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New Leaders, Parties and Groups: Comparative Tendancies in Local Leadership Fiscal Austerity and Urdan Innovation Conference, Paris, april 1989 The paper proposes an analysis of determinants of public expenditures in French cities over 20.000 between 1983 and 1985. Different factors are estimated using bivariate analysis. Environmental determinants are contrasted with political variables including influence of the bureaucracy and pressure groups, and partisan ideology of mayors. Results show that ideology is more influential on short-term changes, while interest groups pressure is more significant on long term policy outputs. Among the latter, business groups seem more influential on local public spendings than services users or municipal employees. Different modes of interests articulation according to mayors partisan affiliation draw different patterns of influence on policies in French cities.

This paper investigates the long first decade of reform in China (1978-1992) to show that Mises, in particular his initiating contribution to the Socialist Calculation Debate, became relevant to the reconfiguration of China's political economy when the reformers gave up on the late Maoist primacy of continuous revolution and adhered instead to an imperative of development and catching up. During the Cultural Revolution, Mao had rejected the notions of efficiency and rational economic management. In the late 1970s, the reformers under Deng Xiaoping's leadership elevated these notions to highest principle. As a result, Mises' critique that socialism could not achieve a rational economic order came to be debated throughout the 1980s and Chinese economists developed their own reading of Mises and the Socialist Calculation Debate. When Deng Xiaoping reinstated market reforms in the early 1990s after the Tiananmen crackdown, a history of thought review of the possibility of rational socialism and socialist markets helped to justify the Socialist Market Economy with Chinese Characteristics the official designation of China's economic system to this day.

What are the path dependencies of universities that shape our modern understanding? How can the performance of universities be influenced beneficially from an external governance and internal management perspective? In particular, how are policy and university structures affecting university performance? The underlying concepts of those questions are the interplay of management and governance, which are key elements of a Corporate Governance. In particular, governance can be seen as the construction of a proper institutional framework, which is dependent on external measures like policy initiatives as well as the design of institutions and their power (may this be boards, management, etc.) in terms of incentives and control. Management is, on the one side the "technical" design of a position comprising a complex of tasks and on the other side dependent on the staffing of this position with a proper person that is able and motivated to fulfill those tasks. A Corporate Governance frame is the interaction of both that are ideally coordinated prudently to ensure the desired conduct of the distinct purposes of universities: research and teaching by a set of selection, control and incentive mechanisms. This dissertation wants to answer the outlined questions by first tracing the roots and path dependencies of German universities in chapter two. The third chapter helps to understand determinants and theoretical underpinnings of governance and management, in general and in particular, in the German higher education system, comprising policy interventions, institutional mechanisms and individual leadership elements. In the fourth chapter, a sketching systematization of the German higher education system and the dataset is presented to show the current state and result of the dynamics that were outlined historically and theoretically in chapters two and three. This is followed by three empirical research projects: First, the German Excellence Initiative – being a political governance instrument – gets evaluated. The analysis is tackling two questions: First, what was the impact of the Excellence Initiative on Excellence Universities as well as on the whole university system? Second, does a differentiation exist in terms of research quantity and research quality? The findings show that the Initiative was a role model in terms of research quantity – raising the quantitative output for the whole system and in particular for the winners – while it created a loosing winners effect in terms of research quality – raising the qualitative output for the system but decreasing it for the winners. Second, German university boards – being a control and power diffusion mechanism – are questioned in terms of whether and how they differ according to specific frameworks and competences. The testing of the difference hypotheses shows that the participation in deciding who is in the board as well as a president coming from outside or inside the university are related to the representation of societal, scientific or business members. Third, German university presidents – as personalities entering a management task – are researched. In particular, the research questions of (i) which personality traits influence to be perceived as leader (leadership emergence) and (ii) how leadership behavior contributes to be perceived as good leader (leadership effectiveness) are assessed. The results indicate that based on the Big 5 personality traits the only robust trait, which influences to be considered as a leader, is emotional stability. While considerable leadership behavior does not seem to influence leadership effectiveness, very low and very strong structure-giving behaviors are influencing it positively.

