Suchergebnisse

The article deals with the economic essence of accounts payable. It is determined that in the process of deformations in the structure of business capital, it acquires the characteristics of a surrogate source of business financing, which in turn creates risks for the stability of Ukraine's financial system. The authors describe the main trends in the dynamics and structure of accounts payable and define its impact on the growth of debt burden of non-financial corporations in Ukraine at the aggregate level. A comparison of the volume and growth rates of accounts payable in Ukraine and the EU countries is made, which allows to confirm the hypothesis of the introduction of a distorted model of business financing in Ukraine's corporate sector. The authors point out that one of the reasons for the abnormally high debt dependence in the NFC sector at the aggregate level is the replacement of equity with other current liabilities (including financial loans from associated physical and legal entities), which allowed to establish such a flexible capital structure, which can help rapidly withdraw assets abroad in the event of macro-financial destabilization or other threats of capital loss related to the insecurity of property rights and the prevalence of fiscal voluntarism in Ukraine. The authors conclude that with the overload of balance sheets with short-term debts against the background of a significant reduction in equity leads to a rapid loss of financial stability. At the same time, under the influence of restrictions on activities and other concomitant barriers to doing business due to the global coronavirus pandemic, the financial depletion of the non-financial corporations sector could lead to a wave of corporate bankruptcies. It is concluded that under the influence of narrowing business access to capital in the financial market there is a rapid increase in lending to domestic business by nonresidents, which gives grounds to conclude that in this way domestic business lends itself, using funds previously withdrawn abroad. Further development of these trends not only can be a catalyst for financial imbalances at the level of individual enterprises, but can also provoke a crisis in the foreign exchange market. The authors substantiate that one of the ways to reduce the volume of current debt obligations is to assist the government in transforming the companies' short-term liabilities into long-term ones. This can be done by converting the companies' current liabilities into long-term bonds on a voluntary basis using simplified procedures for registration of their issue, and by registering current liabilities to suppliers (for goods and services) as long-term promissory notes.

One of the essential principles, which represents a pivot in the physiognomy of the legal order, is the principle of legality. His imperative is manifested through the obligation of the administrative organs and officials, the actions they take and the acts they make, to base exclusively on the laws, as well as the rules based on the law. Legality is a fundamental principle that all employees, from the top to the bottom of the administrative pyramid, should uphold. As a substantive element, it constitutes the essence of the service-based and functionally potent administrative systems of European countries and is established as a normative framework, directive, guide, roadmap and postulate for the operation of their officers. Because of its primordial and strategic significance, in states with atrophied and insufficient institutional structures, which still pass through the labyrinth of the obscure transition tunnel, this principle should be implanted as the basic substrate in the mental matrix and in the professional habitat of the administrators. In accordance with the principle of legality, the authorities of the public and state administration, in the immediate application of the laws and other regulations, have a duty to provide the rights of the clients, ie they impose obligations that arise only from the laws. In this way, the principle of equality is revived, and arbitrariness, voluntarism and arbitrariness in the resolution of the rights and obligations of citizens and other legal entities are prevented. By practicing the principle of legality, in fact, the stability of the legal as well as the social system as a whole is ensured and the fundamental, constitutional and law-enforced rights of citizens are guaranteed. The administrative authorities are obliged to apply the principle of legality and in cases when they are authorized to decide on a free (discretionary) assessment. It is a guarantee mechanism for reducing and preventing arbitrariness and arbitrariness in decision-making. The antidote to legality is illegality. In the narrow sense, the notion of illegitimacy refers to abuse of power (ultra vires), or rather incompetence, a direct violation of legal rules and errors in the establishment and the legal qualification of the facts. This meaning of the term in "narrower sense" refers, in particular, to cases where the administration procedure is regulated by a law that is very precise and in cases where the competence of the administrative authority is determined and imposed in accordance with the law, but it can also apply of cases where the administration has some kind of discretion. In a broader sense, however, illegality involves the pursuit of improper purposes and consideration of inadequate considerations and irrelevant factors. Keywords: formal legality, material legality, administration, officials, clients.

