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A revised version of SA 42:7/94S28222/ISA/1994/8483. 1 Figure, 40 References.

Effective practice in a global world requires knowledge and understanding of diverse cultures. Most social workers around the world are committed to values and policies that enhance the well‐being of especially vulnerable populations and that protect their human rights. However, not all cultural practices or policies place the same value on human rights and the protection of vulnerable populations, a situation that may result in conflicts for social workers, who have an ethical obligation to advocate for human rights as well as to be sensitive to their clients' cultural contexts. Based on multidisciplinary research and contemporary examples of gender discrimination, forced marriages, child labor, and female genital mutilation, this article proposes resolutions to this conflict. It concludes by suggesting practices and policies that might help social workers to strike an effective balance between cultural diversity and the promotion of human rights.Key Practitioner Message: ● Social workers are best placed to understand individuals and communities within their various cultural contexts; ● Social work practice and policy should be sensitive to cultural practices that may undermine human rights and the well‐being of vulnerable populations; ● Guided by professional values and ethics, social workers can assume the roles of educator and advocate in enhancing the rights of individuals.

Although the notion of international social work is not new, it is only in recent times that its central premises have been in focus. Considering diverse ongoing globalisation processes and in regard to the weakening of the national welfare state, social work must tackle the challenge of redefining its role and mission if it is to remain true to its professional commitments. The emergence of new global regions and the globalisation of local social problems make the consolidation of democracy and human rights, the prevention of conflicts and the promotion of solidarity and peace through global cultural integration some of the main concerns of international social work. In this article, international social work is discussed as a project of partnership between diverse social actors such as practitioners, universities and local governments cooperating beyond the boundaries of the nation‐state.

International audience ; Since the beginning of the twentieth century, when the concept of "Well-being" has found its new place in economics, the welfare economics, has since consisted of evaluating economic situations, and mainly, the terms of distribution. The debate that was before is only about the measurement of value and utility. Happiness, or well-being, was synonymous with anything that provides satisfaction without necessarily being "useful", yet the relativity of measuring utility was simplified by cumulative aggregation. Indeed, collective well-being represents the sum of the levels of well-being (or utility) of the individuals who make up the community considered. The useful is therefore anything that contributes to maximizing social well-being.Utilitarianism, through functions of marginal utility, has made it possible to identify the optimum of collective and social well-being. On the other hand, and according to the principle of maximization of the sum of well-being, the hypothesis of an equitable distribution of shares, in particular of income between the members of a society, requires that the marginal gain in well-being, in the allocation of resources to different individuals, ie the same everywhere. The fundamental and recapitulated matrix of utilitarianism was uttered by Jeremy Bentham: "The greatest happiness of the greatest number is the measure of just and unjust." The utilitarian doctrine was therefore crucial in the development of several theories in economic and social sciences. We cite in particular the theory of justice. The latter stipulates according to its founder John Rawls, that Men are too egocentric and selfish to determine the principles of fair and equitable distribution of wealth: they seek only to derive their own benefit.Through a theoretical base which presents the economy of well-being, and the theory of justice, our article will deal with the problem of economic inequalities and its perspectives on the attainment of social well-being, in its most extreme ideal's ...

The Coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic has had adverse effects on the health and socio-economic lives of people all over the world. These effects could be disproportionately felt by vulnerable populations of which conflict-induced internally displaced persons (IDPs) are part of. While attention is often focused on the effect of the pandemic on other populations, vulnerable populations like the IDPs are often neglected. This article fills this gap by examining the state of conflict-induced IDPs in conflict-ridden Borno State of Nigeria in the face of the pandemic. The article adopts an exploratory research design and the qualitative method, using primary data sourced from semi-structured interviews, and analyses the data using discourse analysis. Findings show that given the living conditions in the IDP camps, social/physical distancing was difficult to practice, that special measures were put in place to protect IDPs from contracting the virus; that the lockdown occasioned by COVID-19 had an adverse effect on the welfare of IDPs; and that the pandemic brought new health and safety challenges in the IDP camps, but not security challenges. The article concludes that the pandemic had adversely impacted the lives of conflict-induced IDPs, albeit, it had not spread among them.

Introduction: Children are influenced by different environments – home, friends, school, community, society, and the existence and availability of various services – and child well-being is the outcome of the interrelationships between the child and these environments. The military is one of the environments that shapes the well-being of children in military families, and the environments interact with each other. Methods: Our main assumption is that the effect of military environment on child well-being may vary in different societies depending on the general social security system. We describe how the military children's well-being is embedded in military systems, which in turn is embedded in welfare state. The main question is how the well-being of children from military families varies across countries and how much variation can be explained by the interplay between military systems and different welfare regimes. Results: We begin by describing the differences in welfare states and military systems, and then give a short overview of children's well-being in the context of different welfare regimes (e.g., availability of public child care, health care, and access to education and extracurricular activities). Discussion: Next, we look at the interplay between the military and welfare regimes and, finally, we show how the well-being of military children is supported across countries by their different welfare regimes.