This book offers a fresh appraisal of the nature and significance of the democratic Left in the Global South. The moral and intellectual leadership of the Left is shifting south from its European birthplace. It is in the Global South, most notably in Latin America, that one finds newly self-confident progressive movements. This 'new' democratic Left includes parties and social movements that not only are avoiding the familiar pitfalls that ensnared socialists and social democrats in the twentieth century, but also are coping with the realities of the twenty-first century, especially neoliberal globalization. In analyzing and illustrating three innovative strategies - moderate social democracy, radical social-democratic transition to socialism, and Left populism - this study nudges the debate about the Left out of the well-worn grooves into which it has fallen in recent decades

"In November 2018, Baptist preacher Mark Harris beat the odds, narrowly fending off a blue wave in the sprawling Ninth District of North Carolina. But word soon got around that something fishy was going on in rural Bladen County. At the center of the mess was a local political operative named McCrae Dowless. Dowless had learned the ins and outs of the absentee ballot system from Democrats before switching over to the Republican Party. Bladen County's vote-collecting cottage industry made national headlines, led to multiple election fraud indictments, toppled North Carolina GOP leadership, and left hundreds of thousands of North Carolinians without congressional representation for nearly a year. In The Vote Collectors, Michael Graff and Nick Ochsner tell the story of the political shenanigans in Bladen County, exposing the shocking vulnerability of local elections and explaining why our present systems are powerless to monitor and prevent fraud. In their hands, this tale of rural corruption becomes a fascinating narrative of the long clash of racism and electioneering-and a larger story about the challenges to democracy in the rural South. At a time rife with accusations of election fraud, The Vote Collectors shows the reality of election stealing in one southern county, where democracy was undermined the old-fashioned way: one absentee ballot at a time"--

During the years of the Holocaust, British leadership was unable to perceive that the smoke of the chim neys of the death camps meant that their own world was also aflame. Bernard Wasserstein, in a superbly documented book, relates the disheartening story of the consequence of that failure of imagination and will. Britain's rescue policy fre quently tended to serve as an adjunct to Berlin's murderous plans for the Jews of Europe. It was a reflection of the low estate of British power and of an altered perception of Jewish influence in the world. Far more than Washington, London decision makers felt threatened by the Nazi ability to "dump" thousands, perhaps millions of Jews. That accounts for the 1939 White Paper and for the consistent failure to act on rescue opportunities. But Wasserstein is able to document how the reluctance of British decision makers to save Jewish lives often went beyond the question of wartime priorities and strategic needs. They rejected plans to send food pack ages to certain camps even while they fed occupied Greece throughout the war; they blocked the forming of a Jewish army, and the bombing of the death chambers was thwarted despite the approval of Churchill and Eden. Clearly the failure to seriously attempt the rescue of millions of Jewish lives went beyond the exigencies of war.

As community groups serving international visitors look toward the twenty-first century, they can be justly proud of their growth and accomplishments during the past 25 years. The citizen diplomat today is more sensi tive to the needs of visiting leaders and students and has more expertise in receiving them. Many relationships are emerging which result in long-term involvements in cultural and business contacts. Over 561 U.S. cities are twinned with 703 cities abroad, adding yet another dimension to the informal exchanges between the U.S. and other countries. National coordinating agencies, with the support and assist ance of the Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs of the Department of State and the Agency for International Development, provide solid leadership and good liaison be tween groups. State and municipal governments, with some exceptions, need to devote more attention to protocol for visits of high-ranking officials who are adding more U.S. cities to their itineraries. States and cities where Consular Corps members are located have a special obligation to these representatives of foreign governments. The nationwide net work of volunteer community organizations provides a unique experience for visiting foreigners, and the pro gramming compares favorably to other nations where more centralized control is exercised.