Zum Zusammenhang zwischen ethnischer Heterogenität, Sozialkapital (Vertrauen, freiwilliges Engagement, Mitgliedschaft in Organisationen und Vereinen etc.) und der Bereitstellungöffentlicher Güter lassen sich aus bislang vorliegenden Studien keine eindeutigen Befunde ableiten. Dies gilt insbesondere für den europäischen Kontext. Das Projekt Ethnische Vielfalt, soziales Vertrauen und Zivilengagement, gefördert vom Bundesministerium für Familie, Senioren, Frauen und Jugend, hatte zum Ziel, dieses Thema durch den Vergleich von drei Ländern, von unterschiedlichen Regionen und Städten in nationalem Kontext sowie durch Untersuchungen auf lokaler Ebene in Schulen besser zu beleuchten. Zur Datengewinnung wurden drei unterschiedliche methodische Ansätze miteinander verbunden: Im Rahmen der Umfragestudie Ethnic Diversity and Collective Action Survey (EDCAS) wurden insgesamt 10 200 Einwohner in 74 ausgewählten Regionen Deutschlands, Frankreichs und der Niederlande befragt. Die Daten ermöglichen den Vergleich von Städten, die sich nach dem Ausmaß ethnischer Diversität sowie in ihren integrationspolitischen Ansätzen voneinander unterscheiden. Um Einblick in die Prozesse zu gewinnen, die hinter den Effekten ethnischer Diversität stehen, wurden Fallstudien zur Elternpartizipation in Berliner und Lyoner Schulen organisiert. Darüber hinaus wurden Online- und Feldexperimente mit Anwohnern durchgeführt, um die kausalen Mechanismen dieser Effekte zu ergründen. Die hier dargelegten Ergebnisse beziehen sich auf ausschließlich auf die deutschen Daten. Bezogen auf die kognitive Dimension von Sozialkapital haben die Projektergebnisse den erwarteten negativen Zusammenhang zwischen objektiver, d.h. statistisch ausgewiesener ethnischer Vielfalt einerseits sowie Kooperationsvermögen und Vertrauen andererseits bestätigt. Ferner stellte sich heraus, dass auch die subjektive Wahrnehmung ethnischer Diversität einen eigenen Einfluss jenseits objektiver Diversitätsmaße ausübt. Mittels besonderer Betonung von Diversität in Experimenten konnte gezeigt werden, dass als hoch wahrgenommene ethnische Vielfalt die kausale Ursache für den Rückgang von Vertrauen ist. Im Hinblick auf die strukturelle Dimension von politischer Beteiligung und Mitgliedschaften in Organisationen sind die Ergebnisse jedoch weniger eindeutig: Zwar konnten wir mit einem Briefwurf-Experiment belegen, dass ethnische Diversität negative Auswirkungen auf tatsächliches pro-soziales Verhalten haben kann. In Bezug auf Engagement in Organisationen oder Beteiligung an Demonstrationen ließen sich jedoch keine signifikanten Effekte objektiver oder wahrgenommener Diversität nachweisen. Entgegen Putnams Deutung, dass Vielfalt zu einem Rückzug ins Private führe, gelangen wir zu der Schlussfolgerung, dass Diversität zwar Vertrauen und pro-soziales Verhalten beeinträchtigt, Menschen aber auch dazu aktivieren kann, der mangelnden Bereitstellung öffentlicher Güter in diversen Gemeinschaften organisiert entgegenzuwirken. ; Existing evidence on the relationship between ethnic heterogeneity, social capital (trust, voluntarism, associational membership etc.), and levels of public goods provision is inconclusive, especially for the European context. The project Ethnic Diversity, Social Trust, and Civic Engagement, financed by the German Federal Ministry of Family Affairs, Senior Citizens, Women and Youth, was intended to advance our knowledge of this relationship by conducting a comparative analysis across three countries, across regions and cities, as well as in the local organisational context of school communities, and using three complementary methodological approaches. First, the Ethnic Diversity and Collective Action Survey (EDCAS) across local populations in 74 selected regions in Germany, France, and the Netherlands with a total sample size of 10 200 allowed comparisons of cities with different levels of ethnic diversity and different policy approaches to deal with immigration. Second, case studies on parental participation in schools in Berlin and Lyon provided qualitative insight into the processes behind ethnic diversity effects. Finally, survey, online and field experiments with local residents were conducted to investigate the causal mechanisms behind these effects. Results presented in the paper refer only to the German data.

