The article analyzes film discourse, both informative and fiction, in the United States during the First World War. The article places "the division of films" in the framework of the complex campaign of institutional communication started by W. Wilson's government after the war declaration by analyzing "publicity" and "propaganda" strategies deployed by the Committee on Public Information, which was created ad hoc for the military campaign. On the one hand, the paper explores the film stories, both documentary and fiction, distribution apparatus in both the United States and the international markets, the administration policies and the involved agencies, especially in the international distribution. On the other hand, it examines the model of production concerning the contracts signing with film companies and the organization adopted by the Committee on Public Information to create its own productions and participate in joint projects with film companies. The paper places emphasis on the "theory" developed by the Committee on Public Information about script-writing and film staging, particulary on the case of documentary stories, which were based in a model, hybridized with fiction stories, in order to stimulate demand for "educational", "propaganda" film-making, to which the exhibitors initially showed signs of resistence. The paper also highlights, in overall terms, how iconical representation was categorized and, in particular, the assessment on the role silent cinema can play in the Committee's development of communicative strategies. In spite of the Comittee's avoidance of the "propaganda" category, as its own name shows, iconical representation was given "highest propaganda value" and was granted a place of privilege, particularly, in the international campaign's call to spread "the gospel of americanism" around the globe ; El artículo analiza el discurso cinematográfico norteamericano, informativo y de ficción, del periodo de la Primera Guerra Mundial. Inscribe el trabajo de "the division of films" en el marco de la compleja campaña de comunicación institucional desplegada por el gobierno de W. Wilson tras la declaración de guerra, analizando las estrategias "publicitarias" y "de propaganda" del Committee on Public Information, creado ad hoc para la campaña bélica. Se estudia, por una parte, el aparato de distribución de los relatos cinematográficos documentales y de ficción tanto en el mercado norteamericano como en el mercado internacional, las medidas administrativas y los organismos implicados, especialmente en la distribución internacional. Por otra, se estudia el modelo de producción tanto en lo relativo a los contratos firmados con las principales productoras norteamericanas como en lo relativo a la organización de la que se dotó el Committee on Public Information para realizar sus propias producciones y participar en proyectos de coproducción con las empresas cinematográficas. Se prestará especial atención a la "teoría" desarrollada por el Committee on Public Information, en lo relativo a la escritura del guión y en lo relativo a la puesta en escena de los films, sobre todo en el caso de los relatos documentales, para los que se habilitó un modelo, basado en su hibridación con los relatos de ficción, que perseguía estimular la demanda de un cine "educativo", de "propaganda", frente al que los exhibidores mostraron en un principio no pocas resistencias. El estudio prestará especial atención a la categorización de que es objeto la representación icónica, en términos generales, y, en particular, la valoración que se hace del papel que puede desempeñar el silent cinema en el desarrollo de las estragegias comunicativas del Committe on Public Information. A pesar de la prevención con que el Comité utiliza la categoría de "propaganda", como lo atestigua su propia denominación, a la representación icónica se le reconocerá el "máximo valor propagandístico", concediéndole lugar de privilegio, en especial, en la campaña internacional llamada a difundir por todo el planeta "the gospel of americanism".
Se provee un detector de peatones con el algoritmo modelos de forma activa (ASM), con las etapas entrenamiento (PDM) y ajuste (ASM). Con PDM, se marcan 50 landmarks y se extraen los perfiles de grises en la silueta de cada peatón en 137 imágenes (peatón 1 y peatón 2) aplicando los modos de variación (PCA). El aporte de este trabajo es el ajuste y detección de un peatón a pesar de las variaciones. Al final con los resultados evaluados con leave one out en cada imagen de 1 080 × 720 pixeles y con la métrica del error cuadrático medio (MSE) se obtiene un promedio total de 12.7 pixeles en la distancia de error entre los landmarks originales y los landmarks estimados.
