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After two weeks of drama and excitement, the Democratic and the Republican National Conventions have drawn to an end, and an exhausted American public will now have to focus on the home stretch of the presidential campaign. There is general agreement that both candidates achieved their most important convention objectives. Obama re-introduced himself to America as an ordinary man, a down-to-earth candidate who understands their problems and proposes solutions, while McCain moved away from George W. Bush and re-emerged as his party's maverick: the independent, likable and trustworthy reformer that puts "the country first". In spite of the truncated schedule of the Republican National Convention due to the hurricane that hit the Gulf Coast, McCain's surprise announcement of his running mate, and his acknowledgement of his own party's mistakes in the last eight years, appear to have taken some of the wind from under Obama's wings.The most recent Gallup poll has Obama leading 44% to 40 % in voters' approval ratings, while a CBS poll has them at 40% each. It is clear that the race is now in a dead heat and that McCain has been on the rebound, narrowing down the eight percent margin that Obama had before the Conventions. Taking into account that Obama has already had his post-convention bounce, the direction of this change favoring McCain will continue. Historically, after Labor Day and the end of the two conventions, poll numbers appear to hold pretty steadily all the way up to the election, which means that, barring an "October surprise", the outcome of this election will again be too close to predict.This is an enormous accomplishment for McCain, whose candidacy was given up for dead by pundits mid-way trough the primary last year. Americans love survivors, and both his life story and his political narrative fit this characterization perfectly. Credit is given of course to the candidate himself, but also to his campaign director Rick Davis, who had the audacity to take a 180-degree turn and recast him as the candidate of change. How he did it will be a textbook example for campaign strategists in years to come.First, McCain came into the Republican Primary as too independent, too secular and too much of a critic of George W. Bush, to be chosen as the Grand Old Party's nominee. In the course of the primary campaign, he moved closer to the President, repeatedly reminding voters that in the Senate, he had voted in favor of the President's initiatives 90% of the time. A clip of this acknowledgement is being used by the Obama campaign with glee in a TV commercial that plays several times an hour in the network stations. After a terrible start, and after firing several top advisers and restructuring his whole campaign plan, he regained the confidence of the Republican voters, mainly because he was the most credible, experienced and likable of the Republican presidential candidates. These may be the same attributes that put him today in a dead heat with Obama, in spite of the lowest numbers of approval ever for the Republican Party he represents.Second, serious campaign strategic thinking went into in his choice of Vice-president and in planning the timing of this announcement. Sources close to the campaign have confirmed that, to counterbalance the perfectly choreographed Democratic Convention, the choice of Joe Biden for Vice- presidential candidate, and Obama's acceptance speech, McCain wanted to recast himself as the bipartisan candidate that reaches across the isle, and regardless of the disapproval of Republican Party stalwarts, pick Democrat Joe Lieberman, his very close friend, as his running mate. It took some serious coaxing by his staff for him to pick Sarah Palin, the little-known governor of Alaska, instead. This has so far proved to have been a very shrewd decision. With the announcement made on the next morning after Obama's acceptance speech, McCain's campaign was able to take away the momentum and the headlines from the Democrats. It was all about the Republican ticket from then on, with the Obama campaign having been unable so far, to regain the initiative. Palin's speech on the convention floor was watched by almost as many people as Obama's. She came out swinging and directly attacked Obama for his lack of experience. Her delivery was flawless, she was relaxed and funny, and the public loved her. She electrified the Republican base and injected new imagery into the Republican tableau: that of a young working mother with a family of five that enamored the pro-life voters by having knowingly had a baby with Down syndrome. The case for family values was somewhat blurred twenty-four hours later when her campaign confirmed rumors that her seventeen-year old daughter was pregnant. But Palin was able to turn this in her favor by presenting herself as a no-exceptions pro-life candidate, and thus pre-empted the avalanche of criticism that would have surely come her way from all sides. Asked for his reaction, a circumspect Obama said that the candidates' private lives should not be a topic for the presidential race and asked reporters to "back off". Finally, there was