CHARTER 77 REGARDED AND PROCLAIMED ITSELF AS AN INDEPENDENT CITIZENS' CAMPAIGN. AT THE OUTSET, IT DELIBERATELY REFUTED THE ALLEGATION THAT IT SOUGHT TO BE A POLITICAL PARTY. IT WAS BLINDINGLY CLEAR THAT IT HAD NONE OF THE MEANS TO BECOME ONE. THERE IS NOTHING ILLEGAL OR ANTI-STATE IN THE IDEA OF A VOLUNTARY MOVEMENT OF CITIZENS TO DEFEND HUMAN RIGHTS AND CIVIL LIBERTIES. ON THE CONTRARY, THE CREATION OF THE CHARTER, JUST LIKE ITS DECLARED AIMS, WAS FULLY IN ACCORD WITH THE LETTER OF THE STATE CONSTITUTION AND THE FREEDOMS WHICH, ON PAPER, OUR STATE GUARANTEED OUR CITIZENS WHEN IT ENDORSED THE HUMAN RIGHTS CONVENTIONS AND THE HELSINKI AGREEMENT, AND COMMITTED ITSELF INTERNATIONALLY TO ENSURING THEIR IMPLEMENTATION IN RESPECT OF ITS OWN CITIZENS. IF YOU READ THE FIRST TEXT OF THE CHARTER, I.E. ITS PROCLAMATION, YOU WILL FIND THAT, APART FROM ITS DETAILING OF PROVEN INSTANCES OF ACTUAL WRONGS DONE TO CITIZENS IN CONTRAVENTION OF THE UNDERTAKINGS AND GUARANTEES OF EXISTING LEGISLATION, IT IS COMPOSED IN ITS ENTIRETY OF QUOTATIONS OF PASSAGES FROM THE STATE CONSTITUTION AND REFERENCES TO THE PRINCIPLES EMBODIED BOTH THEREIN AND IN THE INTERNATIONAL AGREEMENTS ENDORSED BY THE STATE. THEREFORE, IT WAS A POLITICAL MISTAKE OF THE FIRST ORDER FOR THE POWERS THAT BE TO HAVE REJECTED FROM THE OUTSET THE DIALOGUE PROPOSED BY THE CHARTER. THEIR MISTAKE WAS EVEN GRAVER BECAUSE THAT DIALOGUE WAS CHIEFLY IN THEIR OWN INTEREST. AFTER ALL, NOT ONLY WOULD IT HAVE BEEN POSSIBLE, BUT IT WOULD PY: 1985

The Article is dedicated to the study of the problematic issues of the EastUkrainian conflict. The Article proves that the conflict has a complex nature, including the discursive one. One of the sources in which the discursive methods construct and constantly "feed up" the conflict is the mass media: press, television and radio broadcasting of "people's republics", and the Internet resources thereof. In terms of content the information provided in these sources can be metaphorically described as the discourse of insults and abuse. The main claims of Donbass against Ukraine can be reduced to the following positions:1) Failure to comply with the laws of Ukraine by itself, that is, the legal voluntarism and decision-making on the basis of revolutionary expediency (overthrow of President V. Yanukovych is a coup d'état, and further political decisions of the Ukrainian authorities shall be taken by illegitimate president);2) Unacceptable organization of the Ukrainian political space and encroachment on the valuable constant of the "Russian world";3) Violation of the human basic rights - the right to life (shelling of cities L/DNR, restriction of freedom of movement and the introduction of access control in the ATO zone); 4) Ukraine's failure to comply with the provisions of the Minsk agreements (failure to comply with the eighth paragraph of this document, which relates to the stabilization of the social aspects of the society in certain areas of the Donetsk and Lugansk regions - non-payment of pensions and social benefits in the territory of the republics).5) Encroachment on the sacred - the Great Victory (degradation of values of the Great Victory in the eyes both of the citizens of Ukraine and citizens of the republics);6) L/DNR economic blockade.Ukraine has to critically re-think these claims, point out to reasonableness or inconsistency, and to rationalize. Certainly, among the aforementioned provisions there are those, who want to ignore: by virtue of their hostility, their implementation is not compatible with the existence of the Ukrainian state. Others do have serious grounds. They shall be the subject of reflection although for the fact so that the content of these claims is not pushed into the collective unconscious, and would not stop in the future to build joint relations on sound grounds. ; Статья посвящена изучению проблемных вопросов восточноукраинского конфликта. В статье доказывается, что конфликт имеет сложную природу, в том числе и дискурсивную. В фокусе рассмотрения являются претензии Донбасса к Украине, которые вербализованы в прессе ОРДЛО. Претензии условно можно выделить в две группы: духовные и социальные. ; Стаття присвячена вивченню проблемних питань східноукраїнського конфлікту. В статті доводиться, що конфлікт має складну природу, в тому числі й дискурсивну. У фокусі розгляду постають претензії Донбасу до України, які вербализовані в пресі ОРДЛО. Претензії умовно можна поділити на дві групи:духовні і соціальні.