The virulent strain of nativist, anti-establishment, anti-corporatist and anti-immigrant sentiment is rocking the foundations of traditional party systems in all industrialized democracies. Its causes are many, but in broad terms it is safe to say they surfaced right after the 2008-09 economic collapse, an era that was characterized by intense polarization and confrontational approaches against governments, corporations and financial institutions which crossed party lines and traditional political cleavages. The sweeping changes brought about by globalized capital and corporate interests, and the blurring of national borders that accompanied them, have alienated big swathes of the population and given rise to new forms of strident populism everywhere.In the United States the main manifestation of this phenomenon is taking the form of a populist revolt, a singular form of class warfare inside the Republican Party, between the established party hierarchy and the Tea Party movement.As the next legislative election approaches, the internecine feud within the Republican Party continues to create challenges for its top candidates who must veer more right-wing to secure the nomination and then turn back to the center of American politics to win the general election. Before 2012, the GOP tried to co-opt the extreme right and used their rhetoric, but after the 2012 election losses, the party took uncertain steps to distance itself from the movement. Today, the movement rather than the establishment seems to be dictating the party line, so there is paralysis in Washington once again. The leadership will still have to govern and legislate on some central issues-increase the debt limit, fund the government, and renew the authorization charter of the Export-Import Bank, among other things, and in so doing, further alienate Tea Party voters. The Republican-dominated House will no doubt stay away from the avoidable taboos, such as considering immigration reform (for which the Senate already passed its own bill one year ago!) and in consequence, one more time unintentionally secure the Latino vote for the Democratic Party. They will continue blocking the minimum wage raise and the Fair Paycheck Act, thereby losing the minorities and women's vote. In this context, the 2016 presidential horizon looks brilliantly promising for Democrats and their two presidential hopefuls, Hillary Clinton and Elizabeth Warren.The defeat of Virginia Representative and House Majority Leader Eric Cantor in the June 10th Republican primary for the seventh Congressional district is symptomatic of deep divisions not only within the Republican Partybut in the electorate at large. Eric Cantor, a Republican with impeccable conservative credentials who had been re-elected seven times and who was first in line for House Speaker,lost by ten solid points to a little known college professor who ran against him by portraying him as the pro-Wall Street, pro-K Street typical Washington insider, indifferent from Main Street needs and demands. This race is very significant for several reasons. For starters, the anti-Washington, anti "corporate welfare" and anti-Wall Street sentiment is widespread among independent voters and those GOP legislators that have been "pro-bailout, pro-Obama stimulus spending and pro-immigration," as articulated by Tea Party leaders, live in fear of being chastened by voters.That is why this week Republicans in Congress who were holding their breath, are exhaling with a sense of relief as Senator Thad Cochran wins the primary runoff against Tea Party challenger ChrisMcDaniels who ran on a promise to voters that he would add his voice to the fight against Obamacare and big government spending. It appears then that the anti-incumbent sentiment has not been strong enoughto become a sustained trend: so far, only two sitting representatives have not won re-nomination in the House and all 18 Senate races have been won by those holding the seats, including Lindsay Graham of South Carolina, who was a leader in favor of Immigration Reform in the Senate, but has been vocal in confronting Obama with his dismal record in foreign policy, from Benghazi to Syria to Ukraine, and now all the way back to Iraq. But even pollsters have been taken by surprise in most cases, whether as to the narrowness of results (such as the one is Mississippi, which required a runoff election) or to the unfathomable upsets (Cantor's represents a historical defeat: no Majority leader had been voted out in a primary election since the nineteenth century). There are many reasons why nobody saw this coming, first among them the constant problem of voter turnout, especially in primaries, followed by new strategies by candidates (David Bratt, the college professor that beat Cantor, did door -to -door canvassing, taking time to speak to prospective voters, and he beat a competitor