The probability that the criminal justice system will suffer a complete breakdown before the year 2000 should not be discounted. If law and social control systems are to accommodate change in their environment at the necessary rate, a new philosophy, as well as quite different operating procedures, must be worked out. The present strategy of law enforcement agencies to develop more-of-the-same can only ensure breakdown. Pressures for control will increase, and with each new pressure on criminals, more side-effects of these pressures will have an impact upon all citizens. The best moral standard which can be expected to guide policy in the intervening years is enlightened self-interest; this may suffice to ensure survival. The quality of that survival may be improved by the development of a new class of moral philosophers out of the ranks of scientists and technicians. No great new moral leadership is expected from organized religions. Politics will mix dangerous sentimentality and nos talgia with more than a small modicum of fear. Much of that fear will be focused on the criminal. Millions of dollars will continue to be wasted on research. If we wish for a better kind of future for criminal justice, we must start to invent it now. However, there is no indication that we are ready to consider the necessary issues.

The American legal system has not managed to escape the racism that permeates American life. Both historically and contemporaneously, the law has been the vehicle by which the generalized racism in the society has been made particular and converted in policies and standards of social control. Notwithstanding many countervailing experiences, many black Americans see their dominant experience with the law as that of the law's victim. Present efforts at using the law as an instrument of social change in order to relieve this victimization are encumbered by a lack of black direction of and control over the resources, policy, and personnel ostensibly organized to combat racism. The tyranny of a racist legal structure and the powerlessness of blacks in the face of white hegemony over most of the major legal institutions—public and private—which have been established to attempt to eradicate white racism, must both be answered by the reassertion by the black bar and the black community of their interests in shaping the decisions which so profoundly affect their lives. If leadership of this character articulates black priorities from the perspective of the community centrally affected, then all willing elements of the society can contribute usefully to the attainment of the goals of freedom with dignity for all.

Whitney Young was a man who transcended the boundaries of race, nationality, and ideology. He was fond of saying that there are no moderates in the civil rights move ment, that all are militants in the fight for justice. But his measure of militancy was not rhetoric but results; not prom ises but performance. He was probably the most influential private citizen in the field of human resources in the past century. He had a dream, a faith in the fundamental decency of people, a belief that people would act justly, if not out of altruism then out of self-interest. He tried to show this society that it was in its own self-interest to bring about equal life results for black people. His "domestic Marshall Plan" called for establishment of national priorities that would bring these results. His ultimate goal was an open society. The immediate task facing black people is to forge a unified program behind which all spectrums of black opinion may unite. A second key task facing black people is to construct meaningful coalitions with those elements of white society that can help us to bring about change. The role of govern ment in this key decade will be to provide the leadership and the programmatic restructuring of the torn social fabric of the nation.

During the next decade, the United States will be facing new global problems unimaginable a few years ago. In attempting to foresee these problems, there are two uncertain factors: (1) the extent of domestic problems' effects on our international role and (2) the extent of isolationist trends engendered by the waning "devil" theory of communism and by the frustrations resulting from the Vietnam war. The realities of the 1970's should include: a continued bipolar world; attempts by the two superpowers to alter international power relationships; greater co-operation between them in areas where neither has an overriding interest; further narrowing of the gap between the superpowers and the secondary powers; greater influence of China in Asia, counterbalanced by her internal struggles and the influence of Japan and India; gravitation of the regional alliances toward politico-economic rather than military objectives; proliferation of nuclear weapons, increasing world instability; widening of the gap between the developed and less-developed nations, with resultant tensions and population problems; increased multilateral aid, accompanied by self-help; and intensified trade and balance-of-payments difficulties. Great change, with potential dangers, will be the keynote of the next decade, but change and opportunity go hand-in-hand. Bold, effective leadership will be needed to deal with the challenges of the 1970's.—Ed.

Regardless of present trends toward review of our commitments abroad, it seems certain that the defense establishment will continue to play a major role in the formulation and implementation of United States foreign policy. The next President will face many knotty politico-military problems. If the Department of State is to play its proper leadership role in providing foreign policy guidance, a new look will have to be taken at the needs and resources for the management of those problems. Key issues of major importance must continue to receive the President's personal attention. However, day-to-day co-ordination between the Department of State, the Department of Defense, and the White House will have to be improved to handle the heavy volume of problems that must be staffed at a lower level. Further improvements should be made in the Senior Interdepartmental Group (SIG)-Interdepartmental Regional Group (IRG) system, particularly in the field of planning. Interagency task forces will provide the President with needed focusing and flexibility on major problems. In the field, the gap between the ambassador and military commander left by the Kennedy letter of May 29, 1961, should be closed, particularly during any contingency operations. Finally, even more Foreign Service officers should be educated by and exposed directly to the military.

Programs initiated or supported by the United States in relief of health problems abroad have increased stead ily from small beginnings at the midpoint of the nineteenth century. Federal departments carrying on international health programs in 1965 included State, Defense, Agriculture, Interior, Commerce, Labor, and Health, Education, and Welfare. Other government agencies with such programs are the Atomic Energy Commission, the National Science Foundation, the Veterans Administration, the Smithsonian Institution, and the Export- Import Bank. The United States is prominent in the World Health Organization (WHO) and the Pan-American Health Organization (PAHO), and contributes financially to nine ma jor regional organizations concerned with international health and sanitation. An expanding role for the United States in the area of international health was delineated in the President's message to Congress on February 2, 1966. The message called for attainment of five international objectives: (1) creation of an international career service in health; (2) help with health- manpower needs of developing nations; (3) augmented nutri tional programs; (4) widespread eradication of malaria, small- pox, and measles and control of many other diseases; and (5) co-operation in world-wide efforts to deal with population prob lems. Implementation of many of the projects would assign to the United States Public Health Service (PHS) a larger posi tion of leadership in our international health efforts.

The Aid to Families with Dependent Children program, which began in 1935 with the passage of the Social Security Act, has steadily increased in number of families and children served, reaching nearly a million families, in cluding over three million children, at the beginning of 1964. This program was aimed primarily at the problem of children left dependent by reason of death, incapacity, or continued absence from home of the parent who usually provided the family's means of support. The whole purpose of the program is not served by mere provision of financial aid to families who meet the requirements of eligibility, however. There has always been a concern that receipt of this form of aid have a constructive effect upon the lives of the families and children who are recipients of it. The 1962 amendments to the Social Security Act ushered in a new era of federal leadership and financial contribution to increase the emphasis upon social services to the families receiving this form of public aid. In a very real sense, the AFDC program is becoming the corner- stone of a multifaceted public family and child welfare program of aid and social services that is reaching into every locality of the nation and its territories.

The traditional city is in the process of trans formation into the metropolis. This new form of human settle ment has been made possible and necessary by increasing pro ductivity and increasing division of labor. It is the result of the interaction of two waves of migration, a long-distance movement from country to city and a more recent short-distance movement from center to periphery. The metropolis is sur rounded by a metropolitan region. The metropolis performs the traditional city function of central leadership plus the tradi tional countryside function of material production. Thus, the majority of the population in developed countries live in metropolitan areas, although each metropolitan populace is dis persed over a large territory containing both urban-developed land and open areas, with places of work and residence sepa rated. Residential areas are segregated according to class or income of their residents; the "good neighborhood" is a fiercely protected status symbol. Manufacturing is moving toward the satellite towns within metropolitan regions, and the me tropolis itself is becoming the center of service industry. These are the characteristics of the metropolis which produce a pattern of land use based on central business, industrial, residential, and open areas. In modifying the natural pattern of the metropolis to make it better, contradictory desiderata will have to be accommodated.