The small Central European powers, (re)born in the aftermath of World War I on the basis of a forty-eighter nationalist discourse of freedom of peoples to self-determination, but with a political personal marked by the conservative and business-minded nationalism of Bismarckian Realpolitik and an intellectual world already sensitive to a modernizing ideological mix of nationalist mobilization, hygienist social engineering and aggressive ethnic preference. Therefore, these countries appear much more than mere objects, victims of the two totalitarian regimes that frame their space geographically and their fate chronologically during the "century of extremes". As such, Romania is iconic, having massively generated between the two world wars the home-grown politicians of right-wing extremism with a strong fascist trend capable of integrating imperialist and genocidal Nazis projects. Then, after a period of imposed Stalinism, it has developed a model of national-communism mixing productivist Stalinist voluntarism, ultranationalist mobilization recycling old fascist ideologues conveniently out of prisons, state interference into the innermost social life and a heterodox diplomatic model able to attract Western partners. Finally, after 1989, democratization and transition in a difficult economic context favored the continuation of populism in many shapes, including with explicit references to fascism and national-communism - sometimes with the same staff - despite the adoption of rules and institutions necessary for integration of very poorly demanding euro-Atlantic structures. ; Les petites puissances centre-européennes (re)naissent au lendemain de la Première Guerre mondiale sur la base d'un discours nationaliste quarante-huitard de liberté des peuples à disposer d'eux-mêmes, mais avec un personnel politique marqué par le nationalisme conservateur et affairiste de la Realpolitik bismarckienne et un monde intellectuel déjà sensible à un mix idéologique modernisateur fait de mobilisation nationaliste, d'ingénierie sociale hygiéniste et de préférence ethnique agressive. Dès lors, ces pays apparaissent bien davantage que de simples objets, victimes des deux totalitarismes qui encadrent géographiquement leur espace et chronologiquement leur destin durant le " siècle des extrêmes ". À ce titre, la Roumanie est emblématique, ayant massivement généré entre les deux guerres mondiales le personnel politique autochtone d'un extrémisme de droite avec une forte composante fasciste capable de s'intégrer aux projets impérialistes et génocidaires nazis. Puis, après une phase de stalinisme imposé, elle a élaboré un modèle de national-communisme mêlant volontarisme productiviste stalinien, ultranationalisme mobilisateur recyclant les anciens idéologues fascistes opportunément sortis des prisons, immixtion étatique jusque dans la vie la plus intime de la société et modèle diplomatique hétérodoxe sachant séduire les partenaires occidentaux. Enfin, après 1989, la démocratisation et la transition dans un contexte socioéconomique difficile ont favorisé la continuité d'un populisme aux formes multiples, y compris avec des références explicites au fascisme et au national-communisme - avec reprise du personnel parfois -, malgré l'adoption des institutions et des règles nécessaires aux intégrations de structures euro-atlantiques fort peu regardantes.

The small Central European powers, (re)born in the aftermath of World War I on the basis of a forty-eighter nationalist discourse of freedom of peoples to self-determination, but with a political personal marked by the conservative and business-minded nationalism of Bismarckian Realpolitik and an intellectual world already sensitive to a modernizing ideological mix of nationalist mobilization, hygienist social engineering and aggressive ethnic preference. Therefore, these countries appear much more than mere objects, victims of the two totalitarian regimes that frame their space geographically and their fate chronologically during the "century of extremes". As such, Romania is iconic, having massively generated between the two world wars the home-grown politicians of right-wing extremism with a strong fascist trend capable of integrating imperialist and genocidal Nazis projects. Then, after a period of imposed Stalinism, it has developed a model of national-communism mixing productivist Stalinist voluntarism, ultranationalist mobilization recycling old fascist ideologues conveniently out of prisons, state interference into the innermost social life and a heterodox diplomatic model able to attract Western partners. Finally, after 1989, democratization and transition in a difficult economic context favored the continuation of populism in many shapes, including with explicit references to fascism and national-communism - sometimes with the same staff - despite the adoption of rules and institutions necessary for integration of very poorly demanding euro-Atlantic structures. ; Les petites puissances centre-européennes (re)naissent au lendemain de la Première Guerre mondiale sur la base d'un discours nationaliste quarante-huitard de liberté des peuples à disposer d'eux-mêmes, mais avec un personnel politique marqué par le nationalisme conservateur et affairiste de la Realpolitik bismarckienne et un monde intellectuel déjà sensible à un mix idéologique modernisateur fait de mobilisation nationaliste, d'ingénierie sociale hygiéniste et de préférence ethnique agressive. Dès lors, ces pays apparaissent bien davantage que de simples objets, victimes des deux totalitarismes qui encadrent géographiquement leur espace et chronologiquement leur destin durant le " siècle des extrêmes ". À ce titre, la Roumanie est emblématique, ayant massivement généré entre les deux guerres mondiales le personnel politique autochtone d'un extrémisme de droite avec une forte composante fasciste capable de s'intégrer aux projets impérialistes et génocidaires nazis. Puis, après une phase de stalinisme imposé, elle a élaboré un modèle de national-communisme mêlant volontarisme productiviste stalinien, ultranationalisme mobilisateur recyclant les anciens idéologues fascistes opportunément sortis des prisons, immixtion étatique jusque dans la vie la plus intime de la société et modèle diplomatique hétérodoxe sachant séduire les partenaires occidentaux. Enfin, après 1989, la démocratisation et la transition dans un contexte socioéconomique difficile ont favorisé la continuité d'un populisme aux formes multiples, y compris avec des références explicites au fascisme et au national-communisme - avec reprise du personnel parfois -, malgré l'adoption des institutions et des règles nécessaires aux intégrations de structures euro-atlantiques fort peu regardantes.

