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"This book offers a sweeping and in-depth look at the global movement to curtail LGBTI rights, exploring both how this moral conservative movement functions-in terms of its key actors, claims, and venues of resistance-and how the LGBTI movement responds to it"--

The text describes the main progress in depicting the LGBTI topic in the Inter-American area. It begins with the analysis of some conceptual issues that are crossedto the topic and discuss the importance of including political commitments and statements in theresolutions adopted by the General Assembly of OAS (Organization of American States) related to theLGTBI community protection. Even though, a few cases have gone to the Inter-American Commission onHuman Rights, some landmark cases have deserved the Inter-American Court of Human Rights opinion.This produces an interesting case law on the matter. Finally, the text covers the latest Inter-American Convention on human rights adopted by the General Assembly of OAS in 2013, which includes the LGBTI community. That Conventionconstitutes the first regional treaty in force on the matter. ; El artículo describe los principales avances que han contribuidoa visibilizar la temática de las Lesbianas, Gays, Bisexuales, Travestis e Intersexuales (LGBTI) anivel interamericano. Para ello, comienza con el análisis de algunas cuestiones conceptuales queson transversales al tema y discute la importancia que tiene la inclusión de varios compromisospolíticos y declaraciones en las resoluciones de la Asamblea General de la OEA referentes a laprotección de la comunidad LGBTI. Si bien aún pocos casos han llegado a la Comisión Interamericanade Derechos Humanos, algunos casos emblemáticos han merecido el pronunciamiento de la CorteInteramericana de Derechos Humanos, lo que ya genera una jurisprudencia interesante sobre el tema.Finalmente, el texto aborda el contenido de la más reciente Convención Interamericana sobrederechos humanos adoptada por la Asamblea General de la OEA en 2013, la cual incluye dentro de suámbito de aplicación al colectivo LGBTI. Así, dicha Convención constituye el primer tratado regional en vigor referido a la materia.

Abstract
This study investigates virtual community-building practices and discriminatory views in PAL NWS, a Dutch-speaking Belgian far-right alternative news medium, by examining discussions in the comments sections. Thematic analysis was applied to a total of 1,127 comments by 343 users in response to 50 articles about LGBTI topics. The findings show that far-right alternative news sites can function as virtual communities that facilitate polarization. The comments exhibited a high level of hostility towards LGBTI individuals, particularly toward transgender people and public displays of LGBTI inclusion. Furthermore, Muslims were homogeneously perceived as homophobes, and LGBTI topics were understood as (woke) ideological suppression by a dogmatic minority. The results of this study have implications for understanding the dynamics of comments sections on alternative media and the potential for far-right news platforms to facilitate the spread of intolerance.

This article problematises protection for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) refugees in contexts of state-condoned persecution against this group. Based on ethnographic evidence from Kampala, Uganda, we draw attention to the homogenising tendencies of centralised protection systems in cities in the global south, which are primarily centred on nationality-based communities. We examine the processes of social exclusion that limit the involvement of LGBTI refugees from the Great Lakes Region in such communities, de facto placing them outside the parameters of institutional refugee protection. We then focus on their relational experiences of protection and safety within the office of an LGBTI support group in Kampala and argue for a micro-level approach that considers how LGBTI refugee protection is grounded in the geopolitics of the everyday. Our findings underscore the limitations of institutional policy and practice, which continues to overlook the protection gap that exists for LGBTI persons within the refugee population in Uganda. In order to remedy this protection gap, we suggest that a critical reconsideration is needed of the participatory spaces and cooperation between LGBTI refugee-led advocates and refugee serving institutions and decision-makers.

The rights of people who are marginalised by their sexual orientation and gender identity (LGBTI) have improved in many countries. Largely, these achievements can be traced back to the 'spiral model' of factors including transnational mobilisation by the LGBTI rights movement, the actions of a few pioneering governments, and advances in the human rights frameworks of some international organisations (IOs). Yet a rising and increasingly globally connected resistance works against LGBTI rights. It rests predominantly in the hands of a transnational advocacy network (TAN) that attempts to lay claim to international human rights law by reinterpreting it. Drawing on a decade of fieldwork and 240 interviews with LGBTI, anti-LGBTI, and state and IO actors, this article explores how the conservative TAN functions, in terms of who comprises it and how its agenda is constructed. We argue that this TAN has employed many of the same transnational tools that garnered LGBTIQ people their widespread recognition. It also conforms to the spiral model of rights diffusion, but in a process we call a double helix. As the double-helix metaphor suggests, rival TANs have a reciprocal relationship, having to navigate each other's presence in an interactive space and thus using related strategies and instruments for mutually exclusive ends.

AbstractThe rights of people who are marginalised by their sexual orientation and gender identity (LGBTI) have improved in many countries. Largely, these achievements can be traced back to the 'spiral model' of factors including transnational mobilisation by the LGBTI rights movement, the actions of a few pioneering governments, and advances in the human rights frameworks of some international organisations (IOs). Yet a rising and increasingly globally connected resistance works against LGBTI rights. It rests predominantly in the hands of a transnational advocacy network (TAN) that attempts to lay claim to international human rights law by reinterpreting it. Drawing on a decade of fieldwork and 240 interviews with LGBTI, anti-LGBTI, and state and IO actors, this article explores how the conservative TAN functions, in terms of who comprises it and how its agenda is constructed. We argue that this TAN has employed many of the same transnational tools that garnered LGBTIQ people their widespread recognition. It also conforms to the spiral model of rights diffusion, but in a process we call a double helix. As the double-helix metaphor suggests, rival TANs have a reciprocal relationship, having to navigate each other's presence in an interactive space and thus using related strategies and instruments for mutually exclusive ends.