who had outspent him 40 to 1) and by the strong commitment of a small group of activists that mobilized the grassroots against Cantor's pro-business stance. The outcome of these races is further complicated by the fact that many Democrats are taking part in open primaries, which makes them even more unpredictable. Democrats participated in both races, voting against the incumbent, Cantor, in Virginia (he was perceived as the main obstacle for bringing to the floor a vote on immigration bills that apparently would have had the votes to pass) and in favor of incumbent, veteranSenator Thad Cochran in Mississippi (he courted the African American vote, pointing out the amount of federal funds he had brought to the state in his 36 years as Senator, and they acquiesced, fearing Mc Daniels would be a worse choice for their interests in such a red state as Mississippi).These idiosyncratic variations and distortions should not distract us from the fact that the defeat of ultra-conservative House Majority leader from a white, affluent Richmond suburb is extremely significant and will have many ramifications in the near future. First and foremost, it has led to an immediate reshuffle of the party internal House leadership, as Cantorresigned his post as Majority leader. The first in line to fill his post, House whip Kevin McCarthy from California, used his insider skills to mobilize his contacts and call in his favors fast enough to pre-empt a challenge by a Tea Party congressman from Idaho, Raul Labrador, in a secret, internal party ballot. He has thus become Majority leader only eight years after he was first elected to Congress for California 23rd district. If re-elected in November, he will be first in line for House Speaker when Rep. Boehner gives up his post. This coveted position would have been Cantor's crowning achievement after a solid career of 14 years in Congress: he had hoped to become the first Jewish Speaker of the House.In spite of McCarthy's success in pre-empting challenges from outside the party leadership, the next one in line to move into McCarthy's whip position, deputy whip Peter Roskam from Illinois, lost the ballot to Tea Party challenger Steve Scalise from Louisiana, who mobilized the vote of Southern legislators and won, thereby establishing a presence for the movement inside the GOP hierarchy. Scalise, who was elected to Congress in 2008, has also risen rapidly through the ranks, as chairman of the ultra-conservative Republican Study Group and as a vocal advocate against big government.Party Whips in Congress are in charge of counting votes for and against legislation. They are enforcers, offering incentives and doling out punishments for votes among their caucus members. Their role becomes particularly important in close votes. The whip is also the main liaison between the party leadership and the rank and file.Primaries are proving to be much more dangerous for establishment Republicans than a prospective national election at the end of this year, in which they are poised to win both some Senate and House seats, mainly due to slow economic growth and low support for Obama, but more pointedly due to the opportunity created by the retirement of a significant number of long-serving senior legislators. Rather than the November election challenge against Democrats, primaries have become the main obstacle to surmount and the main focus of funding for incumbents and party establishment candidates. Memories of seats lost due to Tea party primary winners in the national 2010 and 2012 election still loom heavily in GOP minds. Karl Rove's words of advice to both the Tea Party activists and the GOP leadershipin February of 2010 still resonate in the halls of Congress:"If Tea party groups are to maximize their influence on policy, they must now begin the difficult task of disassociating themselves from cranks and conspiracy nuts. This includes 9/11 deniers, "birthers" who insist Barack Obama was not born in the U.S., and militia supporters espousing something vaguely close to armed rebellion.""The GOP is also better off if it foregoes any attempt to merge with the tea party movement. The GOP cannot possibly hope to control the dynamics of the highly decentralized galaxy of groups that make up the tea party movement. There will be troubling excesses and these will hurt Republicans if the party is formally associated with tea party groups" (Wall Street Journal, Feb. 18 2010).Because they are extremely vocal as well as media favorites (whether to disparage or to endorse them) and have made some undeniable inroads into the halls of power, the Tea Partiers have indeed made a splash in US politics, and they have re-shaped the agenda on issues of taxes and spending (with mixed success). But so far this term, 273 of 275 House incumbents and 18 out of 18 Senators have won re-nomination, even if in most House cases