Suchergebnisse

This chapter explores the possible influences of Sweden, Denmark and Finland on the Environmental Policy of the EU. We focus specifically on the reputation, expertise and role model behaviour of the Nordic EU members and their possibilities to use these factors as cognitive power resources.The chapter discusses several examples where the Nordic EU member states have successfully promoted their national environmental interests within the EU. We also make use of interviews with environmental representatives at the Swedish, Danish and Finnish Permanent Representations to the EU in Brussels, officials from other member states, DG Environment of the Commission and the European Environment Agency. The results indicate that the Nordic EU members have to some extent minimised their quantitative disadvantages, such as small administrations and limited voting powers, by successfully using the cognitive power resources in question within the Environmental Policy of the European Union.

Dirk Schinkel ; Inhaltsverzeichnis ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- 2007.23782

Le philosophe Michel Psellos et le patriarche Michel Cérulaire constituentincontestablement deux personnalités qui ont marqué la scène politique del'empire byzantin du Xle siècle par leur comportement et caractère ambigus.L'évolution des relations des deux personnes constitue le sujet de la présenteétude. Douze textes du philosophe concernant le patriarche et contribuant àl'évaluation de la personnalité des deux personnes et principalement de leurécrivain, servent de guide. Il s'agit de neuf lettres, l'Accusation, laChronographie et l'Oraison Funèbre. Le contenu contradictoire des textesprovoque doute légitime pour le caractère, en ce qui concerne Cérulaire, maisplutôt leur écrivain lui-même, Michel Psellos.Les deux hommes expriment deux cosmothéories différentes quicaractérisent la société du milieu Xle siècle, le mysticisme et l'humanismechrétiens. Néanmoins, en écartant les différences idéologiques, ils seprésentent tous les deux exceptionnellement adaptables. Enfants authentiquesdu Xle siècle et des machinations, qui prédominaient la scène politiquede l'empire, j'oserais dire que les deux hommes étaient tellement semblableset en même temps différents. Exceptionnellement ambitieux et souventimpudiques, ils avaient la malchance d'appartenir à des camps différrents.

Dione di Prusa è una delle personalità più rilevanti della letteratura d'età imperiale, periodo che venne a lungo trascurato dalla critica. L'ampia raccolta dei suoi scritti comprende discorsi politici, dialexeis letterarie, o orazioni epidittiche tenute nei centri più prestigiosi dell'impero: essi ci forniscono, per l'ampiezza del coupus e per la varietà dei temi affrontati, un quadro di primaria importanza dell'attività politica, culturare e filosofica di quest'epoca. Negli ultimi trent'anni sono state pubblicate, sopratutto in Italia, edizioni con traduzione e commento di diverse orazioni; di questa rinascita dionea hanno giovato soprattutto gli scritti più celebri e più impegnativi. Sono stati però trascurati molti brevi scritti di carattere filosofico appartenenti, secondo l'attribuzione del von Arnim, al periodo esiliaco. La mia dissertazione è dedicata appunto ai due scritti filosofici Sull'invidia 77 e 78, negli ultimi cent'anni tradotti esclusivamente in inglese, tedesco e privi sino ad oggi di commento. La dissertazione consta di una introduzione, di una traduzione italiana e del commento di entrambi i discorsi. Obiettivo del presente lavoro è quello di inquadrare le due orazioni Sull'invidia nei loro diversi rapporti con la tradizione filosofica e di riallacciarle alla prassi retorica coeva. Nell'introduzione ho tentato di riassumere la critica dionea nei suoi molteplici orientamenti: datazione e luogo di recitazione delle due orazione; le diverse interpretazioni; per il primo scritto, la 77, ho proposto una nuova interpretazione: ho tentato di valutare l'attività retorica di Dione. Ho analizzato i progymnasmata e li ho confrontati con il discorso di Dione. Il risultato di questa sezione del lavoro è che l'orazione 77 è probabilmente un progymnasma, più precisamente una gnōmē. Nell'analisi della seconda orazione, la 78, ho posto invece in evidenza di punti di contatto con le correnti filosofiche coeve, con un occhio di riguardo per la scuola cinica e stoica. ; Dio Chrysostom is the foremost figure in the first century A.D. of the long time neglected literary movement called Second Sophistic. The wide corpus of his works comprehends political speeches, literary dialexeis, and epideictic speeches he delivered in the major cities of the Roman Empire. The offer is an extensive image of the political, cultural and philosophic thought and practice of his time. During the past thirty years Dio´s work has attracted great attention. Hence many editions of his speeches have been published with translation and commentary, mainly in Italy, England and Germany. These publications analysed the most popular ones. My dissertation is dedicated to the two philosophic speeches, On envy 77 and 78. For the first time I realised the translation of the scripture into Italian. By then there were translations in Latin, German, English and Spanish available only. In addition I composed the first commentary of the two works. To emphasise the importance of these speeches for the understanding of Dio´s philosophical and rhetorical thought, some remarks became necessary, that I tried to illustrate in the introduction: - the definition where and when these speeches were delivered - the validity of Dio´s exile and von Arnim´s division of his life and work in a rhetorical, in a philosophic and in a political phase - their relation to the past philosophic and rhetorical tradition. For the first speech (77), I proposed a new interpretation: I analysed the Progymnasmata, compared them with Dio´s speech and arrived at the conclusion that the 77 is a Progymnasma, a Gnome. In the analysis of the second speech (78) I stressed the points of contact with the coevo philosophic trends, prevailing the cynic and the stoic schools.