Resumo A partir da análise do conjunto decisório do STF, no qual, de um lado, há avanços em matéria de direitos LGBTI+ classicamente entendidos como tais, e, de outro, há graves retrocessos em matéria trabalhista, com especial destaque para as decisões relacionadas ao tema da terceirização, propõe-se uma análise crítica da ambiguidade do comportamento da Corte, considerando os lugares precários ocupados pelas pessoas LGBTI+ no mundo do trabalho. Em uma perspectiva queer, propõe-se uma expansão da compreensão de modo a compreender direitos trabalhistas como direitos LGBTI+.

Since prehistoric eras, people have expressed their emotions and ideas on the walls. With the invention of writing and fast development of technology, murals also have evolved and gained new dimensions. Graffiti, which is a type of mural, has its place among street arts with its oldest historical background. It is scribbled, scratched or painted on the city walls; hence, they become a protest communication tool with implicit messages. This study discusses the graffiti in the streets of Nicosia regarding the protection of fundamental universal rights and freedoms of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transsexual and intersexual (LGBTI) individuals and communities that conduct activities towards the raising awareness about such matters. The LGBTI-themed graffiti, which are analyzed in the current research, have been collected from the North Nicosia streets during the last five years. The semiotic analysis of all the LGBTI-themed graffiti indicates that these graffiti provide the marginalized communities and individuals with a tool to express their suppressed feelings, to protest the negative reaction toward them, and also to redefine their presence in the society and occupy the urban area. This study offers the first analysis and investigation into the LGBTI-themed graffiti in the North Nicosia.

Pouco mais de uma década de experimentação criativa de implementação de políticas públicas de direitos humanos de lésbicas, gays, bissexuais, travestis, transexuais, intersexos e outras identidades não cis-heteronormativas (LGBTI+), assistimos a ascensão da extrema direita ao Governo Federal e um fenômeno pelo qual a Ciência Política vem chamando por "desinstitucionalização". O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar o processo de desinstitucionalização que atualmente ocorre no subsistema de políticas públicas LGBTI+ no Brasil sob a gestão da pastora evangélica Damares Alves no então denominado Ministério da Mulher, da Família e dos Direitos Humanos no âmbito do Governo Bolsonaro (2019-atual). Para o desenvolvimento do trabalho, realizei análises documentais sobre textos jornalísticos e outros gêneros textuais disponibilizados na internet. Dentre os principais resultados estão o fim da Secretaria de Educação Continuada, Alfabetização, Diversidade e Inclusão do Ministério da Educação; o fim das campanhas específicas e direcionadas de prevenção às IST/Aids; a extinção do Conselho Nacional de Combate à Discriminação e Promoção dos Direitos de Lésbicas, Gays, Bissexuais, Travestis e Transexuais; a não-realização da 4ª Conferência Nacional LGBT, entre outras ações.

This article argues that public space is important for marginalised communities in order to ensure visibility and presence in public life. Often minority groups are excluded from democratic procedures which favour majority interests and preferences. This is not to say that minority interests are incompatible with those of the majority but some marginalised groups are not anchored in public space, can suffer discriminatory treatment and lack the ability to control dominant, usually negative, ascriptions of group identity. This article explores two cases of marginalised communities and access to public space in post-socialist Europe: Roma and the LGBTI communities. Both communities have attempted to ensure their presence in public space through 'Pride' parades across Central and Eastern European capitals. The purpose of pride parades is to demand rights as citizens, such as equality and respect, and to ensure visibility in public life. On the one hand, visibility is important for LGBTI communities who remain relatively hidden and fear 'coming out'. On the other hand, for Roma, who are highly visible, pride offers an opportunity to harness this visibility to challenge prevailing negative stereotypes through an affirmation of group identity.

Title: Analysis of the Case NH contra Associazione Avvocatura per i diritti LGBTI - Rete Lenford. Abstract: The present article is an analysis of the Case NH v. Associazione Avvocatura per i diritti LGBTI - Rete Lenford del TJUE Case C 507/18. In this particular case there is a clash between different rights such as access to labour, freedom of speech and the right to a life free from discrimination. With regards to access to labour, its extent will be studied, specifically relating to whether a current job call is necessary or not for it to be violated. The value of words in respect of freedom of speech and its reach will be analysed. Moreover, the situation of the LGBTIQ+ people in the European Union will be analysed. ; Fil: Minaggia, Gabriela. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Derecho. Buenos Aires, Argentina ; Segunda época - Antigua Revista Electrónica de la Cátedra Jean Monnet (2013 - 2019). -- Cofinanciada por la Unión Europea (UE). --Programa Erasmus, acrónimo de European Region Action Scheme for the Mobility of University Students (Plan de Acción de la Comunidad Europea para la Movilidad de Estudiantes Universitarios). -- Resumen: En el presente artículo se realiza un análisis del caso NH contra Associazione Avvocatura per i diritti LGBTI - Rete Lenford del TJUE Asunto C 507/18. En el caso de referencia se encuentran en pugna derechos como el acceso al trabajo, la libertad de expresión y el derecho a una vida libre de discriminación. Con respecto al acceso al trabajo, se estudiará la extensión del mismo, específicamente respecto de si es necesaria o no una convocatoria actual para que éste sea vulnerado. Se analizará el valor de las palabras en relación a la libertad de expresión y el alcance de las mismas. Asimismo, se analizará la situación del colectivo LGBTIQ+ en la Unión Europea.

Presenting the results from a survey exploring the understanding by emergency services personnel of the specific needs of LGBTI people before, during and after emergencies. The survey is part of a larger project assisting the emergency management sector to develop LGBTI-inclusive practices.