these contests were won by small margins. This is evidence that there is still somediscipline in party ranks, and newcomers are forced to follow the party leadership. For example in Kentucky, Sen. Rand Paul, largely recognized as the presidential candidate for Tea-Partiers and libertarians alike, did not campaign in favor of the Tea Party candidate who was running against Senate Minority leader Mitch McConnell, and gave the former only lukewarm support. Senator McConnell, a tough, seasoned veteran, was reported to have had a private, one-on-one, closed-doors conversation with Rand Paul before the primary campaign started…It then becomes clear that membership still has its privileges, and the Tea Partiers' disdain for insider politicking and the compromises required by politics in general won't take them very far. That is the stuff of politics, so now these political neophytes are getting into the fray, they will have to learn a few organizational lessons from the savvy insiders they are trying to replace. Nonetheless, one of the first comments made by Kevin McCarthy Fox News as he moved into Cantor's position was that "Yes, he would let the Export-Import Bank (reauthorization) to expire because it is something the private sector can do better". This represents a reversal from his 2012 position, and one that distances him from the business community and the party establishment, who want the Bank to remain. (Tea Partiers want to do away with the Ex-Im, the IRS and the Department of Education, among other institutions they find superfluous). In another interview, McCarthy asserted that the GOP had more to gain (politically) if it moved closer to libertarian ideas. So it has become apparent then, that the Tea Party as a movement and as a faction of the Republican Party is here to stay, at least for the near future. Its strength will depend on how they can accommodate their desires to the realities of governing the United States of America in the XXI century.María Fornella-Oehninger - Comparative Politics Professor, Old Dominion University in Norfolk, Virginia.
En noviembre del año 2001, Jim O´Neill, economista investigador jefe de Goldman Sachs, propuso la idea que cuatro grandes países, en realidad muy disímiles entre sí, constituían una suerte de "nuevo grupo" de países emergentes destinado, según él, a cumplir un papel particularmente significativo en el mundo del futuro en un artículo titulado "The World Needs Better Economic BRICs". La idea fue considerada con atención pero no tuvo una aceptación inmediata. Algunos años más tarde, en 2003, bajo la firma de Dominic Wilson y Roopa Purushothaman, y también publicado por el departamento de investigación de Goldman Sachs, apareció el trabajo: "Dreaming with BRIC´s: the path to 2050"donde la idea original de O´Neil fue profundizada y retrabajada.Aunque nunca quedaron muy claros los criterios por los cuales Brasil, Rusia, India y China eran seleccionados para integrar este "BRIC" (y no aparecían ni Pakistán, ni Indonesia, ni Turquía, ni México ni Sudáfrica, para mencionar solamente algunos posibles candidatos), la idea tuvo, ahora sí, un éxito inmediato y la opinión pública internacional adoptó la propuesta de manera entusiasta. Nada sorprendente, en realidad, si consideramos cierta proclividad de esta opinión para convivir con slogans y la habilidad de algunos autores para apropiarse de ideas ajenas y hacer dinero fácil vendiendo libros dotados de títulos tan rimbombantes como de contenidos obvios o conceptualmente poco relevantes. Las librerías del mundo se llenaron de publicaciones sobre los BRICs hasta la fecha.Pero esta alegre aceptación de la supuesta existencia de estos "BRICs", que no era, al inicio, más que otra nueva "moda editorial" para periodistas, académicos y estudiantes, se convirtió en un problema verdaderamente relevante cuando alguno de los líderes, partidos políticos, grupos económicos poderosos o, simplemente, las poblaciones de dichos países, comenzaron a convencerse que, efectivamente, ese "grupo" era efectivamente algo especial y que estaba llamado a cumplir algún destino manifiesto en el escenario internacional.El primer líder político que advirtió la importancia de darle una construcción tangible al grupo "especial" de grandes países emergentes fue, en 2009, Vladimir Putin, a la sazón Presidente de Rusia. Para dotar de contenido simbólico al imaginario grupo BRIC, Putin organizó en Ekaterimburgo una cumbre que reunió a los cuatro presidentes de los países en cuestión y cuyos resultados fueron más bien pobres (véase editorial de LETRAS INTERNACIONALES No. 64).Pero no por ello los BRICs han detenido su naciente carrera de candidatos a "global players", particularmente animados por cierto activismo y voluntad de protagonismo político de alguno de sus presidentes. Por el contrario, todo indica que hay quienes se han creído a pie juntillas