The small Central European powers, (re)born in the aftermath of World War I on the basis of a forty-eighter nationalist discourse of freedom of peoples to self-determination, but with a political personal marked by the conservative and business-minded nationalism of Bismarckian Realpolitik and an intellectual world already sensitive to a modernizing ideological mix of nationalist mobilization, hygienist social engineering and aggressive ethnic preference. Therefore, these countries appear much more than mere objects, victims of the two totalitarian regimes that frame their space geographically and their fate chronologically during the "century of extremes". As such, Romania is iconic, having massively generated between the two world wars the home-grown politicians of right-wing extremism with a strong fascist trend capable of integrating imperialist and genocidal Nazis projects. Then, after a period of imposed Stalinism, it has developed a model of national-communism mixing productivist Stalinist voluntarism, ultranationalist mobilization recycling old fascist ideologues conveniently out of prisons, state interference into the innermost social life and a heterodox diplomatic model able to attract Western partners. Finally, after 1989, democratization and transition in a difficult economic context favored the continuation of populism in many shapes, including with explicit references to fascism and national-communism - sometimes with the same staff - despite the adoption of rules and institutions necessary for integration of very poorly demanding euro-Atlantic structures. ; Les petites puissances centre-européennes (re)naissent au lendemain de la Première Guerre mondiale sur la base d'un discours nationaliste quarante-huitard de liberté des peuples à disposer d'eux-mêmes, mais avec un personnel politique marqué par le nationalisme conservateur et affairiste de la Realpolitik bismarckienne et un monde intellectuel déjà sensible à un mix idéologique modernisateur fait de mobilisation nationaliste, d'ingénierie sociale hygiéniste et de préférence ethnique agressive. Dès lors, ces pays apparaissent bien davantage que de simples objets, victimes des deux totalitarismes qui encadrent géographiquement leur espace et chronologiquement leur destin durant le " siècle des extrêmes ". À ce titre, la Roumanie est emblématique, ayant massivement généré entre les deux guerres mondiales le personnel politique autochtone d'un extrémisme de droite avec une forte composante fasciste capable de s'intégrer aux projets impérialistes et génocidaires nazis. Puis, après une phase de stalinisme imposé, elle a élaboré un modèle de national-communisme mêlant volontarisme productiviste stalinien, ultranationalisme mobilisateur recyclant les anciens idéologues fascistes opportunément sortis des prisons, immixtion étatique jusque dans la vie la plus intime de la société et modèle diplomatique hétérodoxe sachant séduire les partenaires occidentaux. Enfin, après 1989, la démocratisation et la transition dans un contexte socioéconomique difficile ont favorisé la continuité d'un populisme aux formes multiples, y compris avec des références explicites au fascisme et au national-communisme - avec reprise du personnel parfois -, malgré l'adoption des institutions et des règles nécessaires aux intégrations de structures euro-atlantiques fort peu regardantes.

The small Central European powers, (re)born in the aftermath of World War I on the basis of a forty-eighter nationalist discourse of freedom of peoples to self-determination, but with a political personal marked by the conservative and business-minded nationalism of Bismarckian Realpolitik and an intellectual world already sensitive to a modernizing ideological mix of nationalist mobilization, hygienist social engineering and aggressive ethnic preference. Therefore, these countries appear much more than mere objects, victims of the two totalitarian regimes that frame their space geographically and their fate chronologically during the "century of extremes". As such, Romania is iconic, having massively generated between the two world wars the home-grown politicians of right-wing extremism with a strong fascist trend capable of integrating imperialist and genocidal Nazis projects. Then, after a period of imposed Stalinism, it has developed a model of national-communism mixing productivist Stalinist voluntarism, ultranationalist mobilization recycling old fascist ideologues conveniently out of prisons, state interference into the innermost social life and a heterodox diplomatic model able to attract Western partners. Finally, after 1989, democratization and transition in a difficult economic context favored the continuation of populism in many shapes, including with explicit references to fascism and national-communism - sometimes with the same staff - despite the adoption of rules and institutions necessary for integration of very poorly demanding euro-Atlantic structures. ; Les petites puissances centre-européennes (re)naissent au lendemain de la Première Guerre mondiale sur la base d'un discours nationaliste quarante-huitard de liberté des peuples à disposer d'eux-mêmes, mais avec un personnel politique marqué par le nationalisme conservateur et affairiste de la Realpolitik bismarckienne et un monde intellectuel déjà sensible à un mix idéologique modernisateur fait de mobilisation nationaliste, d'ingénierie sociale hygiéniste et de préférence ethnique agressive. Dès lors, ces pays apparaissent bien davantage que de simples objets, victimes des deux totalitarismes qui encadrent géographiquement leur espace et chronologiquement leur destin durant le " siècle des extrêmes ". À ce titre, la Roumanie est emblématique, ayant massivement généré entre les deux guerres mondiales le personnel politique autochtone d'un extrémisme de droite avec une forte composante fasciste capable de s'intégrer aux projets impérialistes et génocidaires nazis. Puis, après une phase de stalinisme imposé, elle a élaboré un modèle de national-communisme mêlant volontarisme productiviste stalinien, ultranationalisme mobilisateur recyclant les anciens idéologues fascistes opportunément sortis des prisons, immixtion étatique jusque dans la vie la plus intime de la société et modèle diplomatique hétérodoxe sachant séduire les partenaires occidentaux. Enfin, après 1989, la démocratisation et la transition dans un contexte socioéconomique difficile ont favorisé la continuité d'un populisme aux formes multiples, y compris avec des références explicites au fascisme et au national-communisme - avec reprise du personnel parfois -, malgré l'adoption des institutions et des règles nécessaires aux intégrations de structures euro-atlantiques fort peu regardantes.