Despina P. Papadopoulou, La presse périodique grecque à Paris, 1860-1912Cet article se propose de présenter un aspect de l'histoire culturelle dela première communauté grecque de Paris construite à partir de la secondemoitié du XIXe siècle. Afin de donner un aperçu global de lapresse périodique grecque publiée à Paris entre 1860 et 1912, l'articleavance l'hypothèse de deux phases relativement distinctes, comme l'ordrechronologique de parution va de pair avec l'unité thématique.La première période comprend les revues Εθνικόν Ημερολόγιον (1861-1871), Μύρια Όσα (1868-1869), Εθνική (Γραφική) Επιθεώρησις (1869-1870,1871-1872, 1875-1877), et la seconde, les publications Reçue grecque(1886?), L'Hellade (1894?) et L'Hellénisme (1904-1912). Les revues dupremier groupe déclarent haut et fort leur intention principale, «joindrel'utile à l'agréable», tandis que les publications qui paraissent après 1880sont plus orientées vers la politique. Deux revues médicales grecquesrepérées pendant la période étudiée, Γαληνός (1859-?) et Hippocrate (1898-1903), échappent à cette catégorisation bipartite, appartenant à une catégoriede presse spécialisée.A titre général, le souci de la diffusion des acquis scientifiques del'Occident constitue une priorité pour ces revues. Aussi, une place importanteest-elle accordée à la littérature et aux arts pour confirmerl'orientation encyclopédique, sous l'impulsion des Lumières, de cettepresse périodique grecque. De l'autre côté, les choix de certains deséditeurs d'intégrer des articles sur les us et coutumes grecs ou de collaboreravec des historiens tels C. Taparrigopoulos révèlent l'impact duromantisme politique allemand sur la conception de la nation, un impactremarqué aussi dans les oeuvres de divers écrivains grecs de l'époque.Outre le contexte grec, de multiples rapports sont établis entreces revues et l'environnement français. L'apparition même des revuesgrecques à Paris est favorisée par le développement spectaculaire de lapresse française durant le XIXe siècle. Par ailleurs, la tradition françaisedu philhellénisme a dû peser sur la décision des éditeurs grecs de fairepublier leurs revues à Paris. Parmi leurs collaborateurs figurent deshellénistes français apportant le prestige nécessaire aux publicationsgrecques qui visent à conquérir un grand public et à promouvoir lesintérêts de la Grèce en Europe. Les mêmes préoccupations politiquessont partagées par les représentants diplomatiques grecs à Paris qui sontimpliqués comme collaborateurs dans certaines de ces publications.Considérée dans son ensemble, la presse périodique grecque publiéeà Paris pendant la seconde moitié du XIXe et le début du XXe sièclereflète des influences croisées, grecques et françaises, au niveau du contenuainsi qu'à celui de la forme, et constitue un exemple historiqueintéressant du contact et de l'interaction entre les deux cultures. ; Despina P. Papadopoulou, La presse périodique grecque à Paris, 1860-1912Cet article se propose de présenter un aspect de l'histoire culturelle dela première communauté grecque de Paris construite à partir de la secondemoitié du XIXe siècle. Afin de donner un aperçu global de lapresse périodique grecque publiée à Paris entre 1860 et 1912, l'articleavance l'hypothèse de deux phases relativement distinctes, comme l'ordrechronologique de parution va de pair avec l'unité thématique.La première période comprend les revues Εθνικόν Ημερολόγιον (1861-1871), Μύρια Όσα (1868-1869), Εθνική (Γραφική) Επιθεώρησις (1869-1870,1871-1872, 1875-1877), et la seconde, les publications Reçue grecque(1886?), L'Hellade (1894?) et L'Hellénisme (1904-1912). Les revues dupremier groupe déclarent haut et fort leur intention principale, «joindrel'utile à l'agréable», tandis que les publications qui paraissent après 1880sont plus orientées vers la politique. Deux revues médicales grecquesrepérées pendant la période étudiée, Γαληνός (1859-?) et Hippocrate (1898-1903), échappent à cette catégorisation bipartite, appartenant à une catégoriede presse spécialisée.A titre général, le souci de la diffusion des acquis scientifiques del'Occident constitue une priorité pour ces revues. Aussi, une place importanteest-elle accordée à la littérature et aux arts pour confirmerl'orientation encyclopédique, sous l'impulsion des Lumières, de cettepresse périodique grecque. De l'autre côté, les choix de certains deséditeurs d'intégrer des articles sur les us et coutumes grecs ou de collaboreravec des historiens tels C. Taparrigopoulos révèlent l'impact duromantisme politique allemand sur la conception de la nation, un impactremarqué aussi dans les oeuvres de divers écrivains grecs de l'époque.Outre le contexte grec, de multiples rapports sont établis entreces revues et l'environnement français. L'apparition même des revuesgrecques à Paris est favorisée par le développement spectaculaire de lapresse française durant le XIXe siècle. Par ailleurs, la tradition françaisedu philhellénisme a dû peser sur la décision des éditeurs grecs de fairepublier leurs revues à Paris. Parmi leurs collaborateurs figurent deshellénistes français apportant le prestige nécessaire aux publicationsgrecques qui visent à conquérir un grand public et à promouvoir lesintérêts de la Grèce en Europe. Les mêmes préoccupations politiquessont partagées par les représentants diplomatiques grecs à Paris qui sontimpliqués comme collaborateurs dans certaines de ces publications.Considérée dans son ensemble, la presse périodique grecque publiéeà Paris pendant la seconde moitié du XIXe et le début du XXe sièclereflète des influences croisées, grecques et françaises, au niveau du contenuainsi qu'à celui de la forme, et constitue un exemple historiqueintéressant du contact et de l'interaction entre les deux cultures.