John McCain's acceptance speech that rounded up what turned out to be a positive, yet odd, week for the Republican Convention. This was the first time that an incumbent President did not attend his party's convention since Lyndon B. Johnson skipped the violence-ridden 1968 Democratic Convention in Chicago. Indeed, George W Bush made only a short appearance via satellite on the second day of the convention. His parents were there the first two days, but were conspicuously absent during McCain's speech. Vice-president Cheney was also absent throughout the three days. Senator McCain is a good communicator for smaller, town hall settings where he can speak directly to supporters, but strongly dislikes reading prepared speeches from the teleprompter to big audiences. The Convention hall was thus rearranged for his speech, to give the impression of a smaller venue, with the Republican delegates closer to him. But it was a fifty-minute long speech so he did have to read it. Although not a magnificent speaker, he came across as sincere and credible. Some have acclaimed it as the best Republican speech since Reagan's at the 1984 Convention. It drew the strongest interest of all speeches so far this election year: it was watched by 38.9 million people, more than Obama's (38.4 million) and Palin's (37 million). It was well-structured and aimed at delivering a convincing yet circumvoluted message of change. It started with a long narrative of his life experiences as a Navy pilot and prisoner of war, then went on to offer a candid confession of his party's long list of mistakes in the last eight years, and culminated with his re-introduction to the American public as the bipartisan candidate that can find solutions, bring about change and lead the country into a more secure and prosperous future. He presented in detail a forceful narrative of his life: the son and grandson of admirals and an Annapolis graduate, he became a fighter pilot and fell prisoner of war in Vietnam. He survived the "Hanoi-Hilton", was rescued, married an Arizona heiress and became Senator for that state for thirty years. Even if nothing new, this biographical portrait reminded the audience of his patriotism, his commitment to the country, his all-American upbringing and his strength, all of which makes him a fully vetted, trustworthy, and, by implication, a better candidate than his counterpart.What surprised many observers was what an NBC analyst called his "Declaration of Independence" and later "McCain's divorce" from the Republican Party and from George Bush. The latter was mentioned only once during the speech, and even then not directly by name, when McCain thanked "the president" for his leadership after the September 11 attacks. After that came a litany of mistakes the Republicans have made in the last few years, delivered in a contrite tone and followed by very weak applause by the audience. ("We were elected to change Washington and we let Washington change us. We lost the trust of the American people when some Republicans gave in to temptations of corruption."). It was as if he had directly responded to the beckoning of the British journal The Economist who had him on its cover a week ago with the title: "Bring the Real McCain back", an allusion to the fact that during the Primary season, many of his economic and national security policies looked like another term of George Bush. The Economist preferred an earlier version of McCain that was much more independent and acceptable to their point of view. In acknowledging the errors and missed opportunities of the previous years, the "real" McCain, the maverick, was back. He recognized the corruption and the hubris of his party, and, taking a page from the Democrats' platform, promised to govern for the American people and not for private interests or lobbies: "And let me just offer an advance warning to the old, big-spending, do-nothing, me-first, country-second crowd: change is coming… to Washington."McCain had a tactical tightrope to walk: during the whole primary season, his campaign had been aggressively courting the support of the conservative, Evangelical Republican base. Having cemented that support with the choice of ultra-religious Palin, he used the opportunity of his acceptance speech to appeal to a broader audience. He broke free of the Bush legacy of budget deficits and a failed foreign policy, recast himself as the candidate of change and made his pitch for the center of the political spectrum, the independent voters and disgruntled Reagan Democrats. In the most arousing part of his address, he presented himself as the Republican leader that will bring the Grand Old Party back to its original path and restore its unity, its pride and its principles. He also stressed his bipartisanship and delivered a strong blow to Obama's claim to that same mantel, by saying," Again and again I have worked with members of both parties to fix problems…and I have the record, and the scars, to prove it. Senator Obama does not." He ended by stressing his national security experience and courage to confront enemies: "We face many dangerous threats but I am not afraid.I am prepared for them."This speech may not have