Si entendemos a la extensión como lo que reflejan las definiciones que adoptaron universidades latinoamericanas en los últimos años, vemos que la vieja concepción de la extensión como acción extramuros, como servicio o como una mera transferencia de información (hecha idea o artefacto) fue reemplazada por concepciones más inclusivas, horizontales e integradoras. El concepto de "doble vía" es crucial en este contexto. Sin embargo, en términos prácticos, ni los presupuestos crecientes –siempre escasos-, ni las definiciones –con una carga de intencionalidad y voluntarismo muy grandes-, ni las políticas –poniendo el acento en actividades de lo más diversas- parecen alcanzar. En este sentido, ¿por qué no debatir sobre categorías instaladas y deconstruir incluso lo que parece haberse naturalizado de la doble vía? ¿Tenemos que pensar a la "doble vía" como un límite o la podemos considerar, hoy, como una transición hacia una mirada más profunda que involucre nuevas discusiones? ¿Qué herramientas conceptuales tenemosa disposición para llevar a cabo prácticas extensionistas críticas y coherentes con los desafíos actuales? Proponemos una mirada problematizadora de la formación de las y los agentes de extensión y más allá del "deber ser" de las definiciones hoy políticamente correctas en la bibliografía más reciente. En definitiva, queremos identificar ciertas naturalizaciones y proponer una mirada crítica, referidas a: a) los sistemas de conocimiento, b) políticas y política; c) género y d) las cuestiones medioambientales. Explorar este recorte para reflexionar sobre los fundamentos actuales de la extensión es un ejercicio que pretende nutrir las intervenciones, pero sobre todo las iniciativas de formación de quienes llevan a cabo acciones de extensión. ; In recent years, Latin American universities have replaced the old conception of extension as an extra-wall action (service or a mere transfer of information) by more inclusive, horizontal and integrative conceptions. The concept of "double track" is crucial in this context. However, in practical terms, neither the budgets, always scarce, or the definitions, with a very large load of intentionality and voluntarism, nor the policies, emphasizing the most diverse activities, seem to be sufficient. Why not discuss installed categories and deconstruct even what seems to have been naturalized? Do we have to think of the "double track" as a limit or can we consider it, today, as a transition to a deeper look that involves new discussions? What conceptual framework is available to carry out extension practices coherent with the current challenges? We propose problematizing the formation of extension agents beyond the "must be" of the politically correct definitions. In brief, we want to identify certain naturalizations and to propose a critical view, referring to: a) knowledge systems, b) policies and politics; c) gender issues and d) environmental issues. Exploring this, to reflect on the current theoretical basis of extension is an exercise that aims to nurture interventions, but above all, enhance education and training initiatives of those who carry out extension actions. ; Facultad de Ciencias Agrarias y Forestales

This paper examines imaginaries of work and labor in "open technology" projects (especially open source software and hackerspaces), based on ethnographic research in North America. It zeroes in on "diversity initiatives" within open technology projects. These initiatives are important because they expose many of the assumptions and tensions that surround participatory cultures. On the one hand, these projects and spaces are organized around voluntarism; in theory, everyone who wishes to participate is welcome to do so. On the other hand, diversity initiatives form in order to address the "problem" of imbalance in the ranks of participants. Technology is a unique domain for the discharge of political energies. In collective imagination, it has been vested with the power to initiate change (even as this belief obscures the role of social and economic relations). Multiple ideas circulate about the relationships between diversity in open technology projects and paid labor. This paper argues that in part due to the legacy of technical hobbies as training grounds for technical employment for much of the twentieth century, as documented by historians of radio (Douglas, 1987; Haring, 2006), voluntaristic technology projects are vexed sites for imagining political emancipation. To a large degree, diversity initiatives in open technology projects are consistent with corporate values of diversity as a marketplace value. At the same time, collectivity formations around technology that incorporate feminist, antiracist, or social justice framings may begin to generate connections between diversity advocacy in tech fields and social justice movements or policy changes in order to effect deep social change. ; Este trabalho examina imaginários sobre trabalhar e do trabalho em projetos de "tecnologia aberta" (especialmente os softwares livres e hackerspaces), a partir de pesquisa etnográfica na América do Norte. Centra em "iniciativas de diversidade" dentro de projetos de tecnologia aberta. Essas iniciativas são importantes porque expõe muitas das ideias e tensões que circunscrevem culturas participativas. Por um lado, estes projetos e espaços são organizados voluntariamente; em teoria, qualquer um que deseja participar é bem vindo. Por outro, iniciativas de diversidade se foram para lidar com o "problema" do desequilíbrio entre os participantes. A tecnologia é o único espaço para descarregar as tensões políticas. Na imaginação coletiva, tem sido vista com o poder de iniciar mudança (mesmo essa crença obscurece o papel das relações sociais e economias). Múltiplas ideias circulam sobre as relações entre diversidade em projetos de tecnologia abertos e trabalho remunerado. Este artigo aponta que em parte por causa do legado de hobbies técnicos como espaços de treino para o trabalho técnico em grande parte do século vinte, como documento pelos historiadores do rádio (Douglas, 1987; Haring, 2006), projetos tecnológicos voluntários são espaços para imaginar a emancipação política. Em grande parte, iniciativas de diversidade em projetos tecnológicos abertos são consistentes com valores corporativos de diversidade e valor de mercado. Ao mesmo tempo, formações coletivas em tecnologia que incorporam perspectivas feministas, anti-racistas, ou justiça social podem começar a gerar conexões entre advocacy de diversidade em campos tecnológicos e movimentos de justiça social ou mudanças políticas visando uma profunda mudança social.