Michalis P. Liberatos, Historical Time and the interpretations of the history of the Greek Civil War: the methodological problemsThe idea of historical time is crucial from a methodological point of view as far as the study of political and social history are concerned. Especially about the history of the Greek Civil War, a period that convulsed public opinion and caused scientific interpretations overwhelmed by ideological and epistemological «burdens». The most important of them is the idea of a time constant, continual, without turnovers and breaks, that is time in the «common sense». This «time», according to its origins, self-determines its evolution, its «determination» explains all of the aspects and the historical stages and facts. This is the traditional assumption that change has always to be explained in terms of something fixed and unchangeable. As for the policy of the Greek Communist Party this notion of time provokes some historians to an explanation that associates this policy with the origins of its philosophical program and not with the «real history». This approach avoids to enquiry into the adaptation of this program to the demands of political relations in time, to counter policies and as a specification of social representations. It is mainly an unaltered policy that arises as the outcome of an assemblage of antecedent events that compose a passage of identities. Because of this domination of this notion of the «continuity» of time, the study of Greek Civil War reproduced the ideological configurations of the past. Therefore it has degraded very important aspects of historical reality, without giving adequate answers about them. These are the question of the deepest tasks of KKE and its strategy, the causes of the unscheduled creation of Democratic Army (ΔΣΕ) in the mountains, the role of the rival political powers, the extent of the possibilities of a negotiation, the relation between Greeks and the Great Powers. As the recent historical enquiries has showed —the edition of a book of Ph. Iliou signalled a new era in the interpretation of this period— a different methodological attitude is perhaps primarily useful on account of the errors it enables one to avoid, in particular in constructing the historical object. This article presents the implication between the dominant notion of «time», the difficulties in explanations and with the ability to overcome the epistemological «burdens» if is to be called into question the idea of historical time. This is important in order to break away from some presuppositions that are tacitly accepted by some historians. This new notion of time sweeps away the naively idealistic view of continuity, that traditional approaches have raised. Because it is history and the internal dynamic which carries evolution and not the historical unchanged «purposes». ; Michalis P. Liberatos, Historical Time and the interpretations of the history of the Greek Civil War: the methodological problemsThe idea of historical time is crucial from a methodological point of view as far as the study of political and social history are concerned. Especially about the history of the Greek Civil War, a period that convulsed public opinion and caused scientific interpretations overwhelmed by ideological and epistemological «burdens». The most important of them is the idea of a time constant, continual, without turnovers and breaks, that is time in the «common sense». This «time», according to its origins, self-determines its evolution, its «determination» explains all of the aspects and the historical stages and facts. This is the traditional assumption that change has always to be explained in terms of something fixed and unchangeable. As for the policy of the Greek Communist Party this notion of time provokes some historians to an explanation that associates this policy with the origins of its philosophical program and not with the «real history». This approach avoids to enquiry into the adaptation of this program to the demands of political relations in time, to counter policies and as a specification of social representations. It is mainly an unaltered policy that arises as the outcome of an assemblage of antecedent events that compose a passage of identities. Because of this domination of this notion of the «continuity» of time, the study of Greek Civil War reproduced the ideological configurations of the past. Therefore it has degraded very important aspects of historical reality, without giving adequate answers about them. These are the question of the deepest tasks of KKE and its strategy, the causes of the unscheduled creation of Democratic Army (ΔΣΕ) in the mountains, the role of the rival political powers, the extent of the possibilities of a negotiation, the relation between Greeks and the Great Powers. As the recent historical enquiries has showed —the edition of a book of Ph. Iliou signalled a new era in the interpretation of this period— a different methodological attitude is perhaps primarily useful on account of the errors it enables one to avoid, in particular in constructing the historical object. This article presents the implication between the dominant notion of «time», the difficulties in explanations and with the ability to overcome the epistemological «burdens» if is to be called into question the idea of historical time. This is important in order to break away from some presuppositions that are tacitly accepted by some historians. This new notion of time sweeps away the naively idealistic view of continuity, that traditional approaches have raised. Because it is history and the internal dynamic which carries evolution and not the historical unchanged «purposes».

Zoi Mella, The Greek Civil War and the Spanish Press during Franco's DictatorshipIn this article we would like to approach a quite unknown subject: the presence of the Greek Civil War in the Spanish Press. Our objective was to ascertain the impact this event had at the post war Spanish Press. How would react Spain in view of such a confrontation, especially since it had already experimented a Civil War? It was a complicated period for Greece, as well as for Spain, a time when both countries experienced problems of different nature but equally serious: Greece was suffering the devastating consequences of the Second World War and Spain was trying to encounter the contempt of the international political world. The Greek Civil War was the first confrontation between two worlds that were exiting reinforced from the Second World War. It became the field of conflict between the USSR and the Anglo-Saxon allies during several years. The interior problem of some rebels, who couldn't, or wouldn't, adapt themselves to the new post war situation or were discontented with the new regime, was transformed to an international matter of great impact, that managed to confront USSR, on one hand, and the US and Great Britain, on the other, in the International Organism of the United Nations. Our interest was centred in the various approaches that the newspapers and the magazines of the time made. Moreover we were interested in the points of view and the conclusions manifested by the diverse papers, according to their political and ideological affinities, without forgetting the strict regime of control and censure that was in force at that moment. This investigation forms part of a broader subject that is the bilateral relations of these two countries, rather different at first sight, that during the XX century were affected by very similar events, such as a civil war. ; Zoi Mella, The Greek Civil War and the Spanish Press during Franco's DictatorshipIn this article we would like to approach a quite unknown subject: the presence of the Greek Civil War in the Spanish Press. Our objective was to ascertain the impact this event had at the post war Spanish Press. How would react Spain in view of such a confrontation, especially since it had already experimented a Civil War? It was a complicated period for Greece, as well as for Spain, a time when both countries experienced problems of different nature but equally serious: Greece was suffering the devastating consequences of the Second World War and Spain was trying to encounter the contempt of the international political world. The Greek Civil War was the first confrontation between two worlds that were exiting reinforced from the Second World War. It became the field of conflict between the USSR and the Anglo-Saxon allies during several years. The interior problem of some rebels, who couldn't, or wouldn't, adapt themselves to the new post war situation or were discontented with the new regime, was transformed to an international matter of great impact, that managed to confront USSR, on one hand, and the US and Great Britain, on the other, in the International Organism of the United Nations. Our interest was centred in the various approaches that the newspapers and the magazines of the time made. Moreover we were interested in the points of view and the conclusions manifested by the diverse papers, according to their political and ideological affinities, without forgetting the strict regime of control and censure that was in force at that moment. This investigation forms part of a broader subject that is the bilateral relations of these two countries, rather different at first sight, that during the XX century were affected by very similar events, such as a civil war.