been the most dynamic of the Republican Convention (Sarah Palin took the kudos for that), and it was by no means a policy speech. Instead, its greatest value was the tone in which it was delivered and the level of comfort McCain awakened in the voting public. He focused on patriotism and on reforming Washington's bad habits; he communicated a sense of confidence, credibility and competence that may have reassured many undecided voters and that made him look almost Reaganesque. While Barack Obama insists that this election will be decided based on the issues (the economy, the unpopular war), McCain contends it will be decided on which candidate has the better judgment to move the country forward. In the fifty-some days left before the election, both campaigns will focus on the "battleground states" (Ohio, Virginia, Pennsylvania and Michigan), so their messages will be narrowly tailored to those constituencies. But all voters will have another chance to take a new look at the candidates side by side on three upcoming debates, and then decide on who is better suited to lead the country in such difficult times. They will vote based on their pocketbooks and on gut feelings, on rational interests and on irrational emotions. Considering the closeness of the race, the complexity that the Electoral College injects into the process, and the fact that all political thinking is biased toward the thinker's own wishes and emotions, it is only fair for this writer to abstain from predicting the outcome. Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia

Trabajo en la Universidad Autónoma de Querétaro, en México, en su maestría y doctorado en Educación. Como profesor e investigador de prácticas y teorías educativas, encuentro un hecho socio-educativo poderoso: se sobre valora centrar el proceso educativo en el aprendizaje de los estudiantes. La actual representación docente legítima prescribe: el aprendizaje debe ser centro de educar. Tal exigencia usualmente es admitida sin mayor reparo; se justifica aduciendo que supera la llamada escuela tradicionalista, y se torna aun más irrebatible cuando al aprendizaje, se añade el adjetivo significativo. Este ensayo problematiza dicha prescripción; si bien no la descalifica, propone, para educar, actividades adicionales, a aprender. ¿Cómo lo consigue? Al criticar al sentido común docente, presenta lo que tiene de plausible para potenciarlo: moviliza frente a la ciencia que está haciéndose (aprendizaje significativo), logros de la ciencia que ya está hecha: conocer, pensar, praxis y reflexionar. En este ensayo se ofrece una explicación de esas acciones que humanizan al ser humano; la argumentación parte del análisis del pensamiento disyuntor-maniqueo que separa al estilo nuevo-tradicional, bueno-malo, y muestra que los binomios individuo-sociedad o libertad-autoridad no necesariamente expresan aporías. Alude a procesos de auto-liberación, auto-contención y a procesos democráticos. Se apoya en la concepción de educación compleja y presenta acciones educativas distintas de aprender. Concluye proponiendo una cierta educación movida por dialogar, con y para la sabiduría, sobre la base de acciones educativas de humanización, con trabajo humano y con fines humanistas. I work in Universidad Autonoma de Queretaro, in Queretaro, in the Education masters and Phd. As professor and investigator of educative practices and theories, I find powerful a socio-educative fact: It is valued to center the educative process into student's educative process. The current legitimate teaching representation states: learning must be center of educating. Such demand is usually admitted without further ado; it is justified by alleging that it superates the so-called traditional school and becomes even more irrefutable when the adjective "significative" is added to learning. This essay problematizes such statement; although it does not disqualify it, it proposes, to educate aditional activities to learning. How does it achieve it? By critizicing teaching common sense, it presents what has as plausible to enchance it: it movilizes towards science that is generating, (significative learning), achievements from science that is already made: knowing, thinking, praxis and reflecting. This essay offers an explanation of such actions that humanize a human being, the arguments start from the analysis of disyuntive-maniqueist thought that separates with a new-traditional bad-good style and shows that the binary sets person-society or freedom-authority do not necessarily espress an aporia. Alludes to processes of self-freeing, self-contention and democratic processes. It is supported in the conception of complex education and presents educative actions different from learning. It concludes proposing an education urged to dialogue with