This paper examines imaginaries of work and labor in "open technology" projects (especially open source software and hackerspaces), based on ethnographic research in North America. It zeroes in on "diversity initiatives" within open technology projects. These initiatives are important because they expose many of the assumptions and tensions that surround participatory cultures. On the one hand, these projects and spaces are organized around voluntarism; in theory, everyone who wishes to participate is welcome to do so. On the other hand, diversity initiatives form in order to address the "problem" of imbalance in the ranks of participants. Technology is a unique domain for the discharge of political energies. In collective imagination, it has been vested with the power to initiate change (even as this belief obscures the role of social and economic relations). Multiple ideas circulate about the relationships between diversity in open technology projects and paid labor. This paper argues that in part due to the legacy of technical hobbies as training grounds for technical employment for much of the twentieth century, as documented by historians of radio (Douglas, 1987; Haring, 2006), voluntaristic technology projects are vexed sites for imagining political emancipation. To a large degree, diversity initiatives in open technology projects are consistent with corporate values of diversity as a marketplace value. At the same time, collectivity formations around technology that incorporate feminist, antiracist, or social justice framings may begin to generate connections between diversity advocacy in tech fields and social justice movements or policy changes in order to effect deep social change. ; Este trabalho examina imaginários sobre trabalhar e do trabalho em projetos de "tecnologia aberta" (especialmente os softwares livres e hackerspaces), a partir de pesquisa etnográfica na América do Norte. Centra em "iniciativas de diversidade" dentro de projetos de tecnologia aberta. Essas iniciativas são importantes porque expõe muitas das ideias e tensões que circunscrevem culturas participativas. Por um lado, estes projetos e espaços são organizados voluntariamente; em teoria, qualquer um que deseja participar é bem vindo. Por outro, iniciativas de diversidade se foram para lidar com o "problema" do desequilíbrio entre os participantes. A tecnologia é o único espaço para descarregar as tensões políticas. Na imaginação coletiva, tem sido vista com o poder de iniciar mudança (mesmo essa crença obscurece o papel das relações sociais e economias). Múltiplas ideias circulam sobre as relações entre diversidade em projetos de tecnologia abertos e trabalho remunerado. Este artigo aponta que em parte por causa do legado de hobbies técnicos como espaços de treino para o trabalho técnico em grande parte do século vinte, como documento pelos historiadores do rádio (Douglas, 1987; Haring, 2006), projetos tecnológicos voluntários são espaços para imaginar a emancipação política. Em grande parte, iniciativas de diversidade em projetos tecnológicos abertos são consistentes com valores corporativos de diversidade e valor de mercado. Ao mesmo tempo, formações coletivas em tecnologia que incorporam perspectivas feministas, anti-racistas, ou justiça social podem começar a gerar conexões entre advocacy de diversidade em campos tecnológicos e movimentos de justiça social ou mudanças políticas visando uma profunda mudança social.