Kostas Sarris, Chrysanthos Notar as and the publication of "Dodekavivlos" by Dositheos of Jerusalem: a case of false publication date (1715 / c.1722)The article focuses on «Dodekavivlos» by Dositheos the patriarch of Jerusalem (1641-1707). His historiographic work was published after his decease by the Greek publishing house of Anthime in Bucharest. The book was edited by his nephew and successor to the patriarchical throne of Jerusalem Chrysanthos Notaras and the publisher and future bishop of Wallachia Mitrofanis Grigoras. The study concentrates on the false date of publication noted under the title of "Dodekavivlos", that is to say, October 1715, whereas, in reality, the book was published between 1721 and 1723. In the first part of the article, the process followed during the edition and the publication of the book is depicted. Moreover, the outset of the aforementioned procedure as well as the publication date of «Dodekavivlos» is determined. In this context, some aspects of history of the publishing house Anthime are clarified whilst the publishing work and the technical impediments confronted by a Greek publishing house in the Rumanian Principalities in the turning point of the 18th century are delineated. The second part of the article attempts to formulate a cohesive and comprehensive interpretation of the false publication date. Both the polemic character of the content of «Dodekavivlos», which due to the rivalry over the religious establishments of the Holy Land, was of political nature, and Chrysanthos Notaras' correspondence along with the historical background of the publication can conduce to some conjectures over Chrysanthos' decision not to record the real date but an earlier one as well as the choice of the particular date of the title. According to the interpretation brought forward, Nicolaos Mavrokordatos' potential political ventures played a significant role. Also, telltale, though of less importance, is the fact that the name of the publisher and bishop of Wallachia Anthimos Iviritis is not recorded under the false date of the title of «Dodekavivlos». ; Kostas Sarris, Chrysanthos Notar as and the publication of "Dodekavivlos" by Dositheos of Jerusalem: a case of false publication date (1715 / c.1722)The article focuses on «Dodekavivlos» by Dositheos the patriarch of Jerusalem (1641-1707). His historiographic work was published after his decease by the Greek publishing house of Anthime in Bucharest. The book was edited by his nephew and successor to the patriarchical throne of Jerusalem Chrysanthos Notaras and the publisher and future bishop of Wallachia Mitrofanis Grigoras. The study concentrates on the false date of publication noted under the title of "Dodekavivlos", that is to say, October 1715, whereas, in reality, the book was published between 1721 and 1723. In the first part of the article, the process followed during the edition and the publication of the book is depicted. Moreover, the outset of the aforementioned procedure as well as the publication date of «Dodekavivlos» is determined. In this context, some aspects of history of the publishing house Anthime are clarified whilst the publishing work and the technical impediments confronted by a Greek publishing house in the Rumanian Principalities in the turning point of the 18th century are delineated. The second part of the article attempts to formulate a cohesive and comprehensive interpretation of the false publication date. Both the polemic character of the content of «Dodekavivlos», which due to the rivalry over the religious establishments of the Holy Land, was of political nature, and Chrysanthos Notaras' correspondence along with the historical background of the publication can conduce to some conjectures over Chrysanthos' decision not to record the real date but an earlier one as well as the choice of the particular date of the title. According to the interpretation brought forward, Nicolaos Mavrokordatos' potential political ventures played a significant role. Also, telltale, though of less importance, is the fact that the name of the publisher and bishop of Wallachia Anthimos Iviritis is not recorded under the false date of the title of «Dodekavivlos».

