflections on the ideal form of government and on the resistance it may face; and 4) conceptions relating to the place and role of law, the relationship between the Church and the regimen, and the status of persons and property as mirrored by political power. The works examined by the authors show that the writings are more embedded in the context than we can fathom, thus expressing the evolution and diversity of medieval political thinking. ; Deux synthèses sur la pensée politique médiévale viennent de paraître chez deux éditeurs italiens (2018-2019). Les auteurs ont croisé des approches philosophiques, historiques et juridiques pour dévoiler la richesse et la diversité de la pensée politique du Ve ou XIIe au XIVe siècle. Les thématiques retenues concernent : 1) l'origine du pouvoir et sa légitimité ; 2) la question des limites du pouvoir politique ; 3) réflexions sur la forme idéale du gouvernement et sur les résistances qui peuvent lui être opposées ; et 4) conceptions afférentes à la place et au rôle de la loi et du droit, aux rapports entre l'Eglise et le regimen, et au statut des personnes et des biens au miroir du pouvoir politique. Les œuvres sollicitées par les auteurs montrent que les écrits sont beaucoup plus qu'on ne le pense inscrits dans un contexte, elles reflètent par conséquent l'évolution et la diversité de la pensée politique médiévale. ; Deux synthèses sur la pensée politique médiévale viennent de paraître chez deux éditeurs italiens (2018-2019). Les auteurs ont croisé des approches philosophiques, historiques et juridiques pour dévoiler la richesse et la diversité de la pensée politique du Ve ou XIIe au XIVe siècle. Les thématiques retenues concernent : 1) l'origine du pouvoir et sa légitimité ; 2) la question des limites du pouvoir politique ; 3) réflexions sur la forme idéale du gouvernement et sur les résistances qui peuvent lui être opposées ; et 4) conceptions afférentes à la place et au rôle de la loi et du droit, aux rapports entre l'Eglise et le regimen, et au statut des personnes et des biens au miroir du pouvoir politique. Les œuvres sollicitées par les auteurs montrent que les écrits sont beaucoup plus qu'on ne le pense inscrits dans un contexte, elles reflètent par conséquent l'évolution et la diversité de la pensée politique médiévale.

Even today, our political life is built on an interaction between command and submission, to which we are bound by political Sovereignty. But it is a particular form of the political power, that raised in the 16th century with Bodin's intellectual contribution, from a precise historical juncture. How this concept, referring to the absolute and unconditional submission from the « free subjects » to the Sovereign, also pertains to modern democratic societies? Are the indivisibility and transcendence of this power appropriate to express people's sovereignty too? Identifying a first metamorphosis of this concept is necessary, while assessing its transcription into the republican form of government set up by the two American and French Revolutions in the 18th century. Then it became relevant to question how to combine the necessary obedience to public powers with human liberty. Isn't the obligation to submit to which we are compelled by a sovereign autority, a limitation of this liberty? Isn't it in the nature of every power to turn abnormally large and invasive? How to ensure both the preservation of the subjective rights of the citizens and the citizen's coexistence in a society? The study of the American Federal Republic allows us to describe the particular interaction between a certain representation of the political power's fonctions, and an efficient enterprising social dynamic. By dividing the sovereignty, the Americans contradict one of its essential presumed features, initiating its second metamorphosis. To what extend, then, can we challenge the attributes of sovereignty, without losing the specific relation of power that its inception inaugurated ; Aujourd'hui encore, notre vie politique est organisée autour de la relation de commandement à obéissance à laquelle nous oblige la souveraineté politique. Mais ce rapport d'obligation est une forme particulière du pouvoir politique, qui émerge au XVIe siècle à travers la pensée de Bodin, dans une conjoncture historique précise. Comment ce concept, renvoyant à ...

Consent to tax, presented as the starting point of the modern parliamentarism door reality of varied conceptions of legitimacy of the tax power. Whether any of these interpretations has triumphed in France for two centuries, with a consent expressed by a Parliament representative of the sovereign nation, does not prevent that article 14 of the Declaration of 1789, synthesis of pre-revolutionary tax debates do remains liable to further reading. Adapted from the source document.

ABSTRACT- The depiction of the Latin-American heroes corresponds for the most part to the last two centuries and the main figures of Independence feature prominently in this depiction. It is especially in Mexico that heroes who lived at a later date (during the Reform and the Revolution) are worshipped. Concerning a more recent period, only Ernesto Che Guevara gave rise to a form of hero-worshipping that is becoming universal, with a number of misunderstandings.

In the multi-secular history of forced migrations, the 19th and 20th centuries represented an era of mutation whose main features this paper attempts to describe. Together with the changes in the conditions of worldwide migratory circulation, major shifts occurred in the definition of political communities and conditions of nationality and citizenship, within a context of European domination of the world, followed by the dislocation of colonial empires. Each of the two world wars in the 20th century contributed, through the massive movements of populations they provoked, to the emergence of the figure of the 'political' rejugee, the stateless person, together with an international legal status for refugees. Our study intends to highlight the existing articulations between the large flows of refugees and exiles and the qualification and classification processes over those two centuries. Adapted from the source document.