This paper addresses the key role played by the categories of "habit" and "custom" in Edmund Burke's constitutional theory. After briefly framing the attempt to neutralize the problem of habituation in modern social contract theories (Hobbes, Rousseau, Kant), the analysis focuses on the theoretical grounds of Burke's reappraisal of custom as a decisive component of the constitutional order. Going through a scrutiny of the notions of "imitation" and "sympathy", which Burke develops in his 1757 Philosophical Enquiry concerning the beautiful and the sublime, the essay insists on the centrality of the dimension of heritage to the comprehension of the constitution understood not as a formal establishment of technical prerogatives but as the concrete system of relations articulated by stratified customary practices. This allows me to lay down the conditions for the interpretation of the problem of custom as the key to the constitution's inherent plurality – which is especially illustrated in Burke's unconventional definition of "prejudice" – thus also stressing the inseparability of such a customary social ground from the properly political process that ceaselessly reproduces the constitution as the totality of the people's common life in virtue of effective participatory institutions. ; Este trabajo aborda el rol clave jugado por las categorías de "hábito" y "costumbre" en la teoría constitucional de Edmund Burke. Tras enmarcar rápidamente el intento por neutralizar el problema de la adaptación en las teorías del contrato social modernas (Hobbes, Rousseau, Kant), el análisis se concentra en las bases teóricas de la revaluación que Burke realiza a propósito de la costumbre como un componente decisivo en el orden constitucional. A través de un escrutinio de las nociones de "imitación" y "simpatía", que Burke desarrolla respecto a lo bello y lo sublime en su Philosophical Enquiry de 1757, el ensayo insiste en la centralidad de la dimensión de la herencia para la comprensión de la constitución entendida no como un establecimiento formal de prerrogativas técnicas, sino como un sistema concreto de relaciones articuladas mediante prácticas consuetudinarias estratificadas. Esto me permite establecer las condiciones para la interpretación del problema de la costumbre como la clave para la inherente pluralidad de la constitución –que se encuentra especialmente ilustrada en la no convencional definición de "prejuicio" brindada por Burke– enfatizando así el carácter inseparable de dichas bases consuetudinarias del propio proceso político, el cual reproduce ininterrumpidamente la constitución como la totalidad de la vida común del pueblo, en virtud de instituciones que propician la participación efectiva.

Este trabajo aborda el rol clave jugado por las categorías de "hábito" y "costumbre" en la teoría constitucional de Edmund Burke. Tras enmarcar rápidamente el intento por neutralizar el problema de la adaptación en las teorías del contrato social modernas (Hobbes, Rousseau, Kant), el análisis se concentra en las bases teóricas de la revaluación que Burke realiza a propósito de la costumbre como un componente decisivo en el orden constitucional. A través de un escrutinio de las nociones de "imitación" y "simpatía", que Burke desarrolla respecto a lo bello y lo sublime en su Philosophical Enquiry de 1757, el ensayo insiste en la centralidad de la dimensión de la herencia para la comprensión de la constitución entendida no como un establecimiento formal de prerrogativas técnicas, sino como un sistema concreto de relaciones articuladas mediante prácticas consuetudinarias estratificadas. Esto me permite establecer las condiciones para la interpretación del problema de la costumbre como la clave para la inherente pluralidad de la constitución –que se encuentra especialmente ilustrada en la no convencional definición de "prejuicio" brindada por Burke– enfatizando así el carácter inseparable de dichas bases consuetudinarias del propio proceso político, el cual reproduce ininterrumpidamente la constitución como la totalidad de la vida común del pueblo, en virtud de instituciones que propician la participación efectiva. Palabras clave: Edmund Burke, constitución, hábito, costumbre, gobernanza. ABSTRACT This paper addresses the key role played by the categories of "habit" and "custom" in Edmund Burke's constitutional theory. After briefly framing the attempt to neutralize the problem of habituation in modern social contract theories (Hobbes, Rousseau, Kant), the analysis focuses on the theoretical grounds of Burke's reappraisal of custom as a decisive component of the constitutional order. Going through a scrutiny of the notions of "imitation" and "sympathy", which Burke develops in his 1757 Philosophical Enquiry concerning the beautiful and the sublime, the essay insists on the centrality of the dimension of heritage to the comprehension of the constitution understood not as a formal establishment of technical prerogatives but as the concrete system of relations articulated by stratified customary practices. This allows me to lay down the conditions for the interpretation of the problem of custom as the key to the constitution's inherent plurality – which is especially illustrated in Burke's unconventional definition of "prejudice" – thus also stressing the inseparability of such a customary social ground from the properly political process that ceaselessly reproduces the constitution as the totality of the people's common life in virtue of effective participatory institutions. Keywords: Edmund Burke, Constitution, Habit, Custom, Governance.