que, más allá de la evidente importancia económica, comercial, demográfica y política de estos cuatro países, ellos están llamados a cumplir un papel "especial" en la gran política internacional. Una prueba tangible de ello son las decisiones cada vez menos sensatas que toma el Brasil, con su presidente, Luis Inacio "Lula" da Silva, a la cabeza.En su momento, y a propósito de la crisis de Honduras del año pasado, en esta misma publicación, habíamos manifestado que la decisión brasileña de acoger en su embajada de Tegucigalpa al destituido presidente Zelaya, independientemente de lo que se pensara del "golpe de Estado" implementado por las otras autoridades de aquel país, era una decisión que resultaba ininteligible si intentábamos leerla con los códigos tradicionales de la política exterior brasileña y en la línea de conducta de la diplomacia de Itamaraty. Similares problemas planteó la actitud de Lula en su relacionamiento con Cuba y su militante negación de las violaciones a los derechos humanos que éste régimen lleva adelante impunemente.Más significativamente aún, recordemos que a mediados del mes de mayo, Brasil impulsó una iniciativa para "mediar" en el delicado tema del programa nuclear de Irán, asociando en la iniciativa a Turquía y enfrentando a todas las grandes potencias, a las Naciones Unidas y al Consejo de Seguridad. El tema es, sin lugar a dudas, uno de los problemas diplomáticos y militares más complejos de la coyuntura política internacional actual y gran parte de los analistas internacionales no dejaron de advertir que Brasil se estaba comprando un problema al pretender mediar en un terreno que, en términos coloquiales, "le queda grande". En realidad la iniciativa de mediación, comunicada públicamente el 17 de mayo llegó a durar poco más de un mes. Ante la firme respuesta de todas las grandes potencias y del Consejo de Seguridad, con fecha 22 de junio, la prensa anunciaba "Brasil renunció a la mediación con Irán" y el canciller Amorim reconocía que "Nos quemamos los dedos haciendo cosas que todo el mundo decía que eran útiles…"Esta visión, sobre el carácter por lo menos "imprudente" de algunas iniciativas brasileñas recientes, no es, evidentemente, sólo nuestra. En una columna publicada por el diario "El País" de Madrid, con fecha 24 de mayo, el ex-canciller mexicano, Jorge Castañeda, titulaba, de manera sintomática a propósito del tema de la mediación con Irán: "Lula: jugar en primera división sin mojarse".Es más, en una entrevista más reciente publicada en el mismo periódico con fecha 12 de junio, y retomada por "The Inter-American Dialogue", el ex presidente del Brasil, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, señalaba con su habitual inteligencia que, en los últimos meses de su gestión, el presidente Lula había estado gobernando "…más con el corazón que con la cabeza". Una manera elegante de decir que, al menos en política exterior, el Brasil parece haber perdido en buena medida el rumbo. El ex-presidente advertía textualmente: "Lula debió pedir a Irán la garantía de que el desarrollo de su plan nuclear va a ser para la paz. Brasil es favorable al control por parte de los países del ciclo de producción de uranio. Yo estoy de acuerdo con eso, Brasil lo controla. Tenemos un acuerdo con Argentina de vigilancia mutua refrendado por la ONU y gracias a esto hemos desarrollado nuestra propia tecnología. Nunca nadie ha sospechado que nuestro programa atómico era para la guerra…porque nos hemos sometido a reglas. Brasil debería exigir lo mismo a Irán." En la misma entrevista, el ex-presidente Cardoso, se refiere también, entre otros tópicos problemáticos de las recientes decisiones de política internacional del Brasil, a la inadmisible permisividad de ese país para con la dictadura castrista y a la incomprensible desprolijidad de la decisión de dar asilo en la embajada brasileña al depuesto presidente ZelayaEn resumidas cuentas, todo parece indicar que no solamente el otrora presidente Putin (de quien se entiende, en parte, la postura puesto que dirigía lo que queda de la gran potencia "desafiante" de la Guerra Fría y seguía entonces al mando de una superpotencia nuclear) se ha tomado al pie de la letra la idea de que los BRICs están llamados a un protagonismo global de grandes potencias. También el presidente Lula, en el ocaso de una razonablemente buena gestión presidencial, parece estar sucumbiendo al "síndrome BRIC". Sería algo triste que la necesidad crepuscular de protagonismo de la figura presidencial hiciese olvidar al Brasil que en política, nacional o internacional, los tiempos son fundamentales. El trabajo que hubo de popularizar la sigla BRIC, más allá de algunas debilidades de fondo del planteo, tenía la prudencia de titularse "Dreaming with BRIC´s: the path to 2050". Como en tantos otros temas, en especial en política internacional, ni la vida es sueño ni el futuro es ahora.
