Suchergebnisse

The rights of people who are marginalised by their sexual orientation and gender identity (LGBTI) have improved in many countries. Largely, these achievements can be traced back to the 'spiral model' of factors including transnational mobilisation by the LGBTI rights movement, the actions of a few pioneering governments, and advances in the human rights frameworks of some international organisations (IOs). Yet a rising and increasingly globally connected resistance works against LGBTI rights. It rests predominantly in the hands of a transnational advocacy network (TAN) that attempts to lay claim to international human rights law by reinterpreting it. Drawing on a decade of fieldwork and 240 interviews with LGBTI, anti-LGBTI, and state and IO actors, this article explores how the conservative TAN functions, in terms of who comprises it and how its agenda is constructed. We argue that this TAN has employed many of the same transnational tools that garnered LGBTIQ people their widespread recognition. It also conforms to the spiral model of rights diffusion, but in a process we call a double helix. As the double-helix metaphor suggests, rival TANs have a reciprocal relationship, having to navigate each other's presence in an interactive space and thus using related strategies and instruments for mutually exclusive ends.

AbstractThe rights of people who are marginalised by their sexual orientation and gender identity (LGBTI) have improved in many countries. Largely, these achievements can be traced back to the 'spiral model' of factors including transnational mobilisation by the LGBTI rights movement, the actions of a few pioneering governments, and advances in the human rights frameworks of some international organisations (IOs). Yet a rising and increasingly globally connected resistance works against LGBTI rights. It rests predominantly in the hands of a transnational advocacy network (TAN) that attempts to lay claim to international human rights law by reinterpreting it. Drawing on a decade of fieldwork and 240 interviews with LGBTI, anti-LGBTI, and state and IO actors, this article explores how the conservative TAN functions, in terms of who comprises it and how its agenda is constructed. We argue that this TAN has employed many of the same transnational tools that garnered LGBTIQ people their widespread recognition. It also conforms to the spiral model of rights diffusion, but in a process we call a double helix. As the double-helix metaphor suggests, rival TANs have a reciprocal relationship, having to navigate each other's presence in an interactive space and thus using related strategies and instruments for mutually exclusive ends.

Resumo A partir da análise do conjunto decisório do STF, no qual, de um lado, há avanços em matéria de direitos LGBTI+ classicamente entendidos como tais, e, de outro, há graves retrocessos em matéria trabalhista, com especial destaque para as decisões relacionadas ao tema da terceirização, propõe-se uma análise crítica da ambiguidade do comportamento da Corte, considerando os lugares precários ocupados pelas pessoas LGBTI+ no mundo do trabalho. Em uma perspectiva queer, propõe-se uma expansão da compreensão de modo a compreender direitos trabalhistas como direitos LGBTI+.

Since prehistoric eras, people have expressed their emotions and ideas on the walls. With the invention of writing and fast development of technology, murals also have evolved and gained new dimensions. Graffiti, which is a type of mural, has its place among street arts with its oldest historical background. It is scribbled, scratched or painted on the city walls; hence, they become a protest communication tool with implicit messages. This study discusses the graffiti in the streets of Nicosia regarding the protection of fundamental universal rights and freedoms of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transsexual and intersexual (LGBTI) individuals and communities that conduct activities towards the raising awareness about such matters. The LGBTI-themed graffiti, which are analyzed in the current research, have been collected from the North Nicosia streets during the last five years. The semiotic analysis of all the LGBTI-themed graffiti indicates that these graffiti provide the marginalized communities and individuals with a tool to express their suppressed feelings, to protest the negative reaction toward them, and also to redefine their presence in the society and occupy the urban area. This study offers the first analysis and investigation into the LGBTI-themed graffiti in the North Nicosia.

Pouco mais de uma década de experimentação criativa de implementação de políticas públicas de direitos humanos de lésbicas, gays, bissexuais, travestis, transexuais, intersexos e outras identidades não cis-heteronormativas (LGBTI+), assistimos a ascensão da extrema direita ao Governo Federal e um fenômeno pelo qual a Ciência Política vem chamando por "desinstitucionalização". O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar o processo de desinstitucionalização que atualmente ocorre no subsistema de políticas públicas LGBTI+ no Brasil sob a gestão da pastora evangélica Damares Alves no então denominado Ministério da Mulher, da Família e dos Direitos Humanos no âmbito do Governo Bolsonaro (2019-atual). Para o desenvolvimento do trabalho, realizei análises documentais sobre textos jornalísticos e outros gêneros textuais disponibilizados na internet. Dentre os principais resultados estão o fim da Secretaria de Educação Continuada, Alfabetização, Diversidade e Inclusão do Ministério da Educação; o fim das campanhas específicas e direcionadas de prevenção às IST/Aids; a extinção do Conselho Nacional de Combate à Discriminação e Promoção dos Direitos de Lésbicas, Gays, Bissexuais, Travestis e Transexuais; a não-realização da 4ª Conferência Nacional LGBT, entre outras ações.