The famous episode of Don Quixote, that covers the account of Sancho Panza's government in the island of Barataria, gives us the opportunity and the ideal pretext to immerse ourselves into the very heart of two pivotal questions whose elucidation will enable us to widely understand the scope and depth of the Cervantine classic and the stratified society in which the narration is contextualized. The first one will be the unexpected and surprising irruption of the doctor, Pedro Recio, next to the Manchegan governor in accordance with the new status that medical practitioners have reached, close to powerful positions in Spain. The second one aimed to perceive the social stratification that explains and places us within the right context to understand both the spoken words and the governor's work in his ephemeral regency. ; El famoso episodio de El Quijote que recoge el paso de Sancho Panza por el gobierno de la Ínsula de Barataria nos ofrece la posibilidad y el pretexto idóneo para sumergirnos en dos cuestiones cardinales cuyo esclarecimiento nos permitirá lograr una comprensión de mayor alcance y profundidad del clásico cervantino y de la sociedad estamental en que se contextualiza la narración. La primera, sería la inopinada y sorprendente irrupción del médico Pedro Recio a la vera del gobernador manchego, en consonancia con el nuevo estatus que los profesionales de la medicina habían escalado, hasta situarse en puestos aledaños del poder en España. La segunda, destinada a percibir la estratificación social que nos explica y ubica en el contexto social adecuado para comprender tanto las palabras como las obras del gobernador manchego en su efímera regencia de la ínsula.

Among the letters and fragments preserved of Epicurus' thought, it is clear that he believes that the wise man must live apart from political involvement (SV 58, fr. 8). On the other hand, Epicurean philosophers need a community of friends in order to allow their reflections to fully develop. Our aim will be to evaluate the way in which the modulations of Epicurus' supposed apolitical position must be understood, in conjunction with philia. We shall propose that among Epicurus' concerns was not that of establishing the kind of link that must exist between the community of friendship and the polis as a whole, and that he simply aims to point out the harm that an active political involvementcauses to the wise man, and to give some indications on how to remain involved with the polis, but only insofar as it is convenient to preserve his ataraxía. ; Entre las cartas y fragmentos conservados de Epicuro queda claro que, en su concepción, el sabio debe apartarse de la vida política (SV 58, fr.8). Por otro lado, los filósofos necesitan de una comunidad de amistad en el marco de la cual sus reflexiones se desarrollen máximamente. Nos ocuparemos aquí de revisar la manera en que deben entenderse las modulaciones de la pretendida apoliticidad, en conjunción con la philía. Propondremos que, entre las preocupaciones de Epicuro, no estuvo la el esclarecer el tipo de vínculo que debe haber entre la comunidad de amistad y la pólis en su conjunto, procurando sólo señalar el perjuicio que causa al sabio este último ámbito, y algunas vías por las cuales puede mantener su relación con él, en orden de favorecer su tranquilidad.

Among the letters and fragments preserved of Epicurus' thought, it is clear that he believes that the wise man must live apart from political involvement (SV 58, fr. 8). On the other hand, Epicurean philosophers need a community of friends in order to allow their reflections to fully develop. Our aim will be to evaluate the way in which the modulations of Epicurus' supposed apolitical position must be understood, in conjunction with philia. We shall propose that among Epicurus' concerns was not that of establishing the kind of link that must exist between the community of friendship and the polis as a whole, and that he simply aims to point out the harm that an active political involvementcauses to the wise man, and to give some indications on how to remain involved with the polis, but only insofar as it is convenient to preserve his ataraxía. ; Entre las cartas y fragmentos conservados de Epicuro queda claro que, en su concepción, el sabio debe apartarse de la vida política (SV 58, fr.8). Por otro lado, los filósofos necesitan de una comunidad de amistad en el marco de la cual sus reflexiones se desarrollen máximamente. Nos ocuparemos aquí de revisar la manera en que deben entenderse las modulaciones de la pretendida apoliticidad, en conjunción con la philía. Propondremos que, entre las preocupaciones de Epicuro, no estuvo la el esclarecer el tipo de vínculo que debe haber entre la comunidad de amistad y la pólis en su conjunto, procurando sólo señalar el perjuicio que causa al sabio este último ámbito, y algunas vías por las cuales puede mantener su relación con él, en orden de favorecer su tranquilidad.