Athéna Georganta, Kalvos et la Charbonnerie européenneLa présente étude tente d'éclairer les liens avec la Charbonnerie d'undes plus grands poètes de la littérature néohellénique. Il s'agit du poèteromantique Andréas Kalvos, qui était membre de la Charbonnerie italienneet avait participé à la révolution de carbonari italiens (1820-1821).Dans les études néohelléniques, on prit connaissance tardivement, c'està-dire dans les années I960, de l'engagement de Kalvos avec la Charbonnerieitalienne. Ceci grâce aux longues recherches dans les archivesitaliennes effectuées par un historien grec (K. Porfyris).Kalvos fut élevé, éduqué et formé dans les grands centres politiqueset culturels de l'Europe occidentale du début du XIXème siècle (en Italie, à Londres, à Genève, à Paris). Sa vie et son oeuvre restent, jusqu'ànos jours, le plus grand mystère de la littérature néohellénique. Unebonne partie de ce mystère est liée à son identité et à sa formation deCarbonaro.La production poétique de Kalvos est contenue dans deux petitsrecueils d'Odes publiés à Genève en 1824 et à Paris en 1826. Un chercheurgrec (L. Zafeiriou) découvrit récemment, en 2002, le premier poèmeque Kalvos écrivit en grec, publié à Londres en 1819. Il est à noter quele catéchisme symbolique des Carbonari fut enregistré même dans cepetit poème écrit en Angleterre, où se réfugiaient à l'époque de nombreuxrévolutionnaires italiens. La Charbonnerie évolua aussi dans le milieu desexilés à Londres.Le présent article est extrait d'une recherche qui concerne les relationsde Kalvos avec les sociétés des Carbonari italiens et français, aussibien qu'avec les Carbonari de Genève (la ville suisse était alors le siègede Philippe Buonarroti). En même temps, le but littéraire de ma rechercheest de déchiffrer les codes cachés de la Charbonnerie dans l'oeuvrepoétique de Kalvos; c'est-à-dire, interpréter ses vers aussi à la lumièredu symbolisme sibyllin du carbonarisme.L'article expose d'abord les relations peu connues de Kalvos avecles anciens Carbonari du journal Le Globe. Ensuite, il se focalise sur lepremier recueil d'Odes kalviennes, celui de Genève. L'interprétation proposéese réfère au symbole de la Vertu et à la triade sacrée des Carbonari(Foi, Espérance, Charité). L'examen de dix Odes révèle plusieurs exemplessignificatifs. La perspective de recherche se base sur des sources primairesrelatives au rituel et au catéchisme des Carbonari italiens et français.L'article conclut que les mots sacrés et les symboles de la Charbonneriequi furent incorporés dans les Odes de Kalvos sont en nombresimpressionnants. Ils nous permettent de considérer son oeuvre commel'un des rares documents, peut-être même le seul texte poétique, issu del'histoire de la Charbonnerie. ; Athéna Georganta, Kalvos et la Charbonnerie européenneLa présente étude tente d'éclairer les liens avec la Charbonnerie d'undes plus grands poètes de la littérature néohellénique. Il s'agit du poèteromantique Andréas Kalvos, qui était membre de la Charbonnerie italienneet avait participé à la révolution de carbonari italiens (1820-1821).Dans les études néohelléniques, on prit connaissance tardivement, c'està-dire dans les années I960, de l'engagement de Kalvos avec la Charbonnerieitalienne. Ceci grâce aux longues recherches dans les archivesitaliennes effectuées par un historien grec (K. Porfyris).Kalvos fut élevé, éduqué et formé dans les grands centres politiqueset culturels de l'Europe occidentale du début du XIXème siècle (en Italie, à Londres, à Genève, à Paris). Sa vie et son oeuvre restent, jusqu'ànos jours, le plus grand mystère de la littérature néohellénique. Unebonne partie de ce mystère est liée à son identité et à sa formation deCarbonaro.La production poétique de Kalvos est contenue dans deux petitsrecueils d'Odes publiés à Genève en 1824 et à Paris en 1826. Un chercheurgrec (L. Zafeiriou) découvrit récemment, en 2002, le premier poèmeque Kalvos écrivit en grec, publié à Londres en 1819. Il est à noter quele catéchisme symbolique des Carbonari fut enregistré même dans cepetit poème écrit en Angleterre, où se réfugiaient à l'époque de nombreuxrévolutionnaires italiens. La Charbonnerie évolua aussi dans le milieu desexilés à Londres.Le présent article est extrait d'une recherche qui concerne les relationsde Kalvos avec les sociétés des Carbonari italiens et français, aussibien qu'avec les Carbonari de Genève (la ville suisse était alors le siègede Philippe Buonarroti). En même temps, le but littéraire de ma rechercheest de déchiffrer les codes cachés de la Charbonnerie dans l'oeuvrepoétique de Kalvos; c'est-à-dire, interpréter ses vers aussi à la lumièredu symbolisme sibyllin du carbonarisme.L'article expose d'abord les relations peu connues de Kalvos avecles anciens Carbonari du journal Le Globe. Ensuite, il se focalise sur lepremier recueil d'Odes kalviennes, celui de Genève. L'interprétation proposéese réfère au symbole de la Vertu et à la triade sacrée des Carbonari(Foi, Espérance, Charité). L'examen de dix Odes révèle plusieurs exemplessignificatifs. La perspective de recherche se base sur des sources primairesrelatives au rituel et au catéchisme des Carbonari italiens et français.L'article conclut que les mots sacrés et les symboles de la Charbonneriequi furent incorporés dans les Odes de Kalvos sont en nombresimpressionnants. Ils nous permettent de considérer son oeuvre commel'un des rares documents, peut-être même le seul texte poétique, issu del'histoire de la Charbonnerie.

Lambros Flitouris, The Suez Crisis and the Greek-French Relations The Suez crisis in 1956 constitutes an important point in the development of the international relations at the period of the cold war. 1956 is a landmark year for the appointment of the Arabic nationalism as a basic constitutive element of the anti-colonialist wave that convulsed the world. During this period, the relations of Greece with the states involved in the crisis were to a large extent precarious. The anti-imperialists tones of Nasser found impression in the Greek common opinion that was exceptionally irritated from the EOKA's fight in Cyprus. In the present article we examine one particular aspect of the crisis: the relations of Greece with France. The agreements of economic collaboration that was achieved by Markezinis in 1953 signalled a new era in the activation of French capital in Greece. In combination with the big cultural tradition that Prance had in the country but also with the crisis in the relations of Greece with the UK because of the Cypriot question, the French factor in Greece acquired a great importance. However, the French diplomacy followed the policy of London and because of this the relations between Greece and France faced their more important post-war crisis. The Greek common opinion also turned against France, while the French diplomacy lost a great opportunity to strengthen her place in Greece. In the sector of economic relations and cultural exchanges befell a period of algidity with extensions in the Greek internal political life. The crisis of the period 1956-1958 constituted a negative parenthesis in the traditionally good relations between Athens and Paris, while it could be characterized as an adjacent negative result of the anti-colonial struggle and the Cypriot affair. ; Lambros Flitouris, The Suez Crisis and the Greek-French RelationsThe Suez crisis in 1956 constitutes an important point in the development of the international relations at the period of the cold war. 1956 is a landmark year for the appointment of the Arabic nationalism as a basic constitutive element of the anti-colonialist wave that convulsed the world. During this period, the relations of Greece with the states involved in the crisis were to a large extent precarious. The anti-imperialists tones of Nasser found impression in the Greek common opinion that was exceptionally irritated from the EOKA's fight in Cyprus. In the present article we examine one particular aspect of the crisis: the relations of Greece with France. The agreements of economic collaboration that was achieved by Markezinis in 1953 signalled a new era in the activation of French capital in Greece. In combination with the big cultural tradition that Prance had in the country but also with the crisis in the relations of Greece with the UK because of the Cypriot question, the French factor in Greece acquired a great importance. However, the French diplomacy followed the policy of London and because of this the relations between Greece and France faced their more important post-war crisis. The Greek common opinion also turned against France, while the French diplomacy lost a great opportunity to strengthen her place in Greece. In the sector of economic relations and cultural exchanges befell a period of algidity with extensions in the Greek internal political life. The crisis of the period 1956-1958 constituted a negative parenthesis in the traditionally good relations between Athens and Paris, while it could be characterized as an adjacent negative result of the anti-colonial struggle and the Cypriot affair.