В статье рассматриваются теоретические вопросы юридической конфликтологии, правового положения медиатора и его роли в альтернативном разрешении конфликтов, а также правовые вопросы реализации процедуры медиации в Российской Федерации. Объектом исследования являются возможности медиатора в оказании квалифицированной юридической помощи. Предмет исследования составляют теоретические представления о сущности способов альтернативного разрешения споров, примирительных процедур, роли медиатора при оказании квалифицированной юридической помощи доверителям, а также нормы национального и международного права, регламентирующие вопросы подготовки квалифицированных специалистов в области медиации и деятельностью медиатора в урегулировании юридических конфликтов. Также в статье анализируются принципы его деятельности в законодательном и до-ктринальном выражении; подчеркивается неоднозначность подходов в определении их системы в российском и европейском законодательстве и в научной литературе; более подробно характеризуются принципы добровольности, конфиденциальности, независимости и беспристрастности медиатора, его профессионализма; отмечается целесообразность выделения принципа ответственности в медиации с ее пониманием как в позитивном, так в негативном аспектах. Принципы медиации выступают в качестве исходных факторов статуса медиатора, в том числе в его функциональном выражении. Характеристика функций медиатора приводится в статье на основе анализа конфликтологической литературы, поскольку легально они не получили четкого оформления. В статье освещаются следующие функции: организационная, аналитическая, контрольная, а также активного слушания, генерации идей, расширения ресурсов, сохранения психологического климата и обучения; отмечается возможность обособления побуждающей (стимулирующей) функции медиатора. На основании результатов проведенного анализа авторами предпринимается попытка конкретизации положения медиатора в процедуре урегулирования юридических конфликтов. ; The theme of the present article covers the theoretical issues of legal conflicts, alternative dispute resolution, the legal position of a mediator and its role in conflict resolution, as well as legal issues in the implementation of Russian mediation procedure. The investigation is concerned with mediator possibilities in providing of qualified legal assistance. Theoretical concepts of the nature of ways of alternative dispute resolution, mediation procedures, the role of mediator in providing of qualified legal assistance principals are a subject of research. In addition, the study also regards the norms of national and international law regulating issues related to the preparation of qualified specialists in the field of mediation and the mediator in resolving of legal conflicts. The article analyzes the principles of the main activities of the mediator in their legislative and doctrinal terms, emphasizes ambiguous approaches in determining its system in Russian and European legislation and in scientific literature, characterized in detail the principles of voluntarism, privacy, independence and impartiality of a mediator, his professionalism. Practicability of allocating of responsibility principle in mediation with understanding of it in positive and negative aspects are noted. Principles of mediation serve the initial beginnings of mediator status, including its functional expression. Mediator characteristic functions are given in the article basing on the analysis of conflictological literature since by legal means they did not receive distinct formalization. The article highlights the organizational, analytical, control functions, the functions of active listening, generate ideas, expand resources, preservation of the psychological climate of learning. The possibility of separation of motivating (stimulating) mediator function is mentioned. The authors attempted by means of analysis specifying position mediator in the process of settlement of legal conflicts.

Статья посвящена историографическому анализу изучения реформы управления промышленностью, которая была начата по инициативе Н. Хрущева в 1957 г. с целью перехода от отраслевого принципа руководства экономикой через министерства к территориальной системе управления через советы народного хозяйства. Отмечено, что в современной украинской и российской научной литературе не сложилась однозначная оценка опыта регионализации управления промышленностью. Наблюдается довольно широкий набор рассуждений от полного отрицания реформы к сплошной ее апологии. ; The article is concerned with historiographical analysis of the research of the reform of management of industry launched at M. Khrushchev's initiative in 1957 for the purpose of switching from the field-based principle of managing the economy through the ministries to the territorial system through the Regional Economic Councils. It is possible to distinguish between four periods of accumulating historical knowledge of the reform of management of industry by the Soviet humanities: the first period since the beginning of the research in the late 1950s till M. Khrushchev's demise; the second period -since the mid 1960s till the late 1980s; the third period since the late 1980s till the early 1990s; the fourth period which began in 1991and is going on nowadays. The research of the first period concerned with the aforementioned transformation is distinguished by being appreciably obsolete. In the second period the research was rapidly developing due to the voluntarism with which Brezhnev's government was challenging most of M. Khrushchev's reforms. Since the beginning of the third period this novation was rejected as an absolutely administrative one. In the fourth period the research of the Regional Economic Councils was slowly developing in two independent fields, such as research of the economic policy and research of the Regional Economic Councils as territorial agencies of management of industry. During the third and the fourth periods the research of the reformation of the management system undergoes influence of western researchers' observations, including the observations presented by emigrants from Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic and representatives of the Ukrainian diaspora (Y. Bilinsky, B. Vynar I. Maistrenko, G. Boffa, A. Katsenelinboigen, N. Werth, G. Hosking). Foreign scientists were the first to see M. Khrushchev's desire to gain support of the regions in order to undercut the ministries' influence along with the desire to resolve the economic problems. A characteristic feature of the fourth period was the advent of the memoirs by representatives of the Ukrainian republican political and governmental establishment, such as O. Liashko and I. Pogribniak which are distinguished by viewing the reformation carried out in M. Khrushchev's epoch from the view point of the Ukrainian interests. It is noteworthy that there is no unambiguous evaluation of the experience of the regional industry in Ukrainian (O. Voroshylov, P. Gordiienko, V. Baran, V. Danylenko, O. Danylin, A. Sarzhan, O. Garmash, L. Krutova, O. Reshetniak, A. Buzhdezhan) and Russian (I. Blagykh, O. Leibovych, V. Shestakov) scientific literature of the fourth historiographical period. Rather a wide range of observations is observed: from challenging the very fact of the reform to considering it to be an absolute apology.