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9 Bosses, & their tollowers & apologists, perennially inquire noNN alternative sources for leadership may be developed in lieu of a boss. A boss is the principal but not the sole leader of a pol'al clique or faction at the top of a monolithic power structure in a community with a monopolistic pol'al style. Alternatives to a boss are a clique or faction, a popularly elected mayor, a city manager, or a pol'al party. Some Fla communities exhibit a monopolistic pol'al style; others, a competitive style. Town with a monopolistic style show a narrow set of econ interests; the entrance of competing econ interests leads to competitive pot. Ruling cliques are of varying kinds & can exist in either amonopolistic or competitive situation. A popularly elected mayor also can function as the leader in either situation. A manager is a source of policy leadership, but several factors condition his leadership. The elected mayor often inhibits the manager. The manager's scope may also be greatly restricted in a monopolistic setting, for he usually has no pol'al base of his own in such a situation. He will often have more scope when competition is the style. A few managers succeed by forming their own bases, ie, that composed of city employees. Party participation is a concomitant of competitive pot in a few Fla cities, but the rise of the Republicans may lead to some local monopolies. Alternative sources of leadership are enhanced by competition. AA.

Bosses, and their followers and apologists, peren nially inquire how alternative sources for leadership may be developed in lieu of a boss. A boss is the principal but not the sole leader of a political clique or faction at the top of a monolithic power structure in a community with a monopolistic political style. Alternatives to a boss are a clique or faction, a popularly elected mayor, a city manager, or a political party. Some Florida communities exhibit a monopolistic political style; others, a competitive style. Towns with a monopolistic style show a narrow set of economic interests; the entrance of competing economic interests leads to competitive politics. Ruling cliques are of varying kinds and can exist in either a monopolistic or competitive situation. A popularly elected mayor also can function as the leader in either situation. A manager is a source of policy leadership, but several factors condition his leadership. The elected mayor often inhibits the manager. The manager's scope may also be greatly restricted in a monopolistic setting, for he usually has no political base of his own in such a situation. He will often have more scope when competition is the style. A few managers succeed by forming their own bases, as, for example, that composed of city employees. Party participation is a concomitant of competi tive politics in a few Florida cities, but the rise of the Republi cans may lead to some local monopolies. Alternative sources of leadership are enhanced by competition.

Pol'al bossism in US cities developed as a pragmatic response to the rise of US urbanism. Its pol'al style developed out of a combination of the new directions of US society as it entered the age of enterprise & of the existing pol'al system which was geared to a Ru, decentralized mode of life. The power structure of bossism was based on a 2-fold relationship maintained by the city machine: the patron-client relation with blocs of voters - esp ethnic minorities - & a brokerage relationship with business. Relations with state gov were directed more toward the maintenance of control over the city than to substantive gov policy. The appropriate pol'al response to an Ur, technological society came with the reorg of nat'l pot by F. D. Roosevelt & the instit of New Deal SE reform. This change affected Ur pot by making it increasingly pluralistic & program-oriented. The new style of Ur pot may be called a cosmopolitan pot, & it strongly affected, if indeed it did not dominate, state pot in most places. The city of New Orleans is a special case of the development of a cosmopolitan style of Ur pot out of an earlier bossism within a state which has not yet assimilated to cosmopolitan pot. AA.

Political bossism in American cities developed as a pragmatic response to the rise of American urbanism. Its political style developed out of a combination of the new direc tions of American society as it entered the age of enterprise and of the existing political system which was geared to a rural, decentralized mode of life. The power structure of bossism was based on a twofold relationship maintained by the city machine: the patron-client relation with blocs of voters—par ticularly ethnic minorities—and a brokerage relationship with business. Relations with state government were directed more toward the maintenance of control over the city than to sub stantive government policy. The appropriate political response to an urban, technological society came with the reorganization of national politics by Franklin Roosevelt and the institution of New Deal economic and social reform. This change affected urban politics by making it increasingly pluralistic and program- oriented. The new style of urban politics may be called a cosmopolitan politics, and it strongly affected, if indeed it did not dominate, state politics in most places. The city of New Orleans is a special case of the development of a cosmopolitan style of urban politics out of an earlier bossism within a state which has not yet assimilated to cosmopolitan politics.

With the achievement of independence new leaders are emerging in many parts of Asia. Will the fragile new democracies survive the pressures exercised by them? The author explores the changing pattern in one Indian state over the last 40 yrs-not even a typical one, but one of the most pol'ally active ones & tries to trace the soc & geographical origins of its intermediate leadership & the changes that have occurred. What emerges is a spectacular rise in Ru leadership. This may mean that the Ur politicians' control over national & state goo's & the Ur emphasis on planning may undergo great changes. Gov planners may have either to modify plans based on over-all econ considerations or adopt authoritarian measures. Plans for econ growth may conflict with the democratic framework. IPSA.

Given knowledge of the circumstances of a large Ur minority group (Negroes) in a metropolitan area, & given knowledge of the leadership techniques used by pol'al candidates in an election, 'what kind of leadership can achieve maximum impact under the circumstances of the situation?' The study compares the election techniques of a Republican of the 'rational-manager' type & a Democrat of the 'head-chief' or city-boss type. Data are derived from participant observation & statistics from a series of pre-election surveys. From knowledge of the actual voting patterns, the author indicates some reasons for the success of the Democratic candidate. The successful leader won due to his success among the Negro people (1 in 5 of all persons of voting age) & due to the following voting patterns: Negroes voted along Democratic party lines, in terms of 'their people' rather than for the 'general community welfare'; they were visited personally by precinct captains, & spoke about the candidate in personal terms. These 'interests' were manipulated successfully by the winner despite the fact that his record was less formidable than his Republican opponent. Some tentative hypo's about the voting behavior of Ur Negroes are formulated, & some questions are raised about the relationship between the 'social act of voting' & bribery, & what kinds of Negro leadership used in an advisory capacity lead to what effects. T. L. Blair.

The study of leadership in local government for small- and middle-sized towns is a neglected phase of political science research. For many years scholars have accounted for the urban boss and machine; but its complementary counterpart at the grassroots has been taken for granted. Millions of Americans prefer to live and govern themselves in towns. Their politics warrants analysis not only because it will continue as a vital and characteristic contribution to our way of life but also because it frequently plays a superior rôle in state and national representation than it numerically is entitled to do

The traditional city is in the process of transformation into the metropolis (Met). This new form of human settlement has been made possible & necessary by increasing productivity & DofL. It is the result of the interaction of 2 waves of migration, a long-distance movement from center to periphery. The Met is surrounded by a Met'an region. The Met performs the traditional city function of central leadership & the traditional countryside function of material production. The majority of the pop in developed countries live in Met'an areas, though each Met'an pop is dispersed over a large territory containing both Ur-developed land & open areas, with places of work & residence separated. Residential areas are segregated according to class or income of their residents; the 'good neighborhood' is a protected status symbol. Mfg is moving toward the satellite towns within Met'an regions, & the Met itself is becoming the center of service industry. These are the characteristics of the Met which produce a pattern of land use based on central business, industrial, residential, & open areas. In modifying the natural pattern of the Met to make it better, contradictory desiderata will have to be accommodated.