Nikos Potamianos, The Radical Right and the Agrarian Question in the Early 20th Century. The Case of Christovassilis and the "Hellenism Asosociation"The subject of this article is an aspect of the history of the radical right in Greece, namely its intellectual and political response to the agrarian question which emerged in Greece at the end of the 19th century after the incorporation of new provinces where large landownership was predominant. In particular, the arguments and theses of a cadre of the biggest nationalist league of Athens in 1907 are examined, in contrast to its earlier views on the agrarian question and in contrast to the discourse of the radical supporters of the sharecroppers as well as the landowners. Christovassilis adopts a pro-peasant stand, attacking capitalist landowners and indirectly proposing the purchase of the land by its cultivators with the assistance of the state. However, his main aim was to prove that parliamentary democracy was incapable of improving the sharecroppers' situation, a task which only an authoritarian state could accomplish. Crucial in Christovassilis' arguments was the use of nationalist discourse in order to legalize sharecroppers' demands: he linked the peasants' struggle for land in the past with the national conflict with the Ottoman conquerors, equating land with fatherland and, therefore, the ownership of land of Thessaly with the peasants' participation in the nation. Christovassilis' earlier views which put emphasis on the social aspects of the agrarian question gave way to the pre-ponderance of the nationalist argument, which was in turn related to other aspects of the ideology of the radical right. "Hellenism" followed a strategy of appealing to the mobilized subordinate classes — but without totally adopting their point of view. It was always clear that the viewpoint of the association was that of paternalism, not of emancipation. One of the points of its criticism against the democratic state was that the latter was not powerful enough torepress the impending peasant revolt. The restoration of law and orderwas for the radical right more important than the improvement of the living conditions of the lower strata. And the adoption of popular demands, in general, proved to be merely rhetoric: when the class struggle became more intense, especially in the case of the agrarian movementof 1910, "Hellenism" remained aloof. ; Nikos Potamianos, The Radical Right and the Agrarian Question in the Early 20th Century. The Case of Christovassilis and the "Hellenism Asosociation"The subject of this article is an aspect of the history of the radical right in Greece, namely its intellectual and political response to the agrarian question which emerged in Greece at the end of the 19th century after the incorporation of new provinces where large landownership was predominant. In particular, the arguments and theses of a cadre of the biggest nationalist league of Athens in 1907 are examined, in contrast to its earlier views on the agrarian question and in contrast to the discourse of the radical supporters of the sharecroppers as well as the landowners. Christovassilis adopts a pro-peasant stand, attacking capitalist landowners and indirectly proposing the purchase of the land by its cultivators with the assistance of the state. However, his main aim was to prove that parliamentary democracy was incapable of improving the sharecroppers' situation, a task which only an authoritarian state could accomplish. Crucial in Christovassilis' arguments was the use of nationalist discourse in order to legalize sharecroppers' demands: he linked the peasants' struggle for land in the past with the national conflict with the Ottoman conquerors, equating land with fatherland and, therefore, the ownership of land of Thessaly with the peasants' participation in the nation. Christovassilis' earlier views which put emphasis on the social aspects of the agrarian question gave way to the pre-ponderance of the nationalist argument, which was in turn related to other aspects of the ideology of the radical right. "Hellenism" followed a strategy of appealing to the mobilized subordinate classes — but without totally adopting their point of view. It was always clear that the viewpoint of the association was that of paternalism, not of emancipation. One of the points of its criticism against the democratic state was that the latter was not powerful enough torepress the impending peasant revolt. The restoration of law and orderwas for the radical right more important than the improvement of the living conditions of the lower strata. And the adoption of popular demands, in general, proved to be merely rhetoric: when the class struggle became more intense, especially in the case of the agrarian movementof 1910, "Hellenism" remained aloof.