In Puerto Rico, there is evidence of two earth constructions for the 16th century. The technique used was rammed earth. This knowledge did not proliferate or evolve, in fact, today there are no modern constructions made on earth. The average of Puerto Rican does not know about earth constructions and due to this inexperience there is much skepticism about the frequency of hurricanes, high precipitation and being prone to earthquakes / tsunamis. The relevance of finding historical precedents in Puerto Rico would help to understand their behavior over time. Countless research indicates that these constructions have been effective in places with similar conditions those the island. In the era of climate change, it is important to obtain this ancestral knowledge of materials that have solved the need for housing with a low environmental impact. After the passage of the last hurricane Maria, Puerto Rico faced the reality that exists when we understand the dependence on fossil and non-renewable energy, the importation by ship of building materials and the exercise of recovering from the government (top to bottom), It is very fragile and susceptible. Through a search of the documentation in Historical Archives, it was possible to locate and obtain information on the earth construction. According to several sources of scientific research, it is possible to face environmental problems based on the knowledge that empowers from the town and with adjustments in our lifestyle, it was understood that the limitations are in the ignorance. ; En Puerto Rico existe evidencia de dos estructuras de tierra en el siglo XVI. La técnica que se utilizó fue la tapia. Este conocimiento no proliferó ni evolucionó. De hecho, hoy día no existen construcciones modernas hechas con tierra. La gente puertorriqueña promedio no conoce sobre las construcciones de tierra y debido a esa inexperiencia existe mucho escepticismo por la frecuencia de huracanes, la alta precipitación y la propensión a terremotos y maremotos. La pertinencia de encontrar precedentes históricos en Puerto Rico ayuda a entender el comportamiento de éstas a través del tiempo. Un sinnúmero de investigaciones apunta a que estas construcciones han sido efectivas en lugares con condiciones similares a las de la isla. En plena era del cambio climático es importante obtener conocimiento ancestral de materiales que han resuelto la necesidad de vivienda con un bajo impacto ambiental. Luego del paso del último huracán –María–, se enfrentó la realidad que existe cuando entendemos que la dependencia de la energía fósil y no renovable, la importación de los materiales de construcción por barco y el ejercicio de recuperarnos desde el gobierno (desde arriba), es muy frágil y susceptible. A través de una búsqueda de documentación en archivos históricos se pudo llegar a localizar y obtener información sobre la construcción con tierra. Según varias investigaciones científicas es posible enfrentar problemas ambientales a través de saberes que empoderan desde el pueblo y con ajustes en nuestro estilo de vida para entender así que las limitaciones se encuentran en el desconocimiento.

Se presenta una investigación basada en la ecología de saberes mediada por el diálogo como un proceso simbólico en las plazas de mercado, comprendidas como espacios productores de subjetividades construidas a partir de relaciones interculturales en tensión con marcos institucionales que generan subjetivaciones y otras dinámicas culturales. Las plazas de mercado conservan aspectos simbólicos que resguardan riquezas culturales propias, las cuales se evidencian a partir de las experiencias de los sujetos presentes en estos espacios. Allí se intercambian saberes y costumbres propias y se han venido dando también formas de interacción social que obedecen a otro orden, en este caso al modelo neoliberal, el cual es transformado constantemente en vía de la generación de nuevas formas de producción de subjetividad. Palabras clave: Ecología de saberes; Saber propio; Subjetividades; Socialización política. Abstract This article presents a research based on the ecology of knowledge mediated by dialogue as a symbolic process in market squares, understood as spaces producing subjectivities constructed from intercultural relations in tension with institutional frameworks that generate subjectivities and other cultural dynamics. The market places preserve symbolic aspects that protect their own cultural wealth, which are evidenced by the experiences of the subjects present in these spaces. There, knowledge and customs are exchanged and there have also been forms of social interaction that obey another order, in this case the neoliberal model, which is constantly transformed into the generation of new forms of subjectivity production. Keywords: Ecology of Knowledge; Personal Knowledge; Subjectivities; Political Socialization. Resumo Apresenta-se uma pesquisa baseada na ecologia do conhecimento, mediada pelo diálogo como um processo simbólico em praças de mercado, entendidos como espaços produtores de subjetividades construídas a partir de relações interculturais em tensão com marcos institucionais que geram subjetividades e outras dinâmicas culturais. Os mercados preservam aspectos simbólicos que protegem suas riquezas culturais, evidenciadas pelas experiências dos sujeitos presentes nesses espaços. Lá, o conhecimento e os costumes são trocados e também tem havido formas de interação social que obedecem a outra ordem, no caso o modelo neoliberal, que é constantemente transformado na geração de novas formas de produção de subjetividade. Palavras-chave: Ecologia do Conhecimento; Conhecimento Pessoal; Subjetividades; Socialização Política.