Despite its centrality to contemporary inequality, working poverty is often popularly discussed but rarely studied by sociologists. Using the Luxembourg Income Study, we analyze whether an individual is working poor across 18 affluent democracies circa 2000. We demonstrate that working poverty does not simply mirror overall poverty and that there is greater cross-national variation in working than overall poverty. We then examine four explanations for working poverty: demographic characteristics, economic performance, unified theory, and welfare generosity. We utilize Heckman probit models to jointly model the likelihood of employment and poverty among the employed. Our analyses provide the least support for the economic performance explanation. There is modest support for unified theory as unionization reduces working poverty in some models. However, most of these effects appear to be mediated by welfare generosity. More substantial evidence exists for the demographic characteristics and welfare generosity explanations. An individual's likelihood of being working poor can be explained by a) a lack of multiple earners or other adults in one's household, low education, single motherhood, having children and youth; and b) the generosity of the welfare state in which he or she resides. Also, welfare generosity does not undermine employment and reduces working poverty even among demographically vulnerable groups. Ultimately, we encourage a greater role for the welfare state in debates about working poverty.

Este trabajo es uno de los frutos de las actividades preparatorias del proyecto de investigación "Reformas en el Estado de Bienestar: actores y apoyos ciudadanos (REBAAC), http://www.iesam.csic.es/proyecto/rebaac-en.htm, dirigido por el profesor Luis Moreno. Una versión anterior fue presentada en Barcelona (España) durante Congreso Nacional de Ciencia Política en septiembre de 2003 y se ha beneficiado de los comentarios realizados por los integrantes del taller de Políticas Sociales Comparadas, en especial, de Elisa Chuliá. También agradezco sus valiosos comentarios a Luis Moreno y a César Colino. ; From the 1970s on there has been continuous discussion about the Welfare States crisis, followed in the next decade by a concern with welfare reform. Some very significant and influential studies and research argued that the force of some immovable objects had provoked that welfare state reform was only incremental, limited to adjustment of some welfare institutions or programmes. New empirical evidence, however, has established the occurrence of deeper reforms in welfare going beyond incremental changes. In this article I discuss the concept of reform and its scope. Additionally, I try to analyse what are the facilitating conditions and what strategies have been utilized by reformist governments to guarantee success and avoid the resistance to change of public opinion, the interest group, the institutions and the existing welfare policies.

Incorrectly called pt. 1 on spine. ; Shipping list no.: 97-0001-P. ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This article examines gubernatorial agenda attention to social welfare and health‐care policy, assessing the extent to which liberal agenda attention is a function of state politics and policy needs. Using data collected through content analysis of state of the state speeches from 2000 to 2007 across the 50 states, I show that gubernatorial agenda attention is a function of a number of policy demand indicators, including gubernatorial party identification, state legislative party control, and policy needs as measured using state environmental characteristics. The results also suggest that Democratic and Republican governors react differently to their environments when constructing their agendas. The models of gubernatorial agenda attention show that state‐level agenda setting is a complicated process driven by both demand for public policy, as well as constraints acting against a governor's desire to devote attention to specific policies.Related Articles:"Issue Salience, Party Strength, and the Adoption of Health‐Care Expansion Efforts." (2012) http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2011.00340.x/abstract"The Interpretive Process of Agenda‐Building: A Research Design for Public Policy." (2002) http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2002.tb00632.x/abstract"Agenda Setting at the State Level: The Neutralization of Entrepreneurial Politics in Virginia's Land Use Initiative." (1994) http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.1994.tb00343.x/abstractEste artículo examina la atención de la agenda gubernamental a las políticas de seguridad social y cobertura médica, evaluando en qué medida la atención de la agenda liberal está en función de las necesidades de las políticas estatales. Usando datos recolectados mediante el análisis del contenido de discursos estatales del año 2000 al 2007 en los 50 estados, muestro como la atención de la agenda gubernamental está en función de un número de indicadores políticos, incluyendo partido gobernante, control legislativo del partido gobernante, y necesidades políticas tomando como medida el contexto político del estado. Los resultados también sugieren que los gobernadores Demócratas y Republicanos reaccionan de manera diferente al establecer sus agendas. Los modelos de atención gubernamental muestran que la creación de una agenda a nivel estatal es un proceso complicado impulsado por la demanda por políticas públicas, así como las restricciones que sobre los deseos de un gobernador de dedicar atención a políticas específicas.