Even today, our political life is built on an interaction between command and submission, to which we are bound by political Sovereignty. But it is a particular form of the political power, that raised in the 16th century with Bodin's intellectual contribution, from a precise historical juncture. How this concept, referring to the absolute and unconditional submission from the « free subjects » to the Sovereign, also pertains to modern democratic societies? Are the indivisibility and transcendence of this power appropriate to express people's sovereignty too? Identifying a first metamorphosis of this concept is necessary, while assessing its transcription into the republican form of government set up by the two American and French Revolutions in the 18th century. Then it became relevant to question how to combine the necessary obedience to public powers with human liberty. Isn't the obligation to submit to which we are compelled by a sovereign autority, a limitation of this liberty? Isn't it in the nature of every power to turn abnormally large and invasive? How to ensure both the preservation of the subjective rights of the citizens and the citizen's coexistence in a society? The study of the American Federal Republic allows us to describe the particular interaction between a certain representation of the political power's fonctions, and an efficient enterprising social dynamic. By dividing the sovereignty, the Americans contradict one of its essential presumed features, initiating its second metamorphosis. To what extend, then, can we challenge the attributes of sovereignty, without losing the specific relation of power that its inception inaugurated ; Aujourd'hui encore, notre vie politique est organisée autour de la relation de commandement à obéissance à laquelle nous oblige la souveraineté politique. Mais ce rapport d'obligation est une forme particulière du pouvoir politique, qui émerge au XVIe siècle à travers la pensée de Bodin, dans une conjoncture historique précise. Comment ce concept, renvoyant à l'obéissance absolue et inconditionnée des « francs sujets » à leur Souverain, a-t-il pu être conservé par les sociétés démocratiques modernes? L'indivisibilité et la transcendance de ce pouvoir peuvent-elles exprimer la souveraineté du peuple? C'est une première métamorphose de ce concept qui est requise pour traduire la forme républicaine instituée suite aux deux révolutions américaine et française du XVIIIe siècle. Se pose alors la question de savoir comment conjuguer la nécessaire obéissance aux pouvoirs publics avec la liberté humaine. L'obligation d'obéir à laquelle nous sommes tenus par l'autorité souveraine n'est-elle pas en effet assimilable à une limitation de cette liberté? Et tout pouvoir ne tend-il pas, par nature, à s'hypertrophier? Comment assurer les citoyens de la préservation de leurs droits subjectifs, tout en veillant à leur coexistence en communauté? L'étude la république fédérale américaine permet d'appréhender l'interaction particulière qui existe entre une certaine représentation des fonctions du pouvoir politique, et une dynamique sociale puissante et entreprenante. En divisant la souveraineté, les Américains en contredisent un des traits posés comme essentiels, provoquant ainsi sa deuxième métamorphose. Jusqu'où peut-on alors aller dans la remise en cause des attributs souverains, sans perdre la relation de pouvoir spécifique qu'elle inaugure

Control of mineral ressources is a major stake for seigniorial power which, not only gives it economical wealth, but some status as well. In the Dauphiné, mining of precious metals first began at the end of IXth century or the begenning of Xth century in L'Argentière (Hautes-Alpes, France). It's also with these mines that the Counts of Albon, futur Dauphins, start to appropriate their lands'mineral resources thanks to two similar donations from emperor Frederick I in January and July 1155. Non-precious metal such as iron, although very important in medieval society, are thus mined from an early stage in the Dauphiné mountain, particularly around Allevard (Isère), with the Counts of Albon progressively taking control of these mines.At the same time, the castles implantation, which has multiplied starting around the year One thousand, reflects the gradual takeover of locals lords and contribute to their control of the territory. The castle, beyond its military purpose, is a multifonctional building, particulary since the creation of princely states and the development of their administration. It constitues a true representative of countal authority that can keep a close watch over and protect the territoryut also to administrate it, particularly regarding mining. However, the links between castles and mining facilities are not always visible, and they often depend on the type of mineral deposit (precious or not), the degree of control over the territory or its topography. In Brandes (Oisans, Isère) or L'Argentière, both silver-bearing sites, the castles were respectively abandoned with the end of mining at the beginning of XIVth century, and divided between two vassal families close to Counts of Albon, clearly illustrating the links for the counts between mines and castles. This is however not the case in iron-bearing territories where castles have another use than protecting and supervising mining production. The establishment of a new mining policy by the Dauphins, after the great crisis in the mid XIVth ...

The article describes the evolution of the relationships between judges and the law, from the establishment of the modern judiciary regime to our present time, as a progressive (re)emergence of the "power to judge". Over two centuries, civil judges, who were at first placed under the power of the law, have regained their power to interpret the law and even to challenge it through their normative jurisprudence, and finally to control its very legitimacy in the name of superior orders. Are we witnessing a return of the old judicial regime? Adapted from the source document.