Este escrito constituye una reflexión teórica sobre el Proyecto Educativo Bolivariano que actualmente está ejecutando el gobierno nacional, particularmente, aquellos aspectos relacionados con la implantación del Seminario de Investigación para el Desarrollo Endógeno dentro de la estructura curricular de los Liceo Bolivarianos. Mediante este Seminario se pretende promover una serie de estrategias encaminadas hacia el conocimiento de la realidad local, siendo fundamental la relación entre los saberes populares y los saberes escolares para alcanzar la consolidación de la Educación para el Trabajo Productivo. Tales propósitos tienen impacto en las prácticas pedagógicas, en la escuela y en la formación del docente, reflexionar en torno a ello es el objetivo de este trabajo. ; This paper constitutes a theory reflexion on the Educational Bolivarian Project carried out by the national government. Particularly, it is point out those aspects related with the implementation of the Seminar of Research for the Endogenous Development within the curricular structure of the Bolivarian high schools. Throughout this Seminar it is attempted to promote a series of strategies routed toward to the knowledge of the local reality, being fundamental the relationship between popular wisdom and the scholar knowledge in order to reach the consolidation of Education for the Productive Work. These ideas have impact on the pedagogical practise; in the school and in the teacher training, make a reflexion regarding to this is the main objective of this research. ; 97-108 ; mcruiz127@yahoo.es ; semestral

The deep connection existing between theory and praxis appears in action. Action is not a dialectic movement from any knowledge towards a performance, but one implying a practical movemten by its very nature, because it already has the moment when the purpose it is intended to will be carried out. Thus, theoretical life and practical life are not altematives but a gradation and that is the Ethos of human action. Aristotelean ethics builds up the possibility of individual life and even that of the community life in this mediation between theory and praxis. And on this mediation the direc pass from politics to ethics is achieved in Aristotelean thougth. ; Existe una conexión interna de teoría y praxis que se pone de manifiesto enla acción. Ésta no es el resultado de un traspaso dialéctico de un determinado saber a un actuar cualquiera, sino un movimiento que implica un saber que, en sí mismo, es práctico, por cuanto contiene de suyo el momento de la ejecución del fin que se propone. Vida teorética y vida práctica no constituyen una alternativa, sino una gradación: en ello consiste el Ethos de la acción humana. La ética aristotélica remonta a esta mediación recíproca de teoría y praxis, no sólo la posibilidad de la vida individual, sino, ante todo, de la vida de la comunidad. Sobre esta mediación se cumple el tránsito directo de la ética a la política en el pensamiento aristotélico.

This essay reflects on how intercultural education manifests itself in Cherán K'eri after the movement in defense of the forests that took place in 2011. Eleven years after that event that transformed the social and political conditions in the community that opened the opportunity for the exercise of political autonomy, it shows how a new consideration was made on the elements that led the Purhépecha community to retake the local cultural knowledge through the exercise of memory and oral tradition as pillars of an educational practice inserted in the community level but with its impact on state schooling in the face of the limitations of intercultural education. ; En el presente ensayo se realiza una reflexión sobre cómo se manifiesta la educación intercultural en Cherán K'eri después del movimiento en defensa de los bosques ocurrido en 2011. A once años de aquel suceso que transformó las condiciones sociales y políticas en la comunidad que abrieron las oportunidad para el ejercicio de la autonomía política, se muestra de qué forma se realizó una nueva consideración sobre los elementos que llevaron a la comunidad purhépecha a retomar los saberes culturales locales mediante el ejercicio de la memoria y la tradición oral como pilares de una práctica educativa inserta en el ámbito comunitario pero con sus incidencias en la escolarización estatal ante las limitaciones de la educación intercultural. ; Este ensaio reflete sobre como a educação intercultural se manifesta em Cherán K'eri após o movimento em defesa das florestas que se realizou em 2011. Onze anos após aquele evento que transformou as condições sociais e políticas da comunidade que abriu a oportunidade para o exercício da autonomia política, mostra como foi feita uma nova consideração sobre os elementos que levaram a comunidade Purhépecha a retomar o conhecimento cultural local através do exercício da memória e da tradição oral como pilares de uma prática educacional inserida no nível comunitário, mas com seu impacto na escolaridade estatal diante das ...