Konstantinos Katsoudas, "A Dictatorship that is not a Dictatorship". Spanish Nationalists and the 4th of August The Spanish Civil War convulsed the international public opinion and prompted most foreign governments to take measures or even intervene in the conflict. Greek entanglement either in the form of smuggling war materiel or the participation of Greek volunteers in the International Brigades has already been investigated. However, little is known about a second dimension of this internationalization of the war: the peculiar forms that the antagonism between the two belligerent camps in foreign countries took. This paper, based mainly on Spanish archival sources, discusses some aspects of the activity developed in Greece by Franco's nationalists and the way Francoist diplomats and emissaries perceived the nature of an apparently similar regime, such as the dictatorship led by general Metaxas. The main objectives of the Francoist foreign policy were to avoid any escalation of the Spanish civil war into a world conflict, to secure international assistance for the right-wing forces and to undermine the legitimacy of the legal Republican government. In Greece, an informal diplomatic civil war broke out since Francoists occupied the Spanish Legation in Athens and Republicans took over the Consulate in Thessaloniki. The Francoists combined public and undercover activity: they worked hard to achieve an official recognition of their Estado Nuevo, while at the same time created rings of espionage and channels of anticommunist propaganda. The reason of their partial breakthroughs was that, contrary to their Republican enemies, the Nationalists enjoyed support by a significant part of the Greek political world, which was ideologically identified with their struggle. Francoist anti-communism had some interesting implications for Greek politics. An important issue was the Francoist effort to reveal a supposed Moscow-based conspiracy against Spain and Greece, both considered as hotbeds of revolution in the Mediterranean, in order to justify both Franco's extermination campaign and Metaxas' coup. Although this effort was based on fraudulent documents, forged by an anti-Bolshevik international organization, it became the cornerstone of Francoist and Metaxist propaganda. General Metaxas was the only European dictator to invoke the Spanish Civil War as a raison d'etre of his regime and often warned against the repetition of Spanish-like drama on Greek soil. Nevertheless he did not approve of Franco's methods and preferred Dr. Salazar's Portugal as an institutional model closer to his vision. For Spanish nationalist observers this was a sign of weakness. They interpreted events in Greece through the disfiguring mirror of their own historic experience: thus, although they never called in question Metaxas' authoritarian motives, the 4th of August regime was considered too mild and soft compared to Francoism (whose combativeness and fanaticism, as they suggested, the Greek General should have imitated); it reminded them the dictatorship founded in Spain by General Primo de Rivera in 1920s, whose inadequacy paved the way for the advent of the Republic and the emergence of sociopolitical radicalism. Incidents of the following years, as Greece moved towards a civil confrontation, seemed to strengthen their views. ; Konstantinos Katsoudas, "A Dictatorship that is not a Dictatorship". Spanish Nationalists and the 4th of AugustThe Spanish Civil War convulsed the international public opinion and prompted most foreign governments to take measures or even intervene in the conflict. Greek entanglement either in the form of smuggling war materiel or the participation of Greek volunteers in the International Brigades has already been investigated. However, little is known about a second dimension of this internationalization of the war: the peculiar forms that the antagonism between the two belligerent camps in foreign countries took. This paper, based mainly on Spanish archival sources, discusses some aspects of the activity developed in Greece by Franco's nationalists and the way Francoist diplomats and emissaries perceived the nature of an apparently similar regime, such as the dictatorship led by general Metaxas. The main objectives of the Francoist foreign policy were to avoid any escalation of the Spanish civil war into a world conflict, to secure international assistance for the right-wing forces and to undermine the legitimacy of the legal Republican government. In Greece, an informal diplomatic civil war broke out since Francoists occupied the Spanish Legation in Athens and Republicans took over the Consulate in Thessaloniki. The Francoists combined public and undercover activity: they worked hard to achieve an official recognition of their Estado Nuevo, while at the same time created rings of espionage and channels of anticommunist propaganda. The reason of their partial breakthroughs was that, contrary to their Republican enemies, the Nationalists enjoyed support by a significant part of the Greek political world, which was ideologically identified with their struggle. Francoist anti-communism had some interesting implications for Greek politics. An important issue was the Francoist effort to reveal a supposed Moscow-based conspiracy against Spain and Greece, both considered as hotbeds of revolution in the Mediterranean, in order to justify both Franco's extermination campaign and Metaxas' coup. Although this effort was based on fraudulent documents, forged by an anti-Bolshevik international organization, it became the cornerstone of Francoist and Metaxist propaganda. General Metaxas was the only European dictator to invoke the Spanish Civil War as a raison d'etre of his regime and often warned against the repetition of Spanish-like drama on Greek soil. Nevertheless he did not approve of Franco's methods and preferred Dr. Salazar's Portugal as an institutional model closer to his vision. For Spanish nationalist observers this was a sign of weakness. They interpreted events in Greece through the disfiguring mirror of their own historic experience: thus, although they never called in question Metaxas' authoritarian motives, the 4th of August regime was considered too mild and soft compared to Francoism (whose combativeness and fanaticism, as they suggested, the Greek General should have imitated); it reminded them the dictatorship founded in Spain by General Primo de Rivera in 1920s, whose inadequacy paved the way for the advent of the Republic and the emergence of sociopolitical radicalism. Incidents of the following years, as Greece moved towards a civil confrontation, seemed to strengthen their views.