Las revoluciones en el mundo árabe de 2010 y 2011, denominadas por distintos medios como la Primavera árabe componen una serie de alzamientos populares en los países del norte de África. Son unas revueltas sin precedentes ya que si bien ha habido con anterioridad numerosos movimientos de protesta éstos se habían caracterizado por nacer de golpes de Estado militares que daban paso a gobiernos autoritarios con o sin apoyo popular. Sin embargo las sublevaciones populares de ahora han salido a la calle a pedir una instauración de la democracia así como una mejora de las condiciones de vida. La escritora Cécile Oumhani, desde la retaguardia, lucha y da voz a aquellos que no pueden expresarse. En estos momentos se halla en pleno combate por la liberación del pueblo árabe y hemos de agradecerle enormemente que nos haya dedicado su tiempo y estas palabras. The revolutions in the Arab world from 2010 and 2011 known by varying media as the "Arab Spring" was made up of a series of popular uprisings in countries in North Af-rica. They are unprecedented revolts. Before, there had been numerous protests, these were characterized because they arose from military coups which were followed by the establishment of authoritarian governments, with or without popular support. However the popular uprisings happening now have come out onto the street to demand the estab-lishment of democracy as well as a improvement in living conditions. The writer Cécile Oumhani, has always fought and spoken for those who could not express themselves. She has been there, at those moments, right in the middle of combat, for the liberation of the Arab people and we are very grateful to her for dedicating her time and thoughts.
Elena immigrated to the United States in 2002 from Guatemala. Guatemala suffered many injustices. May people lived in extreme poverty and the government was very corrupt. It was difficult to have a good life there. I first met Elena at an organization in Cincinnati where I helped her learn English. After I met Elena, I learned that she is thirty seven years old and has lived in the United States for fifteen years. She currently works cleaning houses at night and attends classes during the day. She attended the university in Guatemala and studied business, and eventually wants to pursue her career here. Elena lives alone and most of her friends are also Latino. She dedicates most of her time to working, leaning English, and working on her health. When meeting her, I quickly learned how kind and humble she is as a person. She cares profoundly for other people and is committed to justice. It was an honor to meet her and to see her life and her past.
In this article explained the CEIP Coexistence Plan. "Maria Sanz de Sautola" offers an analysis of the context and main parts of this Plan and its implementation in primary education. This school wants to make emotional education a key capacity in the learning process, always understanding it as a capacity that the student learns and that tries to increase the personal and social welfare of the student. ; En este artículo se detalla el Plan de Convivencia del C.E.I.P. "María Sanz de Sautola" que ha querido poner como centro la educación emocional, entendida como una capacidad que se aprende y que tiene por finalidad aumentar el bienestar personal y social del alumno. Ofrece el análisis del contexto y fundamentación del Plan y su aplicación en educación infantil. ctually and socially. This innovative program, that backed the idea of an emotional and social education being part of the school curriculum as a fully integrated factor, is being possible because of the collaboration of the Council of Education of the Government of Cantabria; the participation and commitment of many volunteers; the coordination of the initiatives of schools, families and community; the close follow-up from teachers; viability and transferability as well as the evaluations of actions with order and rigor. External evaluations made by University of Cantabria conclude that the program Responsible Education has manage to improve significantly the emotional intelligence and, also, the assertiveness of the students; reducing at the same time their anxiety levels and achieving a positive correlation between school environment and academic performance. font-family:"Arial","sans-serif";mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New Roman"; mso-ansi-language:ES;mso-fareast-language:EN-US;mso-bidi-language:AR-SA; font-style:normal;mso-no-proof:yes'>Las personas que desarrollan sus fortalezas y capacidades, mejoran su calidad de vida y previenen la aparición de trastornos. Además, la percepción de eficacia y bienestar, aumentan al mismo tiempo que la motivación. Es por eso que nos parecen relevantes y porque aumentan la sensación de alegría. Los padres y maestros tenemos una gran responsabilidad de enfocarnos más hacia las capacidades de nuestros hijos y alumnos, que hacía los déficits y limitaciones. Es un estilo que se aprende, y así ellos también ellos serán más hábiles en reconocer, utilizar y desarrollar sus fortalezas en el presente y también en el futuro.
Guadalupe works as a housekeeper in Liberty, OH. She works in my parent's house, along with other houses in the área. Her husband runs a business for gardening and landscaping. I have met Guadalupe in the house and was interested in hearing her story. She was willing to help me with the project and invited me to her house for the interview. Her family lives in a mobile home, decorated beautifully. We did the interview on her sofa in the presence of her daughter and relative. Guadalupe was enthusiastic to communicate in Spanish with me. Throughout the interview, I was grateful for her openness to talk about her serious experiences. The interview encompassed many issues, related to immigration, like the violence in Central America and the crossing to the United States.
Peer conflicts that arise from incompatible goals or from different views on how a task shouldbe accomplished can usually be resolved. But peer conflicts that involve personal values,office politics and power, and emotional reactions are much more difficult to deal with.These seemingly intractable conflicts require careful attention if managers want to buildeffective relationships that will bolster their ability to achieve organizational goals
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"It's hard to try new things-for adults as well as children. It's hard to stick with it when something is more difficult than we thought, or doesn't work out the way we planned. In simple words and realistic illustrations, this book teaches children about flexibility and perseverance-skills essential to success in all areas of life, at all ages and stages. Made to be read aloud, this book also includes a special section for adults, with discussion questions to share, perseverance games to play, and other suggestions for helping children persevere"--
"A critical anthology of indigenous-authored texts, including Nahua, Quechua, and Spanish which native peoples and Spaniards convey their perspectives on Spanish colonial order. The first volume with native testimonies of Spanish expansion and examines geographically and culturally realities of indigenous elites in the colonial period"--Provided by publisher
This work analyses and criticises the crime of "robbery with rape" as stated in article 433 N°1 of the Chilean Criminal Code. The author asserts that this norm is not only inconvenient according to legislative technique criteria, but it also infringes the Constitution. In relation to the nature of the norm, the author propounds that it does not involve a criminal offence but a rule to determine the punishment for someone who has committed both crimes within the same factual context. Building on this premise, the author analyses its consequences in the subject areas of perpetration, incitement and accessoryship, iter criminis and altering circumstances of criminal responsibility. ; El artículo examina desde una perspectiva dogmática y crítica la figura de robo con violación que contempla el artículo 433 N° 1 del Código Penal, postulando que ella no sólo es inconveniente, según criterios de técnica legislativa, sino que incluso vulnera la letra de la Constitución. Por lo que respecta a la naturaleza de la disposición, el autor plantea que ella en realidad no contempla un tipo penal, sino una regla de penalidad aplicable a quien hubiere ejecutado las dos acciones delictivas nombradas en un mismo contexto situacional. A partir de esa premisa, examina las consecuencias que este planteamiento trae consigo en materia de autoría y participación, iter criminis y circunstancias modificatorias de responsabilidad penal.