Este trabajo sostiene que los efectos catastróficos de la Pandemia COVID-19 en países dependientes y dominados por las metrópolis del capitalismo global, como México, se agravan por el colonialismo interno que reproduce el neo-imperialismo internacional. Por ello, las políticas públicas en contra de la pandemia y sus desastrosas consecuencias sociales deben enfocarse en el combate y superación del colonialismo interno. En este trabajo nos centraremos particularmente en los aspectos culturales, cognoscitivos y políticos del colonialismo interno. ; This work argues that the catastrophic effects of the COVID-19 Pandemic on countries dependent on and dominated by global capitalist metropolis, such as Mexico, are aggravated by the internal colonialism and neo-imperialism. Therefore, public policies against the pandemic and its disastrous social consequences must focus on overcoming internal colonialism. This paper will focus particularly on the cultural, cognitive and political aspects of internal colonialism.

El feminismo no es huérfano por tradición. Sus escritos y prácticas sociales, individuales y colectivas, se inscriben en un «pasado histórico», en un «presente contextual», inciden en la re-significación de la historia, conceptos y acontecimientos. El argumento misógino del no-saber de las mujeres, así como la supuesta inexistencia de voces de autoridad femeninas, se ven contestados mediante el pensamiento y las prácticas socioculturales de las mujeres. La revisión y catalogación de las fuentes históricas de acuerdo con las pautas teóricas y metodológicas derivadas de los Women's Studies, su reinterpretación, permiten constatar las huellas de un protagonismo femenino en los espacios públicos y privados vedado a la «razón masculina», insignificante para la «democracia excluyente», sesgado por el «pensamiento ilustrado». ; The feminism is not orphan for tradition. His writings and social, individual and collective practices register in a «historical past», in a «present contextual», they affect in the re-significance of the history, concepts and events. The misogynous argument of to non-know of the women, as well as the supposed non existence of feminine voices of authority, they meet answered by means of the thought and the sociocultural practices of the women. The review and cataloguing of the historical sources of agreement with the theoretical guidelines and methodological derivatives of the Women's Studies, and his reintepretaation, they allow to state the fingerprints of a feminine protagonism in the public and private spheres forbidden the «masculine reason», insignificant for the «exclusive democracy», slanted by the «illustrated thought».

The feminism is not orphan for tradition. His writings and social, individual and collective practices register in a «historical past», in a «present contextual», they affect in the re-significance of the history, concepts and events. The misogynous argument of to non-know of the women, as well as the supposed non existence of feminine voices of authority, they meet answered by means of the thought and the sociocultural practices of the women. The review and cataloguing of the historical sources of agreement with the theoretical guidelines and methodological derivatives of the Women's Studies, and his reintepretaation, they allow to state the fingerprints of a feminine protagonism in the public and private spheres forbidden the «masculine reason», insignificant for the «exclusive democracy», slanted by the «illustrated thought». ; El feminismo no es huérfano por tradición. Sus escritos y prácticas sociales, individuales y colectivas, se inscriben en un «pasado histórico», en un «presente contextual», inciden en la re-significación de la historia, conceptos y acontecimientos. El argumento misógino del no-saber de las mujeres, así como la supuesta inexistencia de voces de autoridad femeninas, se ven contestados mediante el pensamiento y las prácticas socioculturales de las mujeres. La revisión y catalogación de las fuentes históricas de acuerdo con las pautas teóricas y metodológicas derivadas de los Women's Studies, su reinterpretación, permiten constatar las huellas de un protagonismo femenino en los espacios públicos y privados vedado a la «razón masculina», insignificante para la «democracia excluyente», sesgado por el «pensamiento ilustrado».