This article argues that public space is important for marginalised communities in order to ensure visibility and presence in public life. Often minority groups are excluded from democratic procedures which favour majority interests and preferences. This is not to say that minority interests are incompatible with those of the majority but some marginalised groups are not anchored in public space, can suffer discriminatory treatment and lack the ability to control dominant, usually negative, ascriptions of group identity. This article explores two cases of marginalised communities and access to public space in post-socialist Europe: Roma and the LGBTI communities. Both communities have attempted to ensure their presence in public space through 'Pride' parades across Central and Eastern European capitals. The purpose of pride parades is to demand rights as citizens, such as equality and respect, and to ensure visibility in public life. On the one hand, visibility is important for LGBTI communities who remain relatively hidden and fear 'coming out'. On the other hand, for Roma, who are highly visible, pride offers an opportunity to harness this visibility to challenge prevailing negative stereotypes through an affirmation of group identity.

Title: Analysis of the Case NH contra Associazione Avvocatura per i diritti LGBTI - Rete Lenford. Abstract: The present article is an analysis of the Case NH v. Associazione Avvocatura per i diritti LGBTI - Rete Lenford del TJUE Case C 507/18. In this particular case there is a clash between different rights such as access to labour, freedom of speech and the right to a life free from discrimination. With regards to access to labour, its extent will be studied, specifically relating to whether a current job call is necessary or not for it to be violated. The value of words in respect of freedom of speech and its reach will be analysed. Moreover, the situation of the LGBTIQ+ people in the European Union will be analysed. ; Fil: Minaggia, Gabriela. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Derecho. Buenos Aires, Argentina ; Segunda época - Antigua Revista Electrónica de la Cátedra Jean Monnet (2013 - 2019). -- Cofinanciada por la Unión Europea (UE). --Programa Erasmus, acrónimo de European Region Action Scheme for the Mobility of University Students (Plan de Acción de la Comunidad Europea para la Movilidad de Estudiantes Universitarios). -- Resumen: En el presente artículo se realiza un análisis del caso NH contra Associazione Avvocatura per i diritti LGBTI - Rete Lenford del TJUE Asunto C 507/18. En el caso de referencia se encuentran en pugna derechos como el acceso al trabajo, la libertad de expresión y el derecho a una vida libre de discriminación. Con respecto al acceso al trabajo, se estudiará la extensión del mismo, específicamente respecto de si es necesaria o no una convocatoria actual para que éste sea vulnerado. Se analizará el valor de las palabras en relación a la libertad de expresión y el alcance de las mismas. Asimismo, se analizará la situación del colectivo LGBTIQ+ en la Unión Europea.

Presenting the results from a survey exploring the understanding by emergency services personnel of the specific needs of LGBTI people before, during and after emergencies. The survey is part of a larger project assisting the emergency management sector to develop LGBTI-inclusive practices.

Since its inception, International Human Rights Law has been concerned with protecting those most exposed to violence and discrimination. However, their development in the aftermath of World War II ignored LGBTI people. The acknowledgment of this group as subjects of human rights has progressed slowly but inexorably. A good example of this is the 1950 European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. Although its provisions do not mention LGBTI people, it has eventually included them in its scope thanks to the case-law of the Court of Strasbourg. The same tendency is echoed in the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees. As a result, the refugee definition has evolved to accommodate persons who are very different in all probability from the people conceived by its drafters. Since the 1980s, LGBTI asylum-seekers have gradually acceded to refugee status. This is no small achievement. All too often, the violence suffered by these people is perpetrated while national authorities remain impassive or even participate in the oppression. Against this backdrop, many LGBTI people are forced to flee their countries of origin seeking the protection their States cannot or refuse to provide. However, the definition of refugee of the Geneva Convention fails to address issues of gender, sexual orientation, gender identity or expression and sexual characteristics, being more suitable to protect a male, European, cisgender and heterosexual refugee than an LGBTI asylum seeker. Although persecution on the grounds of sexual orientation or gender identity is now widely accepted in International Refugee Law, LGBTI asylum applications present a high degree of complexity, leading to many and varied issues affecting every element of the refugee definition. A sizeable number of these refugees flee to European States, whose societies portray themselves to the outside world as the strongest bulwarks of the LGBTI. However, European States are currently caught up in a primarily securitarian logic that sees refugees and irregular migrants as threats to their security, stability and "European way of life". As a result, regulations governing asylum status and procedures have been developing in an increasingly repressive way. The crisis of the Common European Asylum System that followed the arrival of large numbers of asylum seekers has led to a "new normal" in which the limitation of the rights of asylum seekers is not only legitimate and possible, but also desirable. In this thesis, we examine how this approach to migration affects LGBTI asylum seekers.

Introduction -- Transnational spaces of resistance -- Transforming conditions of feminist and LGBTI+ activism -- Solidarities across. Borders, belongings, movements -- Spaces of appearance and the right to appear. Transnational aspects of March 8 in local bodily assemblies -- Conclusion.