Despina Iosif, «Christianos ad Leonem». The Case of Perpetua Two Greek editions of the diary of Perpetua have recently appeared, one by Polymnia Athanassiadi and the other by Thanassis Georgiadis, both bound to attract attention. Perpetua lived at Thuburbo Minus, west of Carthage in North Africa. She was an upper class, well-educated Roman citizen, twenty-two years of age, newly married and mother of a baby boy, who converted to Christianity and chose martyrdom instead of sacrificing to the traditional gods of the Roman Empire. Her decision was interpreted as an insult to the gods and the emperors, and a direct challenge to the established order and resulted in her being sentenced to death to the beasts of the arena in Carthage in 203 CE. It was a well-established Roman belief that the traditional gods offered military victories, stability, prosperity and grandeur to the Roman people. In return and to secure the continuation of this benevolence, the Roman people carried certain strictly defined rites in honour of their gods. Pagan religion was less a matter of personal devotion than of national significance. The Christians despised the traditional gods, declaring that they did not exist or that they were malevolent demons and neglected or obstructed the traditional religious rites. This conduct disrupted the agreement the Romans had made with their gods and made the empire vulnerable. From the second century on, natural disasters were being attributed to the wrath of gods as a result of the Christian atheism and the hatred Christians allegedly had for the world. It is extremely fortunate that Perpetua's diary, which she kept while in prison awaiting her death, has survived. It is a bold, vivid and honest account of her prison life, her dreams and the hopeless efforts of her father to persuade her to conform and sacrifice. The fact that the text praised prophesy and placed martyrs above the established church hierarchy led scholars to believe that is was a Montanist product. Fourth and fifth century bishops felt uncomfortable with Perpetua's diary and surrounded it with homiletic commentaries. Instead of letting the text speak directly to the community of the faithful, they guided the understanding of words, subtly changing its messages, and controlled its dissemination. They made Perpetua less appealing as a role model and less threatening to the social order. The impression and fascination her diary exerted, however, remain unchanged. ; Despina Iosif, «Christianos ad Leonem». The Case of Perpetua Two Greek editions of the diary of Perpetua have recently appeared, one by Polymnia Athanassiadi and the other by Thanassis Georgiadis, both bound to attract attention. Perpetua lived at Thuburbo Minus, west of Carthage in North Africa. She was an upper class, well-educated Roman citizen, twenty-two years of age, newly married and mother of a baby boy, who converted to Christianity and chose martyrdom instead of sacrificing to the traditional gods of the Roman Empire. Her decision was interpreted as an insult to the gods and the emperors, and a direct challenge to the established order and resulted in her being sentenced to death to the beasts of the arena in Carthage in 203 CE. It was a well-established Roman belief that the traditional gods offered military victories, stability, prosperity and grandeur to the Roman people. In return and to secure the continuation of this benevolence, the Roman people carried certain strictly defined rites in honour of their gods. Pagan religion was less a matter of personal devotion than of national significance. The Christians despised the traditional gods, declaring that they did not exist or that they were malevolent demons and neglected or obstructed the traditional religious rites. This conduct disrupted the agreement the Romans had made with their gods and made the empire vulnerable. From the second century on, natural disasters were being attributed to the wrath of gods as a result of the Christian atheism and the hatred Christians allegedly had for the world. It is extremely fortunate that Perpetua's diary, which she kept while in prison awaiting her death, has survived. It is a bold, vivid and honest account of her prison life, her dreams and the hopeless efforts of her father to persuade her to conform and sacrifice. The fact that the text praised prophesy and placed martyrs above the established church hierarchy led scholars to believe that is was a Montanist product. Fourth and fifth century bishops felt uncomfortable with Perpetua's diary and surrounded it with homiletic commentaries. Instead of letting the text speak directly to the community of the faithful, they guided the understanding of words, subtly changing its messages, and controlled its dissemination. They made Perpetua less appealing as a role model and less threatening to the social order. The impression and fascination her diary exerted, however, remain unchanged.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Tonia Kafetzaki, Female Contention and Communist Commitment: Working Women in the Midwar Novels and Essays of Galateia Kazantzaki The paper examines the representations of working women in the midwar novels of Galateia Kazantzaki (1881-1962), the relation of these representations to the author's political views on female labor —as articulated in two essays written in the same period—, as well as the manner in which her views are integrated into the discussion of these issues during this time period, specifically in the confrontation between the radical feminists, the socialists and the communists. G. K. was a writer with an enduring interest in the social status of women, an intellectual who actively participated in the debates of the Left regarding the role of art, and unswerving in her commitment to the communist movement. Including women in her work, she intended to denounce the decay of the bourgeois system that imposes upon women additional forms of exploitation, to tackle issues regarding the status of her female contemporaries and to examine women's labor in relation to women's emancipation perceived as a change in mentality and morals. Her prose in its entirety, literary and political, is an interesting expression of female contention in the period between the wars, an expression consistent with the basic tenets of the communist party, conversant with the views of the radical feminist scene, and showing a clear proximity to socialist opinions. Revealing a broader and more liberal attitude regarding women's labor and women's issues than the political party she is affiliated to, she chiefly expresses her concern for attaining a new female ethos, a new consciousness.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Anna Mahera, Émigration et développement économique dans la Grèce d'après guerre. L'approche du problème par le milieu politique de Centre-gauche Dans les premières années de l'après guerre, en Grèce se pose de nouveau le problème du mode de développement économique. En effet, la perspective de l'arrivée massive des capitaux américains en combinaison avec la disponibilité d'une main-d'oeuvre autochtone créent des conditions favorables à un projet d'industrialisation. C'est au sein des milieux politiques grecques qu'un tel projet est élaboré, alors que les instances internationales —comme le Food and Agriculture Organisation des Nations Unies— signalent les graves difficultés à surmonter. Progressivement, dans le climat de la guerre froide des années 1950, la quasi-totalité des forces politiques grecques ont abandonné l'idée d'un développement industriel, admettant la position subalterne occupée par le pays dans la division internationale du travail. Celui-ci doit se contenter au rôle de fournisseur de main-d'oeuvre vers les pays européens, en particulier vers l'Allemagne, en phase de reconstruction économique, à travers Γ émigration du travail qui prend une grande ampleur dans les années 1950 et 1960. Tout au plus, la Grèce peut-elle envisager le développement du secteur des services. Contrairement aux autres forces politiques, le Centre-gauche a parcouru ce chemin avec une décennie de retard, en raison de la présence en son sein d'une réflexion économique affirmée, émanant d'économistes de haut niveau, orientés vers l'économie de la planification, et peut-être aussi à cause de l'éloignement de ce milieu du jeu politique immédiat. Le rangement du Centre-gauche à la politique officielle d'émigration intereuropéenne a marqué la fin d'une période de fermentation sur le projet d'industrialisation de la Grèce dont l'origine remonte à l